Note.—Although this is one of the shortest and apparently most trivial of the Odes in the Book of Poetry, it is credited by the Chinese editors with as much meaning as the largest. It is regarded, like so many more, as illustrating the extent of the reformation brought about by King Wăn. Not only was the kingdom better ruled, society better regulated, and individuals more self-disciplined and improved in manners, but the reformation affected all things: vegetation flourished, game became most abundant, hunting was attended to at the right seasons, and the benign influence of the King was everywhere felt by the people. The poet thinks it is sufficient to dwell upon these last characteristics. Probably the lines were written after some royal hunt.
P‘ei was one of three principalities which King Wu created after he overthrew the dynasty of Shang. It was in the north; and the two others were—Yung in the south, and Wei in the west. P‘ei and Yung were, after a short time, absorbed in Wei, which had a long history. We have, in Books III., IV. and V. titles taken from all three; but evidently the division is only artificial: the three Books might all have been included properly under the title Wei, since it is that State with which all are connected.
[The first stanza is in praise of his mother and wife.]
[The remainder is to be understood of King Wăn himself.]
[The second stanza begins abruptly with a description of the preparation by King T‘ai† for this new settlement in the plain of Chow and on Mount K‘i]:—
Edition: current; Page: [287][This Ode requires a little introduction, for general readers. It is in honour of How-tsih (or, more properly, of the How-tsih, a title meaning “lord of the millet,” his duties being the supervision of agriculture). The House of Chow traced their pedigree back to him, and when this dynasty was founded, sacrificial honours were paid to him. The Duke of Chow is said thereupon to have written this Ode, and probably it was “said or sung” at the time of the sacrifices. Kiáng Yün, the mother of How-tsih, is said to have been the Princess Consort of the Emperor Kuh, bc 2435-2357; but this can hardly have been so, because How-tsih flourished in the reign of Shun, which bears the date bc 2255-2205. In the legend of her son’s conception and birth, which is given in the first stanza of this Ode, while evidently they were believed to be miraculous, it is somewhat doubtful whether we are to translate (ti) in the sixth line by “God,” or by “Emperor” (meaning her husband.)*
The strange and easy birth, related in the second stanza, was regarded by the mother as an unlucky omen, and this explaint Edition: current; Page: [295] why in the third stanza she is represented as “exposing” him to be trampled on by cattle, then in the forest’s solitude, then on the ice. From all these dangers he had wonderful escapes, and she therefore took him back, and the name K‘i, “the Castaway,” was given to him in memory of these adventures. His early talent for husbandry grew with his years, he taught the people many improvements in it, and, becoming famous, the Emperor Yau at length made him Minister of Husbandry. The succeeding Emperor, Shun, made him Lord of T‘ai (stanza 5), and it was only after this that he became known as the How-tsih. The “old duke T‘an-fu,” mentioned in the “Wăn Wong” decade as the progenitor of the House of Chow, was his lineal descendant. How-tsih was, we are told here, the first to offer sacrifices as thank-offerings for the harvest, which were continued to the time of the Chow dynasty; but now, in the ritual of the Duke of Chow, he was joined with Heaven (
), like the deceased Emperors.]
[It is uncertain, but probable, that this Ode is again responsive,—the feasters of the last Ode expressing their admiration for their Prince and Host.]
[See III. ii. 9.—The poet here warns the king of the impending judgment of Heaven upon his misrule, drunkenness, and promotion of bad men to office.
In the first stanza we have the first intimation of the doctrine first instilled into all Chinese children at school at the present time and for centuries back, that man is born good, but deteriorates as life goes on.
The remaining stanzas afford an excellent instance of Chinese obliqueness in the way of putting things. King Li is warned by the warning that Wăn gave formerly to the last sovereign of the Yin-Shang dynasty. There was great boldness, however, in this, for the comparison is with one who is looked upon as China’s worst emperor, and Wăn had been put into prison for his remonstrance.]
[The king’s address to the dead]:—
[The king’s address to the dead]:—
[Shang,—also called Yin, and Yin-Shang, as appears elsewhere in this volume,—was the dynasty that preceded Chow. As in the case of the Chow poems, only certain kings are singled out from the many. Of these T‘ang, the founder of the dynasty, naturally has the chief place. There are said to have been seven poems, in addition to the following five, in existence at the beginning of the eighth century bc, but they appear not to have reached the hands of Confucius.]
[There is no variation of rhymes in the original in any stanza except the last; and this peculiarity is here preserved.]
The name Shi King is explained on the title-page, Shi meaning poetry or verse, and King a classic. There are several “King” in ancient Chinese lore, but the Shi and the Shu (History) are the principal.
It has of late been doubted, chiefly on account of their “elaborate and finished style,” whether these five are really older than the Chow poems; yet it is not clear what could be the object of forging any such. Each of them refers to matters which could have been of no importance to any other time than that which it commemorates.
I have been repeatedly cautioned by certain missionaries in China against the adoption in my translation of these terms, but I know not how otherwise to translate. Though the Chinese notion of the Supreme Being may be widely different in many respects from our own, and may be inferior even to those of Jews or Mahomedans, still there ought to be no more offensiveness in translating the terms Ti and T‘ien by “God” and “Heaven” than when Christians themselves adopted the Greek Theos and afterwards the very term “God” from heathen use.
IV. iii. 3.
N.B.—“Chow” and “How-tsih” should for uniformity’s sake be spelled with au, but they are too familiarly known in the East as here printed.
N.B.—These titles are assigned by the Translator. In the original the various pieces are known by the opening words only.
By “Chow” is here meant the Royal State, or crown-lands, as distinguished from the Feudal States around. It was the district in which the ancient Chow family had had their seat from bc 1325 to King Wăn’s time (1231-1135). It lay between the rivers Han and Wai (the latter a tributary of the Ho, or Yellow River). By “the South” we are to understand the States or country south of this Chow.
The song is supposed to have been made by the inmates of the Palace, the ladies of the harêm, who, it seems, were far from being jealous of her: see Ode 4. Her retiring, gentle ways and chaste disposition made her a proper match as the principal wife of this virtuous prince. For an account of Wăn see the whole of Part III. Book I.; in Odes 2 and 4 of that Book will also be found reference to his bride. Her name was T‘ai-sze.
There is a difference of opinion as to the name of the birds: some say they are ospreys or fish-hawks, some a species of duck, found always in pairs and inseparable.
Kwân, Kwân, onomatopoetic, like our “quack, quack”; but the Chinese commentators will have it that it is the harmonious call and response of the pairs of birds.
Strictly, an aquatic gentian,—marsh-flower; sought for its beauty and purity.
I give the meaning of these perplexing verbs as found in the old Chinese Dictionary, the Urh-ya.
“Lute” is here given for an instrument with a single octave of strings; “harp” for a larger instrument of the same kind with several octaves.
Bells and drums were much used in old China as musical instruments.
The creeper here specified (Kŏ) has no English name. It is a species from the fibres of which a material for clothing is made.
A Court-Stewardess, or Mistress of Ceremonies.
Referred also to T‘ai-sze.
The “mouse-ear” is a Chinese edible fungus; so called from its shape.
A cup made of rhinoceros’ or unicorn’s horn.
The creeper is here again the Kŏ. The bending trees would naturally seem to represent the husband, and the creepers the wife. But, the speakers being the concubines, some suppose that T‘ai-sze is the tree, and those ladies themselves the creepers, delighting in her society, and showing themselves absolutely free from jealousy.
Under the figure of the locusts—prolific and harmonious—a wish is here expressed for one of the blessings most highly valued by the Chinese,—a numerous progeny; or, if such were already the case with T‘ai-sze, then it is congratulation:—i, translated “may” in the third line, means strictly “it is fitting.” This piece is also supposed to emanate from the Court ladies, who, it is said, were willing even to count their own children as hers!
The maiden is not thus directly addressed in the original; but the above is otherwise exactly literal.
Under King Wăn’s rule men of all, even the humblest, classes who did their duty well and energetically were qualifying themselves for promotion. Two men are said in his reign to have been raised to the rank of Ministers from their rabbit-trapping.
This simple song is inserted to illustrate the cheerful industry of the time of peace brought about by King Wăn. The women go out collecting ribgrass or plantains for medicinal or other purposes after their ordinary day’s labours are over, and sing as they go.
King Wăn had brought about a great reformation in the manners of the people, which heretofore had been very dissolute. The damsels in the neighbourhood of the river Han could now roam unmolested; men could not mix even with the grass-cutters and fuel-gatherers, under the pretence of helping them. It was as if the broad Han and the long Kiang (the Yang-tse) kept them asunder.
A kind of southernwood is here named in the original.
The husband had been absent with Wăn (who at that time was in charge of military affairs) during the wars of Shau, the last and most tyrannical sovereign of the Shang dynasty.
Meaning that a year had passed, and spring had come again.
This last stanza is full of confused and certainly confusing metaphor. The bream’s tail is not naturally red, but is said to become so after lashing about in shallow waters: such was the husband’s sunburnt and beaten appearance when he returned. I have taken some liberty with the last three lines. In the original the characters literally mean
The Chinese commentators treat the words “house” and “flames” as representing government with barbarity; and Chu Hi, one of the best of these commentators, thinks that the expression “father and mother” refers, by way of contrast, to the paternal authority and protection of Wăn.
The lin was a fabulous creature, somewhat corresponding to our unicorn. It was supposed to appear only when a race of good rulers arose, as the auspice of all good. Its hoofs hurt nothing living, it did not butt with its brow, and its horn, though formidable-looking, was tipped with soft flesh. The song is in praise of King Wăn’s descendants and kindred. Surely the lin had come! The descriptive “chan chan” in each second line in the original has various meanings assigned to it, which may justify the varied translation given above.
Shâu was a feudal State west of the Chow of last Book, and adjoining it. Both together were originally one district, known as K‘i-Chow. “The South” refers to the lands south of Shâu.
The cockney rhyme must be pardoned; the words are a literal rendering.
The Ode is said to illustrate the influence of the reforms of King Wăn. The wife of a feudal prince is here praised for her diligence in preparing for her husband’s offerings in the ancestral temple.
The white southernwood.
Different seasons of the year are thus poetically referred to in the opening lines of each verse. The ferns were edible ones.
Further illustrating the reformations made by King Wăn. The women by the new rules are able to protect themselves against forcible seizure and marriage. Dr. Legge thus cites the account given by an ancient writer of the origin of these lines: “A lady of Shin was promised in marriage to a man of Fung. The ceremonial offerings from his family, however, were not so complete as the rules required; and when he wished to meet her and convey her home, she and her friends refused to carry out the engagement. The other party brought the case to trial, and the lady made this Ode, asserting that while a single ceremony was not complied with, she would not allow herself to be forced from her parent’s house.” The language of the piece is, however, very difficult and obscure.
