The Life and Teaching of Confucius, Vol I (1869)

James Legge

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THE LIFE AND TEACHINGS OF CONFUCIUS. WITHEXPLANATORY NOTES.

BY JAMES LEGGE, D.D.

LONDON:

N. TRÜBNER CO., 60, PATERNOSTER ROW.

1869.

[ All Rightsreserved. ]

THE CHINESE CLASSICS: TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH, WITH PRELIMINARY ESSAYS AND EXPLANATORY NOTES. (reproduced forgeneral readers from the author’s work containing the originaltext, c.)

BY JAMES LEGGE, D.D.

VOL. I. THE LIFE AND TEACHINGS OF CONFUCIUS.

Second Edition.

LONDON:

N. TRÜBNER CO., 60, PATERNOSTER ROW.

1869.

[ All Rightsreserved. ]

PREFACE.

WHEN the author, in 1861, commenced the publication ofthe Chinese Classics, with an English translation and such a criticalapparatus as was necessary to the proper appreciation of the original Works,he did not contemplate an edition without the Chinese text and simplyadapted for popular reading. It was soon pressed upon him, however, fromvarious quarters; and he had formed the purpose to revise the separatevolumes, when he should have completed the whole of his undertaking, and topublish the English text, with historical introductions and briefexplanatory notes, which might render it acceptable for general perusal.

He is sorry that circumstances have arisen to call for such an issue of hisvolumes, without waiting for the completion of the last of theClassics;—principally because it adds another to the manyunavoidable hindrances which have impeded the onward prosecution of hisimportant task. A Mr Baker, of Massachusetts, in the United States, havingsent forth the prospectus of a republication of the author’stranslation, his publisher in London strongly represented to him thedesirableness of his issuing at once a popular edition in his own name, as acounter-movement to Mr Baker’s, and to prevent other similar actsof piracy:—and the result is the appearance of the presentvolume. It will be followed by a second, containing the Works of Mencius, assoon as the publisher shall feel himself authorized by public encouragementto go forward with the undertaking.

The author has seen the first part of Mr Baker’s republication,containing the English text of his first volume, and the indexes of Subjectsand Proper Names, without alteration. The only other matter in it is anintroduction of between seven and eight pages. Four of these are occupiedwith an account of Confucius, taken from Chambers’Encyclopædia, which Mr Baker says he chooses to copy: —so naturally does itcome to him to avail himself of the labours of other men. “Conveythe wise it call. Steal? Foh! A fico for the phrase!”

In the remainder of his Introduction, Mr Baker assumes a controversial tone,and calls in question some of the judgments which the author has passed onthe Chinese sage and his doctrines. He would make it out that Confucius wasa most religious man, and abundantly recognized the truth of a future life;that the worship of God was more nearly universal in China than in theTheocracy of Israel; that the Chinese in general are not more regardless oftruth than Dr Legge’s own countrymen; and thatConfucius’ making no mention of heaven and hell is the reason whymissionaries object to his system of practising virtue forvirtue’s sake! Mr Baker has made some proficiency in the art of“adding insult to injury.” It is easy to see to whatschool of religion he belongs; but the author would be sorry to regard hispublication as a specimen of the manner in which the members of it“practise virtue for virtue’s sake.”

In preparing the present volume for the press, the author has retained aconsiderable part of the prolegomena in the larger work, to prepare theminds of his readers for proceeding with advantage to the translation, andforming an intelligent judgment on the authority which is to be allowed tothe original Works. He has made a few additions and corrections which hisincreased acquaintance with the field of Chinese literature enabled him todo.

He was pleased to find, in revising the translation, that the alterationswhich it was worth while to make were very few and unimportant.

He has retained the headings to the notes on the several chapters, as theygive, for the most part, an adequate summary of the subjects treated inthem. All critical matter, interesting and useful only to students of theChinese language, he has thrown out. In a few instances he has remodelledthe notes, or made such additions to them as were appropriate to the populardesign of the edition.

Hong-Kong,

26 th October, 1866

.

CONTENTS.

- I. PRELIMINARY ESSAYS.

- CHAPTER I. OF THE CHINESECLASSICS GENERALLY.