Wu kiâ, lit., “without home”, but the commentators twist it into meaning “without going through the rites of engagement and betrothal.”
Kiâ shih puh tsuh;—“kiâ shih” often stands for husband and wife, and “puh tsuh” (lit., not sufficient) may simply mean “not quite.”
These seem to be the meanings of kih and tsung, as variations from the p‘i, the woolly skin of the first stanza. The idea of the writer seems to be that, however faded and worn these garments were, they still retained and exhibited entire their dignity and self-respect.
The husband being constantly called forth for military expeditions, the wife is led to think of him by the occurrence of storms, to which he must be exposed.
Lit., “callings in life are various.” The ladies of the bed-chamber, or inferior wives,—quasi servants,—are here represented, like those in Book I. (Odes 1 and 4), as recognizing their position, and as being free from envy of the lady who occupies the rank of “first wife.”
The words are put into the mouths of some Prince’s concubines. The new wife was at first jealous of these, but afterwards, owing, it is said, to the example of T‘ai-sze in King Wăn’s household, she ceased to be so.
Helping words are used in the translation, to give more clearly the idea in these lines of separation and reunion.
Native expositors find here an instance of maidenly modesty and virtue (another result of Wăn’s beneficent rule); but who will take the concluding lines in this light?
Lit., like a jewel.
The name “Ki,” in the original, was the surname of the House of Chow.
This was doubtless the son of one of the feudal lords or princes. Such marriages tended to strengthen the union of the States and the throne.
Tsow Yu was the name of a fabulous beast resembling a tiger, supposed to appear only in the time of princes of rare benevolence and uprightness. There is a later explanation of the term, which makes it the name of a celebrated hunter; but the old view is more probably the right one.
It is very probable that the first five Odes in this Book, and the third of the Odes of Wei (Bk. V.), are to be taken as referring to the same lady,—the wife of Duke Ch‘wang, of Wei (who ruled that state bc 756-734). Putting the six together, and the last first—as the Epithalamium—we have part of the story of this admirable and beautiful lady (Ch‘wang Kiang), as given in one or two histories of those times. The chief points in that story may be stated here. Ch‘wang Kiang had had the misfortune to be childless, and was in consequence rudely treated, and at length supplanted by another wife. The second wife, another lady of rank, bore a son, but he died in childhood. There was, however, another son (Hwan) by a concubine, the cousin of Ch‘wang Kiang, whom the duke looked upon as his successor, and Ch‘wang Kiang, at his wish, readily adopted the child as her own. On the death of the duke, a third son, Chow-Yu, the child of a concubine of meaner birth, brought trouble into the family, and in course of time murdered Hwan, and tried, but without success, to usurp his position.
The lamentations in many of these Odes are the usual tale of the misery resulting upon Eastern polygamy and concubinage; yet they reveal much that is noble and good in the character of the lady Ch‘wang.
See Ode 4. The reference to the sun and moon changing positions seems to point to her own abandonment for another.
This is truly Chinese. Ch‘wang Kiang feels her degraded position, and the expression of her grief takes a very metaphorical turn. Green is a colour less esteemed than yellow. All things are inverted, and out of place.
Lit., I muse upon the ancients,—i.e., the examples of great women of old time.
Grass-cloth. She must even now wear a cold dress in cold weather.
The supplanted wife seems to have lived harmoniously, and even very amicably, with the lady who took her place. In this Ode she pours out her grief at the departure of the latter, who after the murder of her son Hwan returned home to her parents.
Chung is properly the “second” sister or daughter. Her name was Tai Kwei.
Lit., the former lord. From this we learn that the husband was now dead.
This and the following piece ought properly to have been placed before Ode 3.
A city in Wei.
Chow-yu (see note on Ode 1 of this Book), after his murder of Hwan, found the people disaffected towards him, and sought popularity by directing an expedition against Ch‘in, in the South, for which he obtained the co-operation of these two States, Ch‘in and Sung.
Seven sons accuse themselves of being the cause of their mother’s discontent and fretfulness. It is supposed the fault was her own, and that, although having so many sons, she desired more; and the sons, in making these lines, and laying the blame on themselves, wished delicately to recall her to a sense of duty. The Ode is said by the Chinese commentators to illustrate the licentious manners of Wei. The opening lines of each verse point, by way of contrast, to the glad content of nature all around her.
The wife of some officer tells of their mutual regret at his absence on foreign service.
The husband’s comrades.
Lit., coveteousness.
i.e., the gourds (the shells of which were used in crossing rivers) were not yet ripe.
The proper custom, when a man wished to have a day fixed for the bringing home of his bride, was to send a live goose to her parents’ house at the early dawn.
Marriages took place in the spring, and the ceremony of sending the goose was to be observed some time before, ere the winter’s ice began to break up. It may be that this explains the allusion to the swollen ford.
The whole piece is very difficult of interpretation, and I see in it no more than the expostulation of a lady against her lover, who seems to have desired to dispense with the usual formalities.
In explanation of this piece we are told that in the time of Duke Swân, of Wei, the chief of the adjoining state of Li had been driven out of his territory by the Tih hordes, and had sought help in Wei; but was long detained there by false promises, and was reduced to great straits, and evidently treated with indignity. His officers, while showing attachment to him, complain of his hardships and their own, and urge him to return to Li.
See note on the last Ode. The officers of the Chief of Li complain of the delay and indifference of their brother officers of Wei in their extremity.
Lit., O ye younger and elder uncles.
Satire. The Duke of Wei was employing his best men as buffoons.
and
These refer to various dances. See I. vi. 3, and II. vi. 4.
In the West-country was the seat of Chow, where the rulers knew better than to use such a man as this merely as a dancer.
A princess of Wei, married to the chief of some other State, desires to visit her native land. This it would have been permissible to do, had her parents been still living; but these being dead, she could not do so. She forms her plans for the journey, and thinks that a visit to her relatives might not be objected to, but again shrinks back in doubt as to the propriety of so doing.
One of the chief rivers of Wei.
The ladies of the palace, who had come with her.
Places in Wei through which she had passed on her wedding journey. The terms translated “god-speed cup” refer to the parting feast which was usual on the return of the escorting friends. At this feast an offering was first made to propitiate “the spirits of the way.”
Lit., “I think of the Fei-ts‘ün, and for it am perpetually sighing.” Fei-ts‘un is said to be the name of a river in Wei; but the words signify fertile springs.
Cities of Wei. We have met with the latter in Ode 6.
An officer of Wei, hard pressed by work and poor pay, sets forth his grievances and his meek submission to them as the will of Heaven, yet slyly means the whole to be a rebuke to the Governwent. “Passing out by the north gate” is an apt introduction to what follows, as symbolizing the way to cold and darkness. Cf. beginning of next Ode.
In a time of tyranny and confusion in Wei, the peasants felt compelled to emigrate to another State.
The opening lines are merely symbolical of the oppression felt by the people.
The fox and the crow were regarded as ill omens.
This is said to be directed against the times; therefore, according to this view, the opening words, “the modest maiden,” must be understood from the lover’s point of view.
The city wall.
Duke Swân, one of the most dissolute of the rulers of Wei, had contracted for the marriage of his son Kĭ with a lady of T‘si. But when the father saw her, he became so enamoured of her beauty that he took her himself, and lodged her in a tower which he caused to be built on an island in the Ho. She is afterwards known by the name of Swân-Kiang.
Quite a romantic story is attached to this piece, which may be told in the words of the commentator Chu-Hi. Swân-Kiang (see note on last Ode) became the mother of two sons, Sheu and Sŏ. Sŏ and his mother brought some charge against Kĭ, the son of a former wife of the Duke (see again note to last Ode); and the Duke, believing it, sent him on some errand to T‘si, and employed some ruffians to waylay and murder him. Sheu heard of this, and warned Kĭ of his danger. Kĭ answered: “The Duke has given me a command, and I cannot disobey it.” Whereupon Sheu secretly disguised himself and took the journey himself, and was killed in the place of his brother. When Kĭ came to the spot he cried: “The Duke gave orders that I should be killed. What wrong has Sheu committed?” The murderers killed him also. The country folks were hurt at this, and made this Ode.
On the name Yung see note on I. iii. page 54.
The widow’s name is given as Kung-Kiang. Her husband, Kung-poh, son of the Marquis Hi (bc 854-813), died early, and her mother wished her to marry again, contrary to what she regarded as right and proper. She made a solemn vow to remain true to her departed husband, and here commemorates the fact.
During the lifetime of the parents, sons wore their hair in two tufts over the temples.
, Mu ya t‘ien chi. Cf. II. v. 8, last line of 4th stanza.
The “wrong” meant here is re-marriage. To abstain from this “wrong” was, and is still accounted a great virtue in China.
Contrast with the last. Swân-Kiang (see on I. iii. 18) was now a widow, and had consented to live with Hwan, the son of her late husband by a former wife. The people condemned this as incest, but dared only speak of it indirectly.
I have coined this name for a prickly creeper which has not yet, so far as I know, been identified.
Tuh () here to recite, or hum over.
Satire on Swân-Kiang. The satire consists probably in the exaggeration of her beauty, but chiefly in the concluding lines of the first and second stanzas, which so quaintly spoil all that goes before and after.
The names of the plants seem to be of little importance, only introduced in the original to rhyme with the names of the women.
A district in Wei.
The eldest daughter of the house that bore that family name. So with Yih and Yung. All three were great names; why introduced here in a popular love song? Probably it is satire, and aimed by the people at their superiors.
The names in the last three lines are those of small localities in the district of Mei.
The wanton ones are Swân-Kiang and Hwan, living together as stated in note on Ode 2 of this Book. The piece is intended as satire, the words being put into the mouth of Sŏ (step-brother of Hwan), who was then ruling, and ought not to have permitted such conduct in the palace. Bitter satire it is, and truly Chinese!
Duke Wăn—about bc 660. Soon after the time of Duke Swân the State of Wei almost collapsed, and its capital was in ruins; but the country found a reformer in this new ruler Wăn, otherwise known as Wei (), a son of Hwan and Swân-Kiang.
Ting was a small constellation composed of some stars in Pegasus. Its culmination at the termination of husbandry-work signalled the proper time for commencing building operations.
Lit., measuring or computing by the sun; the aspect of the palace was thus determined.
This probably points to the duke’s love of music.
The walls of the old capital.
A city on the hills of Ts‘u.
Scil., to urge and encourage the labourers in their work.
I believe this is the correct translation of this concluding passage, though it differs from all I have so far seen. It agrees also with most native commentaries.
Said to refer to the change in the people’s morals brought about by Duke Wăn of Wei.
The rainbow was supposed to be the result or offspring of some irregular union between the male and female principles in nature (Yin and Yang). People were ashamed now to point at the rainbow; greater modesty was seen, and marriage unions were formed according to the established rules.
The meaning seems to be that irregular or unlawful love does not last long. This is contrary to our ideas of “a rainbow in the morning,” so far as the rain is concerned.
Fearing the time may never come, and taking the matter into their own hands, instead of leaving it to the parents.
See note explanatory of the last Ode. This refers to the altered tone of manners rather than morals. Man without manners was a self-contradiction; and no more should a man continue to live without them than a rat without skin, teeth, and limbs. In the original the words and
(i, chi, and li), all represent, with slightly different shades of meaning, the same thing,—propriety in the outward conduct.
Lit., “See, the rat has teeth”; but the word for teeth often has the sense given above.
There are conflicting opinions as to the meaning of this Ode, even amongst the old Chinese interpreters. It seems to illustrate, further, the good effects of the rule of Duke Wăn of Wei;—showing the kind of welcome accorded to men of worth, and showing also that the visits of such would be attended with profit to those who entertained them.
It will be observed that as one of these worthies approaches a town the attendance upon him gradually increases.
A daughter of Swân-Kiang, married to the baron of Hiu, hears of the troubles in Wei, her native State (see note on Ode 6), and wishes to return home to condole and consult with her brother in his distress; this was not permissible, her parents being dead, and some great officer was despatched instead; but, unlike another princess of Wei (see I. iii. 14), she clung to her wish as being pardonable under the circumstances, and here expostulates with the ministers of Hiu, although yielding to their decision.
The “Mang” () is described as a “mother-of-pearl” lily, supposed to have the quality of dissipating cares. The words “that care can kill” are added in the translation, as otherwise no meaning would be conveyed.
Lit., the great State. This would be that of Ts‘i, then the most powerful.
Said to be directed against Duke Chwang (bc 756-734). Under his rule men of virtue and talent withdrew from public service and lived in obscurity.
The two first characters may be translated a dozen different ways; but they do not seem important.
Lit., speaks or talks.
Lit., sleeping and waking.
I have ventured to differ from all commentators and translators I have seen in the rendering of this line. I take the “vow” as the object and not as the verb, for as a verb it has no object in any of the three verses.
Pivot—centre.
On the reception of Chwang-Kiang as bride at the Court of Wei. See note on the first Ode of Book III.
In the first stanza the lady’s high connections are proclaimed; in the second (in true Chinese metaphor!) her personal charms; in the third her arrival in Wei; and in the last the splendour of her new surroundings.
This pathetic Ode tells its own tale. The Chinese say that in it “a lewd woman who has been rejected by her husband repeats her story to herself, and so expresses her repentance”! All that can be said against her is that after much resistance she consented to marry her lover at last without going through all the prescribed forms of marriage.
The arranger of marriages between the parents—an indispensable personage; see I. viii. 6 and I. xv. 5.
The lover’s place of abode.
Divining—trying his fortune.
There is a small dove that suffers from eating these berries.
An allusion to the words of the marriage vows.
A lady of Wei, married in some other State, recalls here the scenes of her youth.
The K‘i valley seems to have been noted for its bamboos (see Ode 1 of this Book).
The Ts‘ün-yün, known as the Hundred Springs.
The hwan lan is a delicate creeping plant, full of milky juice, unable, it is said, to rise from the ground without support,—introduced therefore here to characterize the weak youth, otherwise so precocious.
An ivory or horn stiletto, worn by adults for the loosening of knots about the dress; said to be an emblem also of capacity for difficult business.
This ring, also of ivory or horn, was worn by archers on the right thumb in shooting, but at other times was one of the girdle ornaments.
A daughter of Swân-Kiang had been married to Duke Hwan of Sung. She bore him a son, but was afterwards divorced, and returned to her native Wei. On her son’s succession to the dukedom, she desired to go back to him, but the terms of her divorce, and probably her own sense of the proprieties, forbade her doing so. The river was wide, and the way long, that separated her from the son, but she regards these as nothing to overcome, had there been no other obstacle.
In a time of anarchy and confusion in Wei, there were many who could not marry. Here a widow or unmarried woman has met with a vagabond male, and his forlorn condition has so roused her matronly instincts that she is willing to marry him and look after him! Such is the usual interpretation of the piece. In the ancient Preface to the Book of Poetry it is said to be directed against the times. “The males and females of Wei were losing the time for marriage. . . . Anciently, when a State was suffering from the misery of famine, the rules were relaxed so that there might be many marriages; and men and women who had no partners were brought together, in order to promote the increase of the people.”
The names of the stones in all three stanzas are difficult to give. Known ones are given for the unknown.
This is the expansion of the single title “Wang” (royal). The royal domain or State was in Eastern Chow. Fung and Hâu were two successive capitals (see III. i. 10). On the accession of King P‘ing, there was a removal still further East (bc 769), and from this time the dynasty began to wane.
The old Preface says: “A great officer of Chow, travelling on the public service, came to the old capital, and, as he passed by, found the places of the ancestral temple, palaces, and other public buildings, all overgrown with millet. Struck with sorrow for the downfall of the House of Chow, he moved about the place in an undecided way, as if he could not bear to leave it, and made this piece.”
The slight variations in the second and third stanzas seem to point to his lingering some months in the neighbourhood.
Properly, the mouth-piece of the reed-organ.
A dancer’s fan or screen, Both of these meanings are, how ever, attempted to be brought out by the bracketed words in the fourth lines.
The explanation of the metaphorical allusion to the water and faggots seems to be that as the course of a stream is choked, and the water deepens till it finds some way of proceeding, so the thought of home-ties was growing upon the soldiers till it threatened some ebullition.
The old Chinese interpreters here put the blame for the separation on the government. “When the government is good, husbands and wives support each other; when the State is disordered they separate.”
Referred to the time of King Hwan (bc 719-696), when the States revolted from him, and his army was defeated, and calamity followed calamity.
By the wily hares are meant those statesmen who had been the cause of these disorders, and sought to escape the consequence of their own acts; by the pheasants, those who acted straightforwardly, and suffered.
i.e., flourishing on their native soil.
Lit., far from my brothers, i.e., clansmen or kin. The old interpreters give a historical significance to this Ode. “King P‘ing’s relatives find fault with him for slighting ‘the nine classes of his kindred.’ ”
The Kŏ, as in I. i. 2 et al.
A kind of southernwood. The plants named seem only to have been chosen for the sake of the rhymes in the original.
In the decline of Chow there was much licentiousness between the sexes, but here and there it was curbed by stringent officers. Here is an instance of fear to elope under such an officer’s rule.
Lit., like the young sedge—one of the five colours on the robes of great officials. Dark red, another of these colours, is referred to in the second stanza.
Lit., as; but here the phrase has the appearance of an oath.
Ch‘ing was a feudal State of later foundation (805 bc). Duke Wu was its second ruler (773-742).
Jet-black was the official colour of the king’s ministers’ robes, worn at their own audiences.
The people would first make sure that all preparations were made for him in the Court-lodgings (which were sometimes out of repair), and then furnish his table. Evidently the verses were written on his succession to the dukedom.
Chung () is the second of two or more brothers. The eldest is called pih (
), the second chung (
), the third shuh (
), the fourth ki (
). In the next two pieces we have a shuh, a third brother; but this appellation is often given to younger brothers indiscriminately.
See note to last piece. This Shuh is said to have been a son of Duke Wu of Ch‘ing; and of him Chu-hi remarks in his commentary, “though a scape-grace, he yet won all: his countrymen loved him.”
The two outer horses (of the four). “Like dancers”—moving with regular step.
Viz., to beat up the game.
Being a little behind the two inside horses, they presented the wedge-shaped appearance of a flock of wild-geese.
Duke Wăn of Ch‘ing (bc 662-627), through dislike to his minister Kâu K‘ih, despatched him with some troops to the Ho, and he was stationed at different places along the river without being recalled. Evidently he enjoyed his banishment.
A city of Ch‘ing.
These weapons seem to have had hooks near the point for grappling, and from these hooks the plumes of v. 1 were suspended. At this second stage of their banishment the plumes were evidently worn off.
Seven of these were usually worn strung together with pearls, dangling from the girdle. They would vary in costliness with the rank of the wearer, but as a rule seem to have been of precious stones.
A woman’s playful mockery of her lover.
The fu-su () tree does not seem to be identified.
Tse-tu and Tse-ch‘ung are probably not to be taken as names, but as somewhat equivalent to our Adonis and Apollo. Mencius refers to a Tse-tu who lived about bc 800, as the type of a handsome man. Tse-ch’ung, after the allusion to the lofty fir, may refer to some other tall and handsome person, then well known.
Lit., the “wandering dragon”—a sort of marsh plant.
The old expositors say that this piece is directed against the ruler of the State, who was weak while his ministers were strong. The speakers, according to this view, would be the inferior officers, addressing their superiors; and the “fading tree” would be the decaying state of the country. But later expositors see in it the solicitations of immodest women. The position which the piece occupies would seem to favour this latter view; yet it ought to be mentioned that a historical interpretation has been given to almost all these Odes, whether they will bear such or not.
“Far” only in the sense of his never showing himself.
The sounds of the cock’s crowing are thus varied in the original for the sake of the rhyme.
This seems to have been a proverbial expression, and capable of different applications. Here it seems to point to the inability of slander to affect the hearts of those who are joined together in the bonds of friendship. They are like bundles of thorns or fuel.
Evidently these flowers were of a medicinal character, and the annual search for them in spring was now undertaken with a very different object.
The precise flower here mentioned is the small sweet-smelling peony.
Ts‘i was one of the first and greatest of the feudal States of Chow. It lay between the Yellow River and the Sea, in the modern province of Shan-tung.
A satire on the hunters of Ts‘i in general. The writer represents one as unable to praise another without praising himself.
Silken strings depending from the head-dress over the ears, and strung with gems.
The variations of colour seem only introduced to vary the rhymes; or it may be that as the lover approached nearer more of his jowels became visible.
This piece is said by all to illustrate the licentious intercourse of the men and women of Ts‘i, and their disregard of all rules of propriety; and the visitor is taken to mean the lady. But the original is ambiguous, and I have therefore preserved the ambiguity in the translation. The visitor may be either male or female ( ch‘u che): the same expression is used of a male in I. iv. 9.
I take tseih and
fa adverbially.