- SECTION I. BOOKS INCLUDED UNDER THE NAME OF THE CHINESECLASSICS .. .. .. .. .. .. .. PAGE 1

- II. THE AUTHORITYOF THE CHINESE CLASSICS .. .. 3

- CHAPTER II. OF THECONFUCIAN ANALECTS.

- I. FORMATION OFTHE TEXT OF THE ANALECTS BY THE SCHOLARS OF THE HAN DYNASTY.. .. .. 12

- II. AT WHAT TIME,AND BY WHOM, THE ANALECTS WERE WRITTEN; THEIR PLAN; ANDAUTHENTICITY .. 15

- III. OFCOMMENTARIES UPON THE ANALECTS .. .. .. 19

- CHAPTER III. OF THE GREATLEARNING.

- I. HISTORY OF THETEXT; AND THE DIFFERENT ARRANGEMENTS OF IT WHICH HAVE BEENPROPOSED .. .. 22

- II. OF THEAUTHORSHIP, AND DISTINCTION OF THE TEXT INTO CLASSICAL TEXTAND COMMENTARY .. .. 26

- III. ITS SCOPE ANDVALUE .. .. .. .. .. 27

- CHAPTER IV. OF THEDOCTRINE OF THE MEAN.

- SECTION I. ITS PLACE IN THE LE KE, AND ITS PUBLICATIONSEPARATELY .. .. .. .. .. .. PAGE 35

- II. ITS AUTHOR;AND SOME ACCOUNT OF HIM .. .. 36

- III. ITS SCOPE ANDVALUE .. .. .. .. .. 43

- CHAPTER V. CONFUCIUS; HISINFLUENCE AND DOCTRINES.

- I. LIFE OFCONFUCIUS .. .. .. .. .. 55

- II. HIS INFLUENCEAND OPINIONS .. .. .. .. 91

- II. THE CLASSICS.

- I. CONFUCIAN ANALECTS .... .. .. .. 116

- II. THE GREAT LEARNING .... .. .. .. 264

- III. THE DOCTRINE OF THEMEAN .. .. .. .. 282

- III. INDEXES.

- I. SUBJECTS IN THECONFUCIAN ANALECTS .. .. .. 321

- II. PROPER NAMES IN THECONFUCIAN ANALECTS .. .. 330

- III. SUBJECTS IN THE GREATLEARNING .. .. .. 334

- IV. PROPER NAMES IN THEGREAT LEARNING .. .. 335

- V. SUBJECTS IN THEDOCTRINE OF THE MEAN .. .. 336

- VI. PROPER NAMES IN THEDOCTRINE OF THE MEAN .. 338

PRELIMINARY ESSAYS.

CHAPTER I.: OF THE CHINESE CLASSICS GENERALLY.

SECTION I.: BOOKS INCLUDED UNDER THE NAME OF THE CHINESECLASSICS.

1. THE Books now recognized as of highest authority inChina are comprehended under the denominations of “The five King, ” and “The four Shoo. ” The term king is of textile origin, and signifies the warp threads of aweb, and their adjustment. An easy application of it is to denote whatis regular and insures regularity. As used with reference to books, itindicates their authority on the subjects of which they treat.“The five King ” are the five canonical Works, containing the truth upon thehighest subjects from the sages of China, and which should be receivedas law by all generations. The term shoo simplymeans writings or books.

2. The five Kingare:—the Yih, or, as it has been styled,“The Book of Changes;” the Shoo, or “The Book of HistoricalDocuments;” the She, or “TheBook of Poetry;” the Le Ke, or “Record ofRites;” and the Ch‘un Ts‘ew, or“Spring and Autumn,” a chronicle of events,extending from BC 721 to 480. The authorship,or compilation rather, of all these works is loosely attributed toConfucius. But much of the Le Ke is from later hands. Of the Yih, theShoo, and the She, it is only in the first that we find additions saidto be from the philosopher himself, in the shape of appendixes. TheCh‘un Ts‘ew is the only one of the five King which can, with an approximation tocorrectness, be described as of his own“making.”