A satire on the disorder and irregularity of the Court of Ts‘i.
Or, cannot keep count of the hours of night. As the garden hedge marks off private property, so the dawn of day is the boundary line between working and non-working hours.
Said to be directed—the first two stanzas—against the Duke Siang of Ts‘i, and the last two against Duke Hwan of Lu. Duke Siang loved a princess of his own family named Wăn-Kiang, though married to Duke Hwan. She reciprocated his love, and persuaded her husband to accompany her on a visit to Ts‘i, during which visit he was murdered by Siang. The piece was evidently composed before this climax was reached. Date about bc 700.
“The five (kinds of).” More freely we might translate,—
Complaint against Hwan’s carelessness with regard to his wife.
The usual interpretation is a historical one, and this line is taken quite literally, “Do not think of people far away,” referring, it is thought, to Duke Siang’s ambition; but is it not more in keeping with the last stanza to translate sze yün jên as wanting to be a man—to overleap the distance in time?
There was a ceremony of capping when the youth arrived at maturity.
Lit., with a second ring.
Chu-Hi’s explanation of these words, as “full-whiskered,” and “full-bearded,” make the piece ridiculous.
Lit., with two rings attached to a third.
After the murder of her husband (see on Ode 6), the lady continues her unlawful visits to Ts‘i, unrestrained by her son, Duke Chwang. His power over her was no better than that of a broken fish-trap over the fish.
In true Chinese fashion the complaint against him is not openly expressed. The fault bewailed in the opening exclamation in every verse was his weakness in not restraining the lawless conduct of his mother already referred to. See note on Ode 9.
This Wei is different from that of the 5th Book. It was a small State situated within the modern province of Shan-si, and was incorporated in the seventh century bc with the State of Tsin.
Lit., withdraw to the left.
A line seems to have been lost here, which I have ventured to replace with the bracketed words, the meaning of the whole verse being that though the gentleman was outwardly correct in all things in public, he was a niggard at home.
The Făn, or Hwun, is a tributary of the Ho, and the capital of Wei was near their junction.
In all the stanzas, “not”=one different from ( i ü).
It is not meant that these high officials actually shared the labours of the peasantry; only their parsimony was such that they might well be mentioned side by side with these.
His opponents in the government.
This Ode is a favourite one as giving an example of filial piety, and of the feelings which ought to exist between parents and children, and elder and younger brothers. It is quoted as such in commentaries on the Shing ü hâu (), a well-known school book.
On account of the confusion in the government and the dangers threatening the State.
For similar sentiments see III. iii. 3, verse 6:—
Dr. Legge has a lengthy note on the question “Why ten acres are here specified?”, and on the allotments made to farmers on the original division of the country; but does not see the force of the mention of “ten” acres. As a Chinese acre (mau) is less than a sixth of an English one, a plot of ten acres would represent one of the very smallest holdings; and with such some men could live contentedly.
This wood was much used in making carriages (see III. i. 2, v. 6). This will explain the “spoke-wood” and “tire-wood” in the 2nd and 3rd stanzas.
There is great diversity of opinion as to the last two lines. I think they must refer to the woodman, and translate accordingly.
Huge. The State officials had grown fat on their extortion, and were no less troublesome than rats.
Borders, frontiers.
One of the oldest and greatest of the feudal States. Its name was at an early date,—earlier perhaps than that of these poems,—changed to Tsin, the latter taken from the river Tsin, which flowed to the south of it. It lay in the present province of Shan-si.
For the time of the appearance of the cricket in the house, see the Odes of Pin, I. xv. 1, verse 5.
Here is an instance where the introductory lines seem to have absolutely no connection with the subject, and only supply words to rhyme with.
Ch’âu, lord of Tsin (bc 744-738) had handed over to his uncle Hwan the important city of K‘iu-yuh; and the growing popularity of the latter led to a conspiracy by which it was sought to bring the whole State under his rule. The above is the song of the secret followers of Hwan, addressed to one of his captains.
i.e., the power of Ch‘âu is greatly weakened.
The robe described in the two first stanzas is the sacrificial robe of a ruling prince.
Yuh is the K‘iu-yuh mentioned above.
Kâu was another city in the vicinity.
Supposed to refer to Hwan-shuh (see last Ode), and his house.
The pepper-plant is in China an emblem of prolificness; but it may be that this Ode originally suggested it. It might even, taken with the last Ode, refer simply to the number of Hwan’s constituents.
Why unexpected is a question not yet settled. All that the Ancient Preface says is that the piece is directed against the disorders of the State, and that owing to such disorders it was impossible for the people to marry at the proper season, i.e. in the Spring.
The allusion to the fuel-binding may have some reference to the bonds of wedlock; but it is perhaps more probable that both this and the allusion to the Three Stars (if these are the three prominent ones in Orion, visible there in the 10th month) simply express the season of the year,—winter.
Lit., at an angle. The three positions in the stanzas seem to point to the time of night—first high, then declining, and lastly setting.
The contrast should be noted.
This is one of the most perplexing pieces. In the Ancient Preface we are told that it is directed against the times, and that the people of Tsin thus stigmatized those who were in exalted positions and who failed to show compassion to them. But the question is, to whom is it addressed? I cannot but agree with Victor von Strauss in his opinion that the people are appealing to the ruler to make some change in his own interests. There is then some sense in the 3rd and 4th lines.
So, according to the Urh-ya.
Said to have been written in a time of incessant warfare, when of course agriculture was neglected and the parents left to live as they could.
The fluttering of the birds would seem to represent the restless movements of the army, and also, as these particular birds were not wont to light on trees, having no hind-claws, their difficulty in doing so is an apt image of the peasant engaged in soldiering.
Duke Wu, the grandson of Hwan of K‘iu-yuh (see Ode 3), having become, in the year 678 bc, complete master in the State of Tsin, sent to the king some of his ill-gotten treasures as a bribe, and was thereupon invested legally with the rulership.
Seven of the ten royal orders were worn by a feudal prince in his own State; six when he was serving at Court as the king’s minister.
The opening lines show the arrogance of the man. He speaks as already potentially possessing the authority which he demands.
Tsze for T‘ien tsze, Son of Heaven. So Chu-Hi. The king was Li, alias Hi (bc 681-676).
Originally supposed to be a satire on Duke Wu (see last Ode), who dwelt by himself and would not entertain the worthy men around him,—a view now given up.
An image of the writer himself.
These last lines do not rhyme in the original.
The Kŏ. These lines seem to point to conjugal affection, or protection.
“The lone one” might mean either the dead husband or the widow.
It is usual still in China to use hard pillows of wood or other material, upon which the upper part of the neck rests without disarranging the elaborately dressed hair.
The word (kwai) is used, as if the bridal journey was to be taken over again.
On this particularly barren mountain none of these things ever grew. As likely were they to be found there as that truth should be found in idle gossiping stories. These opening lines may not really be interrogative, but by taking them so the sense becomes more apparent.
See note on previous page.
The State of Ts‘in was about 900 bc quite a small fief in the North-West. Many of its inhabitants belonged to the wild Mongolian tribes, and probably also some of its princes. The State grew by degrees into importance, and in the third century bc the ruling Chief made himself master of the whole of China and established the Ts‘in Dynasty.
The first Ode seems to celebrate the growing dignity of the feudal lord, and the gayer life at his Court.
Lit., males.
The light vehicles, with small bells at the horses’ bits, seem to have been used for beating up the game, and for conveying home the dogs; or, in the latter case, it may have been that the tinkling bells simply kept together the dogs.
“Long and short-nosed.”
The first six lines in each stanza give a rapid confused picture of the equipments of the husband on his setting out to the wars,—a picture which is ever present to the wife’s mind; and in the last four she explains herself and passes on to the thought of his present surroundings. The Expedition would be against the wild tribes of the West.
Some provision for keeping under control the outside horses.
i.e., at the ends of the traces.
The colours of the horses throughout are only approximate in the translation. One of them is described, in one syllable, as a horse with a white left foot!
Lit., like a jewel.
Two interior reins were attached to the carriage front, and these are those referred to in the 6th line.
A pair of shields, showing the imperial emblem, stood on the front of the carriage.
An instrument to keep the bows from warping.
No other title than this which I venture can well be given to this piece. All Chinese guesses as to the meaning seem far-fetched and absurd. Perhaps the “happy mean,” which so many miss, is the answer to the riddle.
A noted mountain in the State of Ts‘in, at the foot of which was the ruler’s seat. The beauties of the scenery seem introduced in comparison with the ruler’s new adornments.
Ki and
t’ang, are thus explained by Chu Hi and his followers.
A practice evidently learnt from their barbarous neighbours in the West, and unknown in any other State in China.
It seems hopeless to seek any meaning in these introductory lines.
“Dead” is not in the original, but the sense requires it. Duke Muh died 620 bc, and not only these three clansmen, but 170 persons in all, it is said, were buried alive with him.
Lit., yonder azure Heaven!
A long history is attached to this piece, for which see Dr. Legge’s “Shi King,” Vol. I. p. 203. The writer is Duke K‘ang of Ts‘in (son of Duke Muh of Ode 6), at that time, however, only heir-apparent; and the cousin was Ch‘ung-urh, afterwards Duke Wan of Tsin.
i.e., on the king’s acknowledgment of him as rightful heir, when the king would present him with the car of state. The cousin had, however, to fight his way in order to regain his rightful possessions; and the danger attending this enterprise seems to be the cause of the anxiety expressed in verse 2.
Supposed to satirize Duke K’ang’s treatment of the old servants of his father (Muh).
Ch‘in was a marquisate in the present province of Ho-nan, given originally by King Wu (1121-1114 bc) to Mwan, his chief potter, who claimed descent from the Emperor Shun. Mwan is known as Duke Hu. His capital was built around, or near, the Yun-hill mentioned in the two first pieces.
Lit., is without regard.
Egret-plumes, or fans, were used in dancing (see I. vi. 3).
The body of these drums was of porcelain or earthenware.
Kiang was the clan name of the ruling House of Ts‘i, and Tse that of the ducal House of Sung.
Ki, strictly one of the House of Chow, but often used as a euphemism.
This is in the original another species of hemp. The three varieties of plants mentioned—out of which clothing-material was made—were probably cut and prepared at different seasons.
“Renew” is not in the text, but the argument I have adopted would suggest it as understood.
Lych-gate, lit., “tomb-gate,” whether a gate of the city leading to a cemetery, or the cemetery-gate, is doubtful. The opening lines in each stanza are ominous of evil.
Evidently the person held some important position in the State.
This Ode brings us down to the time nearest of all to that of Confucius. Duke Ling ruled in Ch‘in bc 612-598. Chu-lin, or Chu, was a city of Ch‘in, where resided Hià-ki, a daughter of Duke Muh of Ch‘ing, now married to an officer of Ch‘in. Duke Ling’s intrigues with this lady were notorious.
Hià-nan was the lady’s son. The duke excuses himself, saying he seeks only the son’s companionship. The son afterwards murdered him. The whole story connected with this intrigue is to be found in the Tso-chün, and the Ode is only interesting to those who are acquainted with that history.
The writer, according to Chu-Hi, is a woman.
Kwai, like Ch‘in, was a small but ancient fief in the present province of Ho-nan, but about the eighth century bc it was incorporated with Ch‘ing. It lay between the rivers Tsin and Wai.
The lambskin was for wear in the ruler’s Court or hall at public receptions, &c.; and the foxfur robe only at the Court of the king.
The writer was evidently some officer of Kwai, justly offended at this irregularity and vain display.
The old custom had been that mourning for parents should be worn for three years. Now, evidently, the sight of it was rare.
White was then, as now, the colour of the mourning-dress. The white bonnet or cap was to be worn during the third year.
Knee-covers made of white leather.
In opposition to the view of Dr. Legge and Herr von Strauss, who follow Chu-Hi in his interpretation of this Ode, I prefer the simpler one of Mao, and translate tao—“ways,” “manners.” I inclined to do so in Odes 6 and 10 of Book VIII.; but there the word and context are equivocal.
So here I think Chu-Hi has beclouded the simple construction, although the terseness of the language allows of some variation in translating.
Western Chow, the capital which lay west of this State of Kwai.
Probably the meaning of the whole verse is that purity and patriotism are synonymous.
Ts‘âu was a small Earldom lying in the present province of Shan-tung. It was annexed to Sung in the fifth century bc
The insect (fau-yiu) in the original is a dung-fly, an ephemera,—otherwise called the dung-beetle, or tumble-dung. Fau-yiu literally means “floating—wandering.” Our “butterfly” suits the spirit and meaning of the piece. The fops were probably some persons of high standing at Court.
The last lines are generally held to be very puzzling. The above is a verbatim rendering, the “I’ll” only being added.
Lit., “hempen clothes.”
Satire by some man of worth, who, along with a few others like himself, had been dismissed from office, and saw a number of useless and inexperienced men about the Court in their stead.
Officers employed to meet and to escort guests.
Servants about the Court. Only persons of high rank were entitled to wear the scarlet aprons.
Our “mushroom-growth,” and “morning cloud that vanisheth.”
There is nothing to show whose wives are intended. They may be the neglected wives of those “striplings” in office, or the wives of men such as the writer who had no employment. The Chinese commentators say,—some, that they represent the worthy men themselves! some, that the people of the State are meant!
The turtle-dove. The number of her brood—seven—in the original is unnatural, but “seven” there makes a rhyme with the fourth line!
Lit., his heart bound, &c.
Lit., for 10,000 years.
The fountain points to the king, now not fostering, but chilling, his people.
Chow-king. King=capital, as in Pe-king, Nan-king.
The reference to the Chief of Siun is obscure. Probably, as is supposed by some, he was a sort of vice-roy, exercising anthority over a number of the States, and was tuined to in times of trouble.
Pin was the name of a district in the west of the present province of Shen-si, and was the home of the ancestry of the Chow family from 1796 to 1325 bc
We might almost call the piece the “Georgies” of Pin. It is said to have been written by the famous Duke of Chow (Chow-kung,—son of King Wăn, and brother of King Wu) for his young nephew and ward, known afterwards as King Ch‘ing, so the date assigned to it would be between 1116 and 1112 bc (the period during which Chow-kung was Regent). The language is put into the mouth of the farmers, and is supposed to represent the life of the country people some centuries before its date.
Lit., sinks the Fire-star. The Heart of the Scorpion was so called. It is computed that about this time this star passed the meridian in August. The first month therefore would begin during our February.
Lit., the first’s days. The nomenclature of some older calendar seems to have been used for the winter months; but I have continued the numbers known to us,—11th, 12th, 1st, 2nd.
i.e., following the plough. Any one who has seen ploughing in China through mud and water nearly knee-deep will understand this “lilting of toes.”
Lit., have open-air meals on the south-lying acres.
Or, white southernwood. Besides being used in sacrifice (see I. ii. 2) this herb served in some way to assist in the hatching of the silkworm.
i.e., to be married.
No certain month, but that in which the silkworm creeps out, when it must be fed with mulberry leaves.
A general hunt, which was intended also to keep the people in training for war.
In this verse three separate insects seem to be named, the locust, the “spinner,” and the cricket; but the Chinese commentators say they are names of the same insect at different stages of its existence.
An offering to the Spirit who was supposed to preside over the cold season.
This Ode is said to have been written by the Duke of Chow to vindicate his fidelity at a time when he was accused of treachery towards the young King Ch‘ing (see Note 2 on last Ode). A little history must here be given, which will throw light on this as well as the remaining pieces in this Book.
King Wu, after his overthrow of the Shang dynasty and the establishment of that of Chow, gave to Wu-Kăng (the son of the last of the Shang kings) a small State in the East, and associated with him two of his own younger brothers (brothers therefore also of the Duke of Chow). After King Wu’s death these two brothers joined Wu-Kăng in a conspiracy against the young King Ch‘ing, their nephew, and also spread a rumour that laid the Duke under suspicion of infidelity. The young King believed the rumour, and showed to the Duke that he no longer had faith in him. The latter, instead of defending himself, composedly withdrew to the East, where he remained two years; but the conspiracy resulting now in open rebellion, he raised an army and took the field against the rebels, and vanquished them, after a long and severe contest, in which Wu-Kăng was killed, and also one of the Duke’s own brothers. Afterwards he wrote this Ode, which he presented to the King, showing his attachment to him, and how much he had done to consolidate the young dynasty.
On all hands I see this bird is called an owl; but the picture of it in the Urh-ya t‘u is decidedly that of a hawk. The hawk is evidently Wu-Kăng, the “young ones” the Duke’s brothers, and the “nest,” or “house” (v. 3) the infant dynasty of Chow.
This beautiful allegory Confucius has commented upon. (See Mencius II., Part i. IV. 3, Legge’s Classics.)
Many were still unwilling to abandon the fallen dynasty of Shang.
The young dynasty still in danger.
The Duke of Chow’s Expedition to quash the rebellion (see Note 1 on last Ode).
In the ranks the troops wore a kind of gag in the mouth to prevent their talking.
It is to be much doubted whether the implements in these verses are weapons of war. It is more probable that they were agricultural and other tools, which had become rusty, blunted, and almost useless during the men’s three years’ absence. At present, when a Chinese wishes to express the fact of his having been long absent from friends, he uses the two opening lines of this Ode.
Lit., the four States; but this phrase often means the four sides of the State.
He did not go to fight so much as to make peace, and thereby to show his love and pity for his country, then so disturbed.
This piece is thought by all Chinese critics to refer to the Duke of Chow. Its place in the book lends some support to their view. The substance of Chu-Hi’s comment is, that the first verse expresses the desire of the Eastern people to see the famous Duke, and that the second speaks of their satisfaction on seeing him. Victor von Strauss thinks that if we are to take the lines metaphorically, they may be interpreted thus:—the young monarch Ch‘ing is seeking full possession of his kingdom (the bride), and can do nothing without the Duke as his mediator and example; whilst with him as such all is brought about happily.
The match-arranger (see I. v. 4) was thus, even in the twelfth century bc, as now, a sine quâ non.
Scil., in the hand.
“Feast,” lit., vessels of bamboo and earthenware, used in feasts convivial and sacrificial.
Lit., with you staying two nights. But the “you” is unimportant: the people are supposed to be talking with each other.
His serenity is contrasted with the action of a wolf at bay. For the calumny, see Note 1 on the second Ode.
Scoticé. Lit., dewlap.
Red slippers were worn by the king and the chief princes.
The pipes had metal tongues; hence the whole instrument is sometimes called an organ.
“Chow hang,” the way of Chow, is taken also to mean the Perfect Way.
Said to have been sung at Court on the return of great officials from abroad. The words, though seemingly those of such an official himself, were really used by others, by way of complimenting him on his diligence, combined with his sense of filial duty.
See Note to last Ode. This seems to have been written for a similar purpose. But the variations in each stanza after the first would suggest that only one of these was used, viz., the one adapted to the particular case.
Probably a hint is intended throughout that such officers shoula be zealous and prudent in the execution of their duty; and the pleasantness of travel is suggested by the opening lines of v. 1.
Sung at feasts given by the King to those of his own clan or surname. Clansmen might perhaps be substituted for brothers throughout.
“Father’s kin” and “mother’s kin” in this stanza should properly be paternal and maternal uncles respectively; but even these terms would not quite convey the meaning. By the first are meant those nobles who bore the same surname as the speaker; by the second those who belonged to other clans.
The HÎn-yun (probably the Huns, as is thought) were wild tribes on the North.
So, according to the pictures illustrating the Urh-ya. The mention of the fern at three different stages of its growth points to the lapse of time. At its first sprouting the fern was edible.
They were no longer able to send home messages of inquiry.
Lit., guarded.
With special reference to the leader Nan-Chung, and to the charioteers, whose song it appears to be.
Lit., the Son of Heaven.
Flags bearing pictures of tortoises and serpents.
The oxtail-pennons, as in I. iv. 9.
The tortoise and serpent flag, and the falcon-flag.
Dragon-flag, and tortoise and serpent flag.
Were flowering.
Lit., “we stood in awe of those bamboo tablets”: the King’s orders were evidently written on these.
The wives at home are supposed to be speaking here. Six of the lines are quoted from a previous song. See I. ii. 3.
Another wild tribe far to the West.
Southernwood.
For the “question,” or torture. These would be the chiefs of the tribes.
The fruit would be ripe in the tenth month.
Properly, the sun and moon are in the tenth month.
Cars of sandal-wood.
Lit., divining by the tortoise-shell (scorched) and the milfoil, or straws.
I take liu rather as an adjective than a verb—“fine,” “elegant,” &c.
Some of the fish here named are not quite the same as in the original, but as everything there seems sacrificed for the sake of rhyme so here. It will also be observed that the adjectives, &c., describing the wine are all again applied in the same order to the other portions of the feast.
The two words signifying good fish are also a name given to the barbel. I retain the former meaning because of the apposition intended with “good guests.”
The piece, being complimentary to both host and guests, was probably sung by the musicians and taken as coming from them.
The trees in this piece are not all identified; nor is it at all clear what their mention is intended to suggest.