“The four Books” is an abbreviation for“The Books of the four Philosophers.” The first isthe Lun Yu, or “Digested Conversations,” beingoccupied chiefly with the sayings of Confucius. He is the philosopher towhom it belongs. It appears in this Work under the title of“Confucian Analects.” The second is the TaHeŏ, or “Great Learning,” now commonlyattributed to Tsăng Sin, a disciple of the sage. He is thephilosopher of it. The third is the Chung Yung, or “Doctrineof the Mean,” ascribed to K‘ung Keih, the grandsonof Confucius. He is the philosopher of it. The fourth contains the worksof Mencius.

3. This arrangement of theClassical Books, which is commonly supposed to have originated with thescholars of the Sung dynasty, is defective. The GreatLearning and the Doctrine of the Mean areboth found in the Record of Rites, being the forty-second andthirty-first Books respectively of that compilation, according to theusual arrangement of it.

4. The oldest enumerations of theClassical Books specify only the five King. TheYŏ Ke, or “Record of Music,” theremains of which now form one of the Books in the Le Ke, was sometimesadded to those, making with them the six King. Adivision was also made into nine King, consistingof the Yih, the She, the Shoo, the Chow Le, or “Ritual ofChow,” the E Le, or “CeremonialUsages,” the Le Ke, and the three annotated editions of theCh‘un Ts‘ew, by Tsok‘ew Ming, Kung-yangKaou, and Kuh-leang Ch‘ih. In the famous compilation of theclassical Books, undertaken by order of T‘ae-tsung, thesecond emperor of the T‘ang dynasty ( BC 627—619), and which appeared in the reignof his successor, there are thirteen King; viz.,the Yih, the She, the Shoo, the three editions of the Ch‘unTs‘ew, the Le Ke, the Chow Le, the E Le, the ConfucianAnalects, the Urh Ya, a sort of ancient dictionary, the Heaou King, or“Classic of Filial Piety,” and the works ofMencius.

5. A distinction, however, wasmade, as early as the dynasty of the Western Han, in our first century,among the Works thus comprehended under the same common name; andMencius, the Lun Yu, the Ta Heŏ, the Chung Yung, and theHeaou King were spoken of as the seaou King, or“smaller Classics.” It thus appears, contrary tothe ordinary opinion on the subject, that the Ta Heŏ andChung Yung had been published as separate treatises long before the Sungdynasty, and that the Four Books, as distinguished from the greaterKing, had also previously found a place in the literature of China. [1]

SECTION II.: THE AUTHORITY OF THE CHINESE CLASSICS.

1. THIS subject will be discussed in connection witheach separate Work, and it is only designed here to exhibit generallythe evidence on which the Chinese Classics claim to be received asgenuine productions of the time to which they are referred.

2. In the memoirs of the FormerHan dynasty ( BC 201— AD 24), we have one chapter which we may call theHistory of Literature. It commences thus:—“Afterthe death of Confucius, there was an end of his exquisite words; andwhen his seventy disciples had passed away, violence began to be done totheir meaning. It came about that there were five different editions ofthe Ch‘un Ts‘ew, four of the She, and several ofthe Yih. Amid the disorder and collision of the warring States ( BC 480—221), truth and falsehoodwere still more in a state of warfare, and a sad confusion marked thewords of the various scholars. Then came the calamity inflicted underthe Ts‘in dynasty ( BC 220—205), when the literary monuments were destroyed by fire,in order to keep the people in ignorance. But, by and by, there arosethe Han dynasty, which set itself to remedy the evil wrought by theTs‘in. Great efforts were made to collect slips andtablets, [2] and the way was thrown wide open for the bringingin of Books. In the time of the emperor Heaou-woo ( BC 139—86), portions of Books being wantingand tablets lost, so that ceremonies and music were suffering greatdamage, he was moved to sorrow, and said,‘I am very sad for this.’ He therefore formed theplan of Repositories, in which the Books might be stored, and appointedofficers to transcribe Books on an extensive scale, embracing the worksof the various scholars, that they might all be placed in theRepositories. The Emperor Ch‘ing ( BC 31—6), finding that a portion of the Books still continueddispersed or missing, commissioned Ch‘in Nung, thesuperintendent of guests, to search for undiscovered Books throughoutthe empire, and by special edict ordered the chief of the BanquetingHouse, Lew Heang, to examine the classical Works, along with thecommentaries on them, the writings of the scholars, and all poeticalproductions; the master-controller of infantry, Jin Hwang, to examinethe Books on the art of war; the grand historiographer, YinHëen, to examine the Books treating of the art of numbers (i.e. divination); and the imperial physician, LeCh‘oo-kŏ, to examine the Books on medicine.Whenever any Book was done with, Heang forthwith arranged it, indexedit, and made a digest of it, which was presented to the emperor. Whilethe undertaking was in progress, Heang died, and the emperor Gae ( BC 5— AD )appointed his son, Hin, a master of the imperial carriages, to completehis father’s work. On this, Hin collected all the Books, andpresented a report of them, under seven divisions.”