Probably the dew is to represent the princes, and the plant the king.
“Wo,” bells in front of the carriage; “lwan,” bells at the horses’ bits.
In the sense of “when they have well drunk.”
There seems to have been a custom of drinking the last cup in the king’s private apartment.
Two trees are mentioned in the text, thought to be the Paulownia Imperialis, and a hardwood tree like the Brazilian kingwood.
Given by the king to princes of extraordinary merit. Vermilion was the colour of rank and merit affected by the House of Chow, and the presentation of a vermilion bow was the highest mark of favour a prince could receive.
Lit., I received.
Lit., bell.
Supposed originally to be expressive of joy because of the king’s encouragement of education and talent. When the Ruler does this, says the Preface, “then all under Heaven rejoice and are glad thereat.” Probably the Ode commemorates a royal visit to some school.
The aster-southernwood. It has a broad chrysanthemumshaped flower.
Or, “rejoice, and show fitting demeanour.”
Lit., he gives us 100 sets of cowries.
The boat on troubled waters represents the condition of those who had not felt the benign influence of the king.
This and the next thirteen pieces belong to the time of the reign of King Swân (bc 826-781).
Lit., 30 li. About equal to 11 English miles.
Some celebrity of the time, but not known in history.
bc 825. The Mân-King were wild tribes in the South, of whom more hereafter.
There is a difficulty as to the meaning of the opening lines, and as to who are the speakers. I take the language as being that of some country-people who witnessed the passing by of the army, and foraged for horses and men. The word translated “forage” above is the name of some edible herb. Dr. Legge translates “white millet.”
Lit., metal hooks and breast (trappings—for the horses). All these, including the car itself, were the gift of the king.
Bound round with red leather.
An ornamental yoke.
Lit., Mân-King.
Seized those who should be “questioned” (Cf. II. i. 8).
Lit., the beasts, game.
A ring protected the right thumb in drawing the string of the bow; and on the left hand and wrist was a glove guarding these against the arrows in shooting.
Lit., “the Great Larder is not full.” The king shared the game with all who took a proper part in the chase.
Lit., the mau day,—the 5th of the cycle, or, as Dr. Legge thinks, the mau-shin, a combination of two numbers of the cycle, both being fives. Odd numbers in dates are still considered lucky in China.
Of the Ruler of horses.
Kăng-wu, the 7th day of the cycle.
A contrast between the reigns of King Li and King Swân, as affecting the condition of the people. Dr. Legge is here evidently for once at fault, and might well say, from his point of view, that “the whole piece is perplexing and obscure.” Victor von Strauss has followed him, but being more literal in his rendering, approaches the true interpretation.
King Swân.
The former king, Li. Perhaps the expression is a little too strong; the word in the original signifies the opposite of “wise and prudent,”—ignorant, rude, stupid.
Lit., the Court-torch,—a large bundle of faggots kept burning nightly in the Court-yard.
Lit., has blazed; here, has done blazing.
Attends the Court of the Sea—visits its king.
An appeal to the sense of filial piety, a supreme duty with the Chinese. Fathers and mothers were involved in these troubles.
Chu-Hi is of opinion that two lines here have been lost.
Lit., ninth pool, i.e. furthest away.
Lit., pleasant.
Lit., paper-mulberry-shrub,—an unwelcome growth.
They were sent, contrary to custom, in the year 788 bc, to assist the regular army at the northern frontier, the latter having sustained a severe defeat at the hands of the barbarous tribes.
Commander of troops in the Royal Domain, who was also Minister of War.
This may appear a childish plea; but not so to the Chinese. It was usual for only sons to be exempted from military service abroad, so that aged parents should not be left unassisted; and doubtless there were some of these amongst the complainants.
The writer seeks in vain to detain some officer whom he admires, and to dissuade him against his purpose of retirement from public service. The officer, disgusted with the state of public affairs, meditates leading a hermit-life.
Lit., like a gem.
The birds are appealed to, only as leading up to the greater hindrances put in their way by the inhabitants.
The paper-mulberry-tree is specified.
Properly a small species of oak. Variation merely for rhyme.
Panicled millet.
Lit., paternal uncles, or relatives on the father’s side.
Since thou didst not provide me with the necessaries of life.
Said to have been built on the accession of King Swân, about 825 bc
For the adobe walls.
This verse, exceedingly terse in the original, is intended to describe the architecture of this portion of the palace, its loftiness and dignity, the straight lines of the walls, and the curving roof with its ornamentation and colouring.
In these two concluding stanzas appears already in these early times the different estimates at which sons and daughters were valued.
Lit., without wrong, without right. Explained by Chu-Hi as being without desire to be distinguished for either good or evil, content to remain in the background.
i.e., belong to that particular breed alone.
King Yiu (780-770 bc) was son and successor of Swân, but reflected but few of his father’s virtues. The complaint is chiefly against his Chief Minister, who gave all the best appointments to his relatives by marriage; but the king is also thus censured indirectly.
Relatives by marriage.
Arose to the occasion, or, came up (to the standard).
These two lines may refer to the king or to his minister. I leave them thus as expressing a general truth.
Lit., probing, searching into.
Lit., of the king.
Describing the worst period of King Yiu’s reign.
Lit., after my day.
The meaning is, that good men knew with no greater certainty where to go for employment than one can tell where a crow will settle.
This important line ( i shwuy yun tsăng) is a little obscure, but this is the received interpretation.
Satire. No one knows who is the real ruler—the king, or Pau-sze his favourite concubine. The latter was the true cause of all the evils: see verse 8. The king owed his own death to his infatuation with her.
Lit., spokes.
The king’s favourites.
Lit., in the tenth month’s conjunction (i.e., of sun and moon). The date is fixed with precision by these first two lines. It has been calculated that an eclipse of the sun took place on the 29th August, bc 775, in the sixth year of King Yiu’s reign. The tenth month is that of the Chow Calendar, Dr. Legge assures us, which would correspond to our August; and he adds that this “is the earliest date in Chinese history about which there can be no dispute.”
Lit., the “1st day, sin-mâu.” Sin-mâu is the 28th day of the sixty days’ cycle.
Lit., is good.
This was Pau-sze, referred to in last Ode. She had been elevated to the dignity of queen the year before this. The names given above are those of her creatures.
The poet here speaks in the name of the peasantry, who were required to remove with this official to his new city of Hiang: see next verse.
Lit., those who possess horses and carriages.
I have translated li as in III. iii. 4, v. 7.
The three chief ministers.
Are unwilling to appear at Court.
Lit., disbelieve, or disregard, justest words.
Satirical.
This stanza is probably addressed to those officers and others referred to in the previous Ode as following Hwang-fu to Hiang.
Lit., diffuses over.
Lit., all-perverse.
i.e., incur or take upon himself any responsibility.
Lit., only the last word do they hearken to (or follow).
Those of the two parents.
The bearing of these opening lines upon what follows is not sufficiently obvious. But see next note.
The young of the mulberry-insect was, according to popular belief, stolen by the sphex, or solitary wasp, carried off to its hole, and trained up as a wasp! Perhaps we are to understand that the wild beans were in this way sought by the people in order that they might be domesticated and brought to perfection.
Learn, i.e., from it how to be energetic and active. Few birds sing on the wing.
These are birds that feed usually on the fat of meat; in these straitened times they were struggling for existence like the people, and eating what they could get.
This prince was Yi-k‘iu, the son of King Yiu. He was heir to the throne; but on Pau-sze becoming the king’s favourite the young prince was banished, his mother degraded, and a son of Pau-sze named as successor to the throne.
Sleep without undressing, or unreal sleep.
Two kinds of trees are specified, the mulberry-tree and another, which, from being planted round the homestead and sheltering the house like father and mother, have become the symbolical expression for “home.”
A pledge-cup.
Evidently these two lines allude to the difficulty of approach to the king; yet there were those who did manage to get near him, and it behoved him to be careful in his speech.
These last four lines are quoted from I. iii. 10, and are used here figuratively.
Alluding, evidently, to compacts or leagues which the king had made with inferior princes, putting himself thereby on an equal footing with them.
Lit., made it.
“Organ-tongue-like.”
The writer is said to have been a duke of Su, who had been much maligned by a duke of Pâu. Through the slanders uttered against him by Pâu, an old friend was deserting him, and attaching himself to the slanderer. The friend comes into the neighbourhood of the writer’s dwelling, but hesitates to visit him.
See III. ii. 10, stanza 6.
The three victims were a dog, a pig, and a fowl. By the mingling of the blood of these animals it was the ancient custom to ratify bonds or agreements.
“I have made this goodly song to follow thee to the utmost through thy twistings and turnings.”
The “Southern Sieve” is a Chinese constellation of four stars, two of which are near each other, and are called “The Heels,” and two wide apart, called “The Mouth.”
The meaning would seem to be that though the persons aimed at were in high places, and the writer in a lowly one, yet there was a way by which he could reach them, viz., by this song.
This plant and the “wormwood” of the second stanza are in the original names of other species of southernwood, evidently inferior in value, and the grown-up son sees in them, on second thoughts, some resemblance to himself.
The smaller vessel which supplies the larger; as the son should provide for the parent.
The writer seems to have been an official in the East during the time of King Yiu.
Lit., in the Lesser East or Greater East, referring to the States.
Lit., are empty.
The Ode from this point is full of satire, even against the supposed powers in the sky.
Three stars in Lyra. The “seven stages” are seven out of the twelve of two hours each into which a day was divided. On the constellation rising it would be in the seventh.
The “Draught Oxen” are a Chinese constellation in the upper part of Aquila.
The Hyades.
See on Ode 6, verse 2, p. 230.
A constellation in Sagittarius.
So, literally, but in Ode 6 it is called the Mouth.
The spirits of ancestors were supposed to be capable of assisting men in trouble.
The line is rather obscure: “Degenerating, becoming despoilers”; but being evidently in apposition to the first line it will bear this rendering.
What is here meant is doubtful; some think the lines express a contrast between the writer’s circumstances and the hills and vales in nature, each of which had its appropriate growths; others suppose that he was now thinking of retiring to lead the life of a recluse, and would look for his sustenance in growths like these.
The king’s chief ministers.
Lit., plan and labour (must I) everywhere.
See III. iii. 10, v. 1, and III. iii. 11, v. 1.
So fang-ch‘ü, may, I think, be interpreted in modern language.
The next two stanzas explain this expression.
The Ode is referred to the time of King Yiu, though with some uncertainty. The royal barge is on the river Hwai, and the king is entertained with music;—this at a time when the country was in great disorder and unsettlement. The poet laments that he has not the virtue of former sovereigns.