The first of these divisions seems to have been a general catalogue,containing perhaps only the titles of the works included in the othersix. The second embraced the classical Works. From the abstract of it,which is preserved in the chapter referred to, we find that there were294 collections of the Yih-king, from 13 different individuals oreditors; [1] 412collections of the Shoo-king, from nine different individuals; 416volumes of the She-king, from six different individuals; [2] of the Book of Rites, 555 collections, from 13 different individuals; ofthe Books on Music, 165 collections, from six different editors; 948collections of History, under the heading ofthe Ch‘un Ts‘ew, from 23 different individuals;229 collections of the Lun Yu, including the Analects and kindredfragments, from 12 different individuals; of the Heaou-king, embracingalso the Urh Ya, and some other portions of the ancient literature, 59collections, from 11 different individuals; and finally of the LesserLearning, being works on the form of the characters, 45 collections,from 11 different individuals. The Works of Mencius were included in thesecond division, among the Writings of what were deemed orthodoxscholars, of which there were 836 collections, from 53 differentindividuals.

3. The above important documentis sufficient to show how the emperors of the Han dynasty, as soon asthey had made good their possession of the empire, turned theirattention to recover the ancient literature of the nation, the ClassicalBooks engaging their first care, and how earnestly and effectively thescholars of the time responded to the wishes of their rulers. Inaddition to the facts specified in the preface to it, I may relate thatthe ordinance of the Ts‘in dynasty against possessing theClassical Books (with the exception, as will appear in its proper place,of the Yih-king) was repealed by the second sovereign of the Han, theemperor Heaou Hwuy, in the 4th year of his reign, BC 190, and that a large portion of the Shoo-king wasrecovered in the time of the third emperor, BC 178—156, while in the year BC 135, aspecial Board was constituted, consisting of literati who were put incharge of the five King.

4. The collections reported on byLew Hin suffered damage in the troubles which began AD 8, and continued till the rise of the second oreastern Han dynasty in the year 25. The founder of it ( AD 25—57) zealously promoted the undertakingof his predecessors, and additional repositories were required for thebooks which were collected. His successors, the emperors, Heaou-ming(58—75), Heaou-chang (75—88), and Heaou-hwo(89—105), took a part themselves in the studies anddiscussions of the literary tribunal, and the emperor Heaou-ling,between the years 172—178, had the text of the five King, as it had been fixed, cut in slabs of stone,in characters of three different forms.

5. Since the Han, the successivedynasties have considered the literary monuments of the country to be anobject of their special care. Many of them have issued editions of theclassics, embodying the commentaries ofpreceding generations. No dynasty has distinguished itself more in thisline than the present Manchow possessors of the Empire. In fine, theevidence is complete that the Classical Books of China have come downfrom at least a century before our Christian era, substantially the sameas we have them at present.

6. But it still remains toinquire in what condition we may suppose the Books were when thescholars of the Han dynasty commenced their labours upon them. Theyacknowledge that the tablets—we cannot here speak of manuscripts —were mutilated and indisorder. Was the injury which they had received of such an extent thatall the care and study put forth on the small remains would be of littleuse? This question can be answered satisfactorily only by an examinationof the evidence which is adduced for the text of each particularClassic; but it can be made apparent that there is nothing, in thenature of the case, to interfere with our believing that the materialswere sufficient to enable the scholars to execute the work intrusted tothem.

7. The burning of the ancientBooks by order of the founder of the Ts‘in dynasty is alwaysreferred to as the greatest disaster which they sustained, and with thisis coupled the slaughter of many of the literati by the samemonarch.

The account which we have of these transactions in the Historical Recordsis the following: [1] —

“In his 34th year” (the 34th year, that is, afterhe had ascended the throne of Ts‘in. It was only the 8thafter he had been acknowledged Sovereign of the empire, coinciding with BC 212) “the emperor, returningfrom a visit to the south, which had extended as far as Yuĕ,gave a feast in the palace of Heen-yang, when the Great Scholars,amounting to seventy men, appeared and wished him long life. [2] The superintendent of archery,Chow Ts‘ing-ch‘in, came forward and praised him, saying, ‘Formerly, the State ofTs‘in was only 1000 le in extent, but Your Majesty, by yourspirit-like efficacy and intelligent wisdom, has tranquillized andsettled the whole empire, and driven away all barbarous tribes, so thatwherever the sun and moon shine, all appear before you as guestsacknowledging subjection. You have formed the States of the variousprinces into provinces and districts, where the people enjoy a happytranquillity, suffering no more from the calamities of war andcontention. This condition of things will be transmitted for 10,000generations. From the highest antiquity there has been no one in awfulvirtue like Your Majesty.’

“The Emperor was pleased with this flattery, when Shun-yuYuĕ, one of the great scholars, a native of Ts‘e,advanced and said, ‘The sovereigns of Yin and Chow, for morethan a thousand years, invested their sons and younger brothers, andmeritorious ministers, with domains and rule, and could thus depend uponthem for support and aid;—that I have heard. But now YourMajesty is in possession of all within the seas, and your sons andyounger brothers are nothing but private individuals. The issue will bethat some one will arise to play the part of T‘eenCh‘ang, [1] or of the six nobles of Ts‘in.Without the support of your own family, where willyou find the aid which you may require? That a state of things notmodelled from the lessons of antiquity can longcontinue;—that is what I have not heard. Ts‘ing isnow showing himself to be a flatterer, who increases the errors of YourMajesty, and is not a loyal minister.’

“The Emperor requested the opinions of others on thisrepresentation, when the premier, Le Sze, said, ‘The fiveemperors were not one the double of the other, nor did the threedynasties accept one another’s ways. Each had a peculiarsystem of government, not for the sake of the contrariety, but as beingrequired by the changed times. Now, Your Majesty has laid thefoundations of imperial sway, so that it will last for 10,000generations. This is indeed beyond what a stupid scholar can understand.And, moreover, Yuĕ only talks of things belonging to theThree Dynasties, which are not fit to be models to you. At other times,when the princes were all striving together,they endeavoured to gather the wandering scholars about them; but now,the empire is in a stable condition, and laws and ordinances issue fromone supreme authority. Let those of the people whoabide in their homes give their strength to the toils of husbandry, andthose who become scholars should study the various laws andprohibitions. Instead of doing this, however, the scholars do not learnwhat belongs to the present day, but study antiquity. They go on tocondemn the present time, leading the masses of the people astray, andto disorder.

“ ‘At the risk of my life, I, the prime minister,say,—Formerly, when the empire was disunited and disturbed,there was no one who could give unity to it. The princes therefore stoodup together; constant references were made to antiquity to the injury ofthe present state; baseless statements were dressed up to confound whatwas real, and men made a boast of their own peculiar learning to condemnwhat their rulers appointed. And now, when Your Majesty has consolidatedthe empire, and, distinguishing black from white, has constituted it astable unity, they still honour their peculiar learning, and combinetogether; they teach men what is contrary to your laws. When they hearthat an ordinance has been issued, every one sets to discussing it withhis learning. In the court, they are dissatisfied in heart; out of it,they keep talking in the streets. While they make a pretence of vauntingtheir Master, they consider it fine to have extraordinary views of theirown. And so they lead on the people to be guilty of murmuring and evilspeaking. If these things are not prohibited, Your Majesty’sauthority will decline, and parties will be formed. As to the best wayto prohibit them, I pray that all the Records in charge of theHistoriographers be burned, excepting those of Ts‘in; that,with the exception of those officers belonging to the Board of GreatScholars, all throughout the empire who presume to keep copies of theShe-king, or of the Shoo-king, or of the books of the Hundred Schools,be required to go with them to the officers in charge of the severaldistricts, and burn them; that all who may dare to speak together aboutthe She and the Shoo be put to death, and their bodies exposed in themarket-place; that those who make mention of the past, so as to blamethe present, be put to death along with theirrelatives; that officers who shall know of the violation of these rulesand not inform against the offenders, be held equally guilty with them;and that whoever shall not have burned their books within thirty daysafter the issuing of the ordinance, be branded and sent to labour on thewall for four years. The only books which should be spared are those onmedicine, divination, and husbandry. Whoever wants to learn the laws maygo to the magistrates and learn of them.’

“The imperial decisionwas—‘Approved.’ ”

The destruction of the scholars is related more briefly. In the yearafter the burning of the Books, the resentment of the Emperor wasexcited by the remarks and flight of two scholars who had beenfavourites with him, and he determined to institute a strict inquiryabout all of their class in Hëen-yang, to find out whetherthey had been making ominous speeches about him, and disturbing theminds of the people. The investigation was committed to the Censors; andit being discovered that upwards of 460 scholars had violated theprohibitions, they were all buried alive in pits, for a warning to theempire, while degradation and banishment were employed more strictlythan before against all who fell under suspicion. TheEmperor’s eldest son, Foo-soo, remonstrated with him, sayingthat such measures against those who repeated the words of Confucius,and sought to imitate him, would alienate all the people from theirinfant dynasty, but his interference offended his father so much that hewas sent off from court, to be with the general who was superintendingthe building of the great wall.

8. No attempts have been made byChinese critics and historians to discredit the record of these events,though some have questioned the extent of the injury inflicted by themon the monuments of their ancient literature. It is important to observethat the edict against the Books did not extend to the Yih-king, whichwas exempted as being a work on divination, nor did it extend to theother classics which were in charge of the Board of Great Scholars.There ought to have been no difficulty in finding copies when the Handynasty superseded that of Ts‘in; and probably there wouldhave been none but for the sack of the capital, in BC 203, by Heang Yu, the most formidable opponent of thefounder of the House of Han. Then, we aretold, the fires blazed for three months among the palaces and publicbuildings, and proved as destructive to the copies of the‘Great Scholars,’ as those ordered by the tyranthad done to the copies of the people.

It is to be noted, moreover, that his life lasted only three years afterthe promulgation of his edict. He died BC 209;and the reign of his second son, who succeeded him, lasted only otherthree years. Then the reign of the founder of the Han dynasty dates from BC 201:—eleven years were allwhich intervened between the order for the burning of the Books and theestablishment of that Family which signalized itself by the care whichit bestowed for their recovery; and from the issue of the edict againstprivate individuals having copies in their keeping to its expressabrogation by the Emperor Hwuy, there were only 22 years. We maybelieve, indeed, that vigorous efforts to carry the edict into effectwould not be continued longer than the life of itsauthor,—that is, not for more than about three years. Thecalamity inflicted on the ancient Books of China by the House ofTs‘in could not have approached to anything like a completedestruction of them.

9. The idea of forgery by thescholars of the Han dynasty on a large scale is out of the question. Thecatalogues of Lew Hin enumerated more than 13,000 volumes of a larger orsmaller size, the productions of nearly 600 different writers, andarranged in 38 subdivisions of subjects. In the third catalogue, thefirst subdivision contained the orthodox writers, to the number of 53,with 836 Works or portions of their Works. Between Mencius andK‘ung Keih, the grandson of Confucius, eight differentauthors have place. The second subdivision contained the Works of theTaouist school, amounting to 993 collections, from 37 different authors.The sixth subdivision contained the Mihist writers, to the number ofsix, with their productions in 86 collections. I specify these twosubdivisions, because they embraced the Works of schools or sectsantagonist to that of Confucius, and some of them still hold a place inChinese literature, and contain many references to the five Classics,and to Confucius and his disciples.

10. The inquiry pursued in theabove paragraphs conducts us to the conclusion that the materials fromwhich the Classics, as they have come down tous, were compiled and edited in the two centuries preceding ourChristian era, were genuine remains, going back to a still more remoteperiod. The injury which they sustained from the dynasty ofTs‘in was, I believe, the same in character as that to whichthey were exposed during all the time of “the WarringStates.” It may have been more intense in degree, but theconstant warfare which prevailed for some centuries among the differentStates which composed the empire was eminently unfavourable to thecultivation of literature. Mencius tells us how the princes had madeaway with many of the records of antiquity, from which their ownusurpations and innovations might have been condemned. [1] Still the times were not unfruitful, either inscholars or statesmen, to whom the ways and monuments of antiquity weredear, and the space from the rise of the Ts‘in dynasty toConfucius was not very great. It only amounted to 258 years. Betweenthese two periods Mencius stands as a connecting link. Born probably inthe year BC 371, he reached, by theintervention of K‘ung Keih, back to the sage himself, and ashis death happened BC 288, we are brought downto within nearly half a century of the Ts‘in dynasty. Fromall these considerations, we may proceed with confidence to considereach separate Work, believing that we have in these Classics and Bookswhat the great sage of China and his disciples found, or gave to theircountry, more than 2000 years ago.

CHAPTER II.: OF THE CONFUCIAN ANALECTS.

SECTION I.: FORMATION OF THE TEXT OF THE ANALECTS BY THESCHOLARS OF THE HAN DYNASTY.

1. WHEN the work of collecting and editing the remainsof the Classical Books was undertaken by the scholars of Han, thereappeared two different copies of the Analects; one from Loo, the nativeState of Confucius, and the other from Ts‘e, the Stateadjoining. Between these there were considerable differences. The formerconsisted of twenty Books or Chapters, the same as those into which theClassic is now divided. The latter contained two Books in addition, andin the twenty Books, which they had in common, the chapters andsentences were somewhat more numerous than in the Loo exemplar.

2. The names of severalindividuals are given, who devoted themselves to the study of those twocopies of the Classic. Among the patrons of the Loo copy are mentionedthe names of Hea-how Shing, grand-tutor of the heir-apparent, who diedat the age of 90, and in the reign of the Emperor Seuen ( BC 72—48); Seaou Wangche, a general officer,who died in the reign of the Emperor Yuen ( BC 47—32); Wei Heen, who was premier of the empire from BC 70—66; and his son Heuen-shing.As patrons of the Ts‘e copy, we have Wang K‘ing,who was a censor in the year BC 99; Yung Tan,and Wang Keih, a statesman who died in the beginning of the reign of theEmperor Yuen.

3. But a third copy of theAnalects was discovered about BC 150. One ofthe sons of the Emperor King was appointed king of Loo, in the year BC 153, and some time after, wishing to enlargehis palace, he proceeded to pull down thehouse of the K‘ung family, known as that where Confuciushimself had lived. While doing so, there were found in the wall copiesof the Shoo-king, the Ch‘un Ts‘ew, the Heaou-king,and the Lun Yu or Analects, which had been deposited there, when theedict for the burning of the Books was issued. They were all written,however, in the most ancient form of the Chinese character, [1] which had fallen into disuse; and the king returned them to theK‘ung family, the head of which, K‘ungGan-kwŏ, gave himself to the study of them, and finally, inobedience to an imperial order, published a Work called “TheLun Yu, with explanations of the Characters, and Exhibition of theMeaning.” [2]

4. The recovery of this copy willbe seen to be a most important circumstance in the history of the textof the Analects. It is referred to by Chinese writers, as“The old Lun Yu.” In the historical narrativewhich we have of the affair, a circumstance is added which may appear tosome minds to throw suspicion on the whole account. The king was finallyarrested, we are told, in his purpose to destroy the house, by hearingthe sound of bells, musical stones, lutes, and harpsichords, as he wasascending the steps that led to the ancestral hall or temple. Thisincident was contrived, we may suppose, by the K‘ung family,to preserve the house, or it may have been devised by the historian toglorify the sage, but we may not, on account of it, discredit thefinding of the ancient copies of the Books. We have K‘ungGan-kwŏ’s own account of their being committed tohim, and of the ways which he took to decipher them. The work upon theAnalects, mentioned above, has not indeed come down to us, but hislabours on the Shoo-king still remain.

5. It has been already stated,that the Lun Yu of Ts‘e contained two Books more than that ofLoo. In this respect, the old Lun Yu agreed with the Loo exemplar. Thosetwo books were wanting in it as well. The last book of the Loo Lun wasdivided in it, however, into two, the chapterbeginning, “Yaou said,” forming a whole Book byitself, and the remaining two chapters formed another Book beginning“Tsze-chang.” With this trifling difference, theold and the Loo copies appear to have agreed together.

6. Chang Yu, prince ofGan-ch‘ang, who died BC 4, afterhaving sustained several of the highest offices of the empire,instituted a comparison between the exemplars of Loo andTs‘e, with a view to determine the true text. The result ofhis labours appeared in twenty-one Books, which are mentioned in LewHin’s catalogue. They were known as the Lun of the PrinceChang, and commanded general approbation. To Chang Yu is commonlyascribed the ejecting from the Classic of the two additional books whichthe Ts‘e exemplar contained, but Ma Twan-lin prefers to restthat circumstance on the authority of the old Lun, which we have seenwas without them. If we had the two Books, we might find sufficientreason from their contents to discredit them. That may have beensufficient for Chang Yu to condemn them as he did, but we can hardlysuppose that he did not have before him the old Lun, which had come tolight about a century before he published his Work.

7. In the course of the secondcentury, a new edition of the Analects, with a commentary, was publishedby one of the greatest scholars which China has everproduced,—Ch‘ing Heuen, known also asCh‘ing K‘ang-shing. He died in the reign of theEmperor Heen ( AD 109—220) at the ageof 74, and the amount of his labours on the ancient classical literatureis almost incredible. While he adopted the Loo Lun as the received textof his time, he compared it minutely with those of Ts‘e andthe old exemplar. He produced three different works on the Analects,which unfortunately do not subsist. They were current, however, forseveral centuries; and the name of one ofthem—“The Meaning of the Lun Yuexplained,”—appears in the Catalogues of Books inthe T‘ang dynasty ( AD 624—907).

8. On the whole, the abovestatements will satisfy the reader of the care with which the text ofthe Lun Yu was fixed during the dynasty of Han.

SECTION II.: AT WHAT TIME, AND BY WHOM, THE ANALECTS WEREWRITTEN; THEIR PLAN; AND AUTHENTICITY.

1. AT the commencement of the notes upon the firstBook, under the heading—“The Title of theWork,” I have given the received account of its authorship,taken from the “History of Literature” of thewestern Han dynasty. According to that, the Analects were compiled bythe disciples of Confucius, coming together after his death, anddigesting the memorials of his discourses and conversations which theyhad severally preserved. But this cannot be true. We may believe,indeed, that many of the disciples put on record conversations whichthey had had with their master, and notes about his manners andincidents of his life, and that these have been incorporated with theWork which we have, but that Work must have taken its present form at aperiod somewhat later.

In Book VIII., chapters iii. and iv., we have some notices of the lastdays of Tsăng Sin, and are told that he was visited on hisdeath-bed by the officer Măng King. Now King was the posthumous title of Chung-sun Tseĕ,and we find him alive (Le Ke, II. Pt. II. ii. 2) after the death of DukeTo of Loo, which took place BC 430, about fiftyyears after the death of Confucius.

Again, Book XIX. is all occupied with the sayings of the disciples.Confucius personally does not appear in it. Parts of it, as chaptersiii., xii., xviii., and xix., carry us down to a time when the discipleshad schools and followers of their own, and were accustomed to sustaintheir teachings by referring to the lessons which they had heard fromthe sage.

Thirdly, there is the second chapter of Book XI., the second paragraph ofwhich is evidently a note by the compilers of the work, enumerating tenof the principal disciples, and classifying them according to theirdistinguishing characteristics. We can hardly suppose it to have beenwritten while any of the ten were alive. But there is among them thename of Tsze-hea, who lived to the age of about a hundred. We