These are names for (it is thought) some early collection of songs, afterwards incorporated in the Shi King. The Ya is the name still of the Second and Third Parts of the Shi; and the Nan comprises the first two books of Part I.
This line is explained in the Chinese commentaries as referring to the victims given to the Representors or Personators of the dead. See III. ii. 4.
I take kiéh as if combined with toh, to adjust, to bind.
Lit., to the autumn and winter sacrifices.
“By the gate,” as if to welcome the approach of the Spirits.
The spirits of ancestors.
Lit., “Spirit-guardians.” Chu-Hi thinks this refers to the Personators of the dead.
“Sons” and “son” throughout the piece are a free translation of sun, a descendant.
Lit., crosswise and diagonally, perhaps simply our “all round” (Legge).
The “Spirit-guardians,”—see note on p. 243.
I think this is the meaning of ju ki ju shih, as many, &c., as thy rites and offerings.
The Personators of the Dead.
Each Spirit-guardian returns (to his place).
(May thy) sons’ sons (and) grandsons’ grandsons, &c.
This may refer to the king; literally, the words mean the great-grandson, or remote descendant.
Small bells were attached to the handle of the knife, and tinkled during the performance.
See the Book of Rites. The hair of the victim must first be proved to be of the right colour.
There is a difference of opinion about shih ts‘ien; it would seem to refer to the tenths levied for the king.
Root-dressing, banking up with earth.
The meaning is, sacrifice to the Spirits of the Earth, and to the four quarters of the sky.
A title of Shin-Nung, the Father of Husbandry.
Compare Deuteronomy, xxiv. 19-22.
The “he” refers to the personage of the first line.
The red bull was offered to the Spirits of the South; the black one to those of the North.
The six armies of the Royal Domain, each consisting of 12,500 men.
Lit., blessings.
The allusive lines are a little obscure, but probably refer to the speakers themselves thus caught and entertained, as also their horses.
“Health,” “wealth,” and “blessing,” are renderings of the indefinite fuh luh so often met with together in the Odes.
This “green fly” is said to be an insect which befouls everything it touches, and is therefore an appropriate emblem of the slanderer.
Said to have been written by Duke Wu of Wei, who had once himself been addicted to intemperate drinking, but now condemned the habit. The Ode may be divided into two parts, the first consisting of stanzas 1 and 2, which describe the temperate use of wine at feasts, joined with archery contests, and at sacrifices; the second consisting of stanzas 3, 4, and 5, which give the contrast on ordinary occasions.
The defeated ones had to drink this cup.
The chief guest. Dr. Legge explains:—“At this point he presented a cup to the representative of the ancestor, and received one from him. He then proceeded to take some more spirits from one of the vases of supply, and the attendant came in and filled another cup, which was also presented to the representative of the dead. This was called the ‘cup of repose or comfort.’ ”
Lit., “both (i.e., host and guest) would receive a boon from it.”
An official like the Roman “arbiter bibendi.”
i.e., impossible things, self-contradictions.
Hâu was King Wu’s capital. See III. i. 10.
The introductory allusions are difficult.
I translate kiâu () as in kiâu tsai (
) “gifts of princes to secure friendship”; then ü (
) in the next line retains its natural meaning.
Wild tribes in the West and South.
Emblem, evidently, of what a sovereign should be,—the shelter of his people.
Shang Ti. The sacred name of the Supreme God is here used in irony. Cf. Psalm lxxxii. 6.
No date is assigned to the piece; but Dr. Legge is of opinion that it is to be “referred to the period soon after the removal of the capital to Loh, when things were all in disorder at the new seat of government.” We may therefore place it about 760 bc New manners and fashions were there disturbing men of conservative minds.
Lit., straight.
Surnames of two noble families.
Lit., I would go far in quest of such.
ü () is a flag with falcons emblazoned on it; but seems here simply to denote the figures made in adorning the hair.
The plants king-grass (or lit. “green-leaf”) and blue-leaf were plants yielding dyes. I conclude from a note in the China Review, vol. ix. pp. 248-9, that the latter, lan, is the
lan yeh, or blue-leaf, as in the translation.
These concluding lines are not clear to any translator, and I give the above rendering of them as the most probable, in my opinion.
This expedition had for its object the building and fortifying of a city, and the reclamation of the adjoining lands, in order to keep off the wild tribes of the border. See III. iii. 5 for an account of this.
Were cleared.
There is nothing in the piece to show who or what the parties were. The keun tsze () is always more or less indefinite, and whether it is singular or plural is often left to the imagination. So here; nor is it known who is speaking. It may be the king to his princes, or vice versâ; or a wife to her husband returning from abroad.
Lit., what day forget it?
King Yiu () put away his queen, and replaced her by his concubine Pâu-sze. Probably Pâu-sze is the “great one” shih jan
) alluded to in verses 3, 4, and 6. Some of the allusive lines are difficult to understand. Dr. Legge, in his metrical version, expands each verse to eight lines, in trying to bring out their meaning.
Lit., “the sound of drums and bells within the palace is heard (or, I hear) outside it.”
The allusion is here evident enough. The birds have changed places; so have the queen and Pâu-sze.
The “stone” is supposed to be Pâu-sze!
Some underlings complain of their hardships during an expedition. The poet puts their words into the mouth of small birds halting in their flight, incongruous though the sentiments may seem as uttered by the birds.
Much is made of this word ( chi) by Confucius in his “Great Learning;” and, as an illustration of his teaching in that place, a meaning seems to be forced upon it which it will not bear.
Lit., far, long.
I take kiu as standing for
kiu che.
Lit., “we fear inability to go rapidly.” So also in the third stanza, “we fear we may not reach the end.”
A great deal of meaning is tersely expressed here. The host was poor and frugal, yet would not curtail the usual ceremonies of a feast. It was the rule as indicated in the several verses:—
Song of troops on some expedition to the East. From the allusion to the rains the expedition may be supposed to be the same as that of I. xv. 3.
i.e., owing to the continual rains.
This curiously coincides with the Greek notion.
The trumpet-flowers, growing yellow with age, and afterwards falling, represent the decay of a season of prosperity.
A picture of famine. Lit., “the ewes have abnormal heads; the ‘Three Stars’ are in the creels;” i.e., nought else is found in them.
Full.
Said to refer to the time when the House of Chow was falling. The marches were incessant, through summer (v. 1), and autumn (v. 2), and no regard was had to the miseries of the troops.
i.e., the ten Odes commencing with “King Wăn.”
Said to have been composed by the Duke of Chow (Wăn’s son), and addressed to the young King Ch‘ing his nephew. The whole of this Book is, in fact, attributed to the same author, though it is probable that some of the pieces were only collected by him. They belong to the latter half of the twelfth century bc
King Wăn was virtually the Founder of the dynasty, but he never assumed the title of king. He was known during his life as Ch‘ang (), Duke of Chow, and as Si Peh, Chief of the West. He was afterwards canonized as “King Wăn.”
This refers to the continued activity of the spirit after death, caring still for the world below;—Wăn was regarded (as all good kings were) as an assessor with God, and worthy to be worshipped with Him.
“Yin” was another name for the former dynasty of Shang. Sometimes the two names are found together—Yin-Shang.
Showing how the divine appointment rested on him, the son of a virtuous mother; and how, by his espousal of the bride whom Heaven prepared for him, he became the father of King Wu, who overthrew the dynasty of Shang.
Tan-fu, the “Old Duke,” was its ancestral Prince. Breaking away from the wild tribes north of the Wai, he settled in the plain of Chow, and there introduced civilization. It is noteworthy that the first building here mentioned is a temple, round which the palace and city grew. The Ode closes abruptly with a reference to King Wăn, and to the effect produced by his wise rule upon the chiefs of adjacent States.
Names of two tributaries of the river Wai.
Divination by the wrinkles on the scorched shell.
A large drum was sounded at the time for stopping work each day, but such was the noise of the workmen that they could not hear.
Yü and Juy are the two names given, but they are hardly pronounceable, and I think better omitted in an English translation.
The last four lines are almost impossible to translate, but I have given the sense as best I can by the aid of a Chinese commentary. Four ministers are said really to be referred to —
,
,
,
.
Chow-Kiáng was Wăn’s grandmother, Tan-fu’s wife. See Ode 3.
The two former dynasties of Hia and Shang.
“King” T‘ai is merely the canonized name of Wăn’s grand father, Tan-fu. See IV. i. 5.
T‘ai-pih was King T‘ai’s eldest son, and Ki was a younger one, on whom the succession devolved.
Wăn was Ki’s son.
The lord of Ts‘ung was Wăn’s personal enemy, and had been the cause of his imprisonment in the time of the last Shang sovereign.
When the torture failed, prisoners were put to death, and the left ears were cut off from their dead bodies, presumably to be sent to the besieged. Hence the expression “noiselessly.”
A building surrounded by a moat, in which the young princes received instruction in various arts.
The musicians of the Court were all blind.
Viz., T‘ai, Ki, and Wăn.
“King” means “capital,” as in Peking.
The lines on the scorched tortoise-shell.
Mayers, in his “Chinese Reader’s Manual,” says that she, “having met with a giant’s footstep while walking abroad, became with child through the act of setting her foot within the imprint”; but this interpretation of the word will not hold good.
Dr. Legge translates—“the sacrifices which he founded.” But is not châu sze here simply a first or first-fruit offering? Doubtless it means more in the last stanza.
Query, whether ching denotes the distilling process, or merely steaming.
Southernwood.
The one of wood, the other of earthenware.
For the guests to recline upon.
Lit., talent, skill.
Lit., backs.
The feast to these men is said to have been given after all was over,—on the day following that of the sacrifice, and to have consisted of a re-cooking of what was left unconsumed at the sacrificial feast. It was spread in the Temple. The words seem addressed to both the King and these proxies.
The birds mentioned in each verse are the wild duck and another about which there is some doubt.
The river King.
The story of the migration and settlement in Pin (the modern Pin Chow, in Shen-si), in the year bc 1796, of Duke Liu and his followers, and of the manner in which that State throve under his wise rule. Duke Liu was one of the prominent ancestors of the House of Chow.
The scene is evidently shifted to their destination.
Lines 6 and 7, taken by themselves, remind us of the famous couplet,—“There was a fleet went out to Spain; When it returned, it came again”; but these further lines would seem to indicate that the duke had an object in exploring the hills.
Supposed to have been written by the Duke of Shau and addressed to King Ch‘ing.
The words k‘ai ti translated “joyous and free,” &c., in other Odes, seem to have another signification here, and Dr. Legge draws attention to the fact that Confucius interpreted somewhat as above in the Li-ki, quoting from these verses.
Lit., father and mother.
Supposed to have been improvised by the same Duke of Shau during a stroll with the king.
Phœnixes are always introduced as ominous of good, generally of a numerous progeny, but here they are mentioned, it is thought, simply as metaphorical of the abundance of virtuous men in office, and the prosperity of the time.
Dryandra-trees were thought to be the only trees on which they would settle.
Li was the tenth sovereign of the Chow line (bc 878-827). A great officer here calls upon his confrères to use every means to alleviate the misery of the country.
Addressed by the same officer to his juniors in other departments, for their levity and idleness. Times had grown still worse.
Lit., from the grass and fuel cutters.
Meaning, they are reduced to a state in which they can do nothing; literally, act as personators of the dead, men who undertook no other duties.
This is far from literal, and a literal translation would be nonsense; but it seems to give the meaning of ,
,
. Flute and whistle responding to each other, the joining together of the two equal parts of a mace, and the handling of objects, represent respectively the ready response of man’s intellect to the call of truth and rectitude, the accord and perfection which this response brings about, and the ease with which it is done.
Is it from this that the modern expression “foreign devils” arose?
Hià was the dynasty to which Yin-Shang succeeded.
An admonition said to have been written by Duke Wu of Wai (about bc 750), and addressed to himself, with the intention of its being recited in his presence.
These seem to be proverbial expressions, showing the effect of good example, and of no example. See the second one in II. vii. 6, which is attributed to the same writer.
i.e., made into a bow.
The duke is said to have been ninety years old at this time.
Better, perhaps, grown grey or ash-coloured, with trouble.
After King Li’s misgovernment, date about bc 840.
The king.
King Swân reigned from 827 to 781 bc
Lit., rank-tokens. Even these had all been offered.
Strictly, gifts are offered, then buried.
The meaning is, that all ancestral worship would be involved in this extinction; perhaps also that they themselves would lie unhonoured, deprived of the offerings of their own descendants,—in China the worst evil that can be imagined.
The king’s own death, evidently.
This lord of Shin was King Swân’s great-uncle. Times were now better, and the faithful chiefs were being rewarded.
sin mai. I take sin as the adverb, expressive of putting up for the nights.
Apparently the first Minister of King Swân.
Lit., the “one man,”—the King.
Metaphor for government.
Also of the time of King Swân.
A yoke.
Both of these also for the horses.
A leaning-board for the carriage, placed crosswise behind the seat.
Lit., Han-k‘ih, the lady’s name after marriage.
Scil., for taxing.
Also in King Swân’s time.
The mention of the Kiang (the Yang-tsze) and the Han, besides being metaphorical, suggests the modern Hankow as the scene.
Libation-cup, with sceptre-handle.
To offer in the ancestral temple.
Lit., the talented one, evidently King Wăn.
The lord of Shau above referred to.—This seems to me to be the meaning of this difficult line. The Duke of Shau is supposed to have left some inscription containing the remaining lines.
The “Ever-martial” is the Chinese title to the Ode.
Lit., “The Yin,” the Head of the Yin Clan. This was Kih-fu, the composer of some of the previous Odes. He seems to have been at this time , Home Secretary, or Recorder of the Interior.
Strictly, the margin.
The Expedition was meant to be a short one, so as not to interfere with the home duties of the troops. “The duties three” are sometimes defined as tillage of hills, plains, and marshes,—sometimes as the labours of spring, summer, and autumn.
Of Pau-sze we have often heard before. King Yiu (bc 781-770) was at this time allowing her and her favourites to oppress and plunder the people.
The language here is of women generally, but no doubt Pau-sze is in the mind particularly.
The King is here addressed.
Same reign.
The king.
The bad ministers; here really alluded to as unhulled rice,—the unemployed good men also as hulled or cleaned rice.
Many of the Odes in this portion of the Shi are without rhyme.
These were the princes of the various States, who are frequently spoken of as “assisting” the king at such sacrifices.
The hill of K‘i, named in the fifth line.
See III. i. 7, stanza 2.
Rather, perhaps, made it to flourish.
For use in the “Brilliant Hall,” or Hall of Audience.
Or, “Blesser.”
Or, “and thus maintain” (its favours).
Lit., “this Hià (land).” Hià was the dynasty before Shang; hence the name is given to the country, as afterwards, and even now, we find it called T‘ang, Han, &c., after those dynasties.
Suspended sounding-stones, of various tones.
This was in the Spring.
Lit., Hià, as in Ode 8.
i.e., the spirit of the deceased king.
Lit., your private (fields), the 30 li. There were public fields, and private: see II. vi. 8, verse 3.
Men who belonged to the line of the Hià and Shang kings came to Court with their retinue, and assisted the King of Chow in his sacrifices.
“There,”—in their own land; “here,”—at my Court.
The numerals are strictly “10,000,—100,000,—to millions.”
Lit., (ordinary) spirits and sweet spirits.
Lit., ancestral sires and dames.
An Ode celebrating the completion, by the Duke of Chow, of his instruments of music, and the first grand performance on the same in the temple of King Wăn. The performers were all blind, as see also III. i. 8.
A wooden instrument like a tub with a handle in the middle started the band. Another, carved like a tiger, having twenty-seven notches on the back, over which a rod was drawn with a grating sound, stopped the music.
See III. i. 3.
Approximate names.
i.e., a man indeed.
Heaven willed the peace of the people (see III. i. 7, v. 1), and was satisfied when this was wrought by Wăn.
Lit., “was able to make prosperous his (or, thy) after-comers (or, the ages after him).”
These two lines might be taken as independent sentences,—“thou comfortest me,” &c., but as they contain the reasons for the “honour” they may also be translated as above.
A prince of the House of Shang. See Note 1 on IV. ii. 3, which explains the placing of such a piece here.
White was the colour of the Shang dynasty.
Said to have been written to accompany the music of a dance ordained by the Duke of Chow to be performed in the ancestral temple.
Lit., “is like.”
Continuing. Let the spirit of my father move up and down without and within my palace, as he did during his lifetime.
, chih kiang keueh sze, may mean “promotes and degrades its Servants,” or “is about its Servants going up and down.”
The error was evidently that of believing the young princes (see note on I. xv. 2), who had led him to suspect the fidelity of his guardian the Duke of Chow in order that they might the better succeed in their rebellion. The “wasps” of line 3 are these princes.
So, literally; but it may be the name of a very small bird like a wren, which was believed to become great by soaring. We have here an image of a small evil becoming great when unchecked.
Lit., “you”; which seems out of place.
Who this was is not quite clear. The fourth line refers to the victims which it seems to have been his duty to inspect.
The native commentators are not sure of the meaning of this last line, hwang i kan (or kien) chi; but a corresponding line in III. i. 1, at end of first stanza, may well guide us.
The “Complete Digest” says it is doubtful whether Wu here speaks, or the poet in his name. Dr. Legge thinks it is the descendants of Wăn in general, who speak.
The king.
The line is obscure, but probably it expresses the loyalty of the princes and people to the king,—their being bound to him as the Ho was bound by its embankments.
Lu was one of the Eastern States,—that of which Confucius was a native.
The meaning may be “like a flock of egrets,” or, since the egret-plumes were flourished by the dancers, the reference may be simply to these.
The variations in colour &c., seem only to be made for the sake of the rhyme, as often.
A school or gymnasium at the courts of princes. The royal college (see III. i. 8) was entirely surrounded by water; those of the princes only half-surrounded; and this is indeed expressed in the original—“the half-encircling water.”
Lit., “may it long give him difficult old age!”—i.e., may old age long find him hard and hale.
i.e., by virtue of the training there received. All that follows hinges upon this.
The Minister of Crime under the Emperor Shun (bc 2255-2205).
Appeal to men who were appointed to settle disputes in the army.
He began his rule in 659 bc Being of the family of the Chow Princes, he could also, like them, trace his lineage back to How-tsih. He repaired or built anew the ancestral temple, and this seems to have been the occasion of the writing of this Ode.
See III. ii. 1.
This was King Ch‘ing, and the “uncle” is the Duke of Chow.
A vase shaped like an ox.
The three chief ministers.
King, a state in the East; Shu, another in the South; neither of which was yet brought fully into subjection.
Also hills in Lu.
Names of other hills.
In the course of time certain tracts had been parted with.
Mountains in Lu. This stanza brings us back to the first, and to the object of the whole piece.
Hi-sze, otherwise known as Prince Yü, was a brother of Prince Hi of Lu, and under his superintendence the work had been completed.
ching shang, the autumnal and winter sacrifices in the ancestral temple.
i.e., the spirit of T‘ang.
The swallow. The legend is told in various ways. Chu-Hi says that Kian-ti, the ancestress of the House of Shang, prayed at a sacrifice for a son, and thereupon came a swallow and left an egg, which Kian-ti swallowed, after which she gave birth to Siĕ, who became the Prince of Shang.
The division of the kingdom into nine provinces was made in the time of the Emperor Yü (2205-2197 bc). Afterwards the number was doubled.
Wu-ting reigned bc 1324-1265. Hence the Ode may be dated sometime during the thirteenth century bc
This is said to refer to the arrival of the princes to assist at the royal sacrifice.
A li is about one-third of an English mile.
Lit., the four seas, the supposed four boundaries of the earth.
The Deluge referred to at the beginning of the Shu King (Book of History). To Yü is ascribed the leading off of the waters.
Lit., great. This son of Sung was Siĕ. His mother was of Sung.
So-called, probably with reference to the legend of the “dusky bird” of the preceding Ode.
His people hastened to do his will.
Siang-t‘u was the grandson of Siĕ.
Jade-tokens, given to the princes in the first instance by the sovereign, and afterwards, as here, brought by them to the Court, as evidencing their rank, and in acknowledgment of his supremacy.
i.e., according to the size or importance of each feudal State.
The “root” was Kiĕ, the last king of the Hià dynasty; and the three shoots were the princes of Wei, Ku, and Kun-wu mentioned below.
About bc 1260. [There are the same almost constantly recurring rhymes, in the original, as in the preceding Ode.]
The Prince of T‘su (called both King and King-t‘su) had opposed himself to Wu-ting his sovereign, and refused to bring the annual offering and to appear at the annual levee at Court.
Wu-ting.
An ancient principality, probably older than T‘su.
There is a play upon the words in the original. The first “Shang” is the dynastic name, and the second “Shang” means changeless, constant. The words are introduced by the character yuch, implying that this was a proverbial saying.
i.e., feudal lords.
Lit., Shang’s city.
The hill mentioned in the 3rd Ode.
i.e., the spirit of Wu-ting could now fully repose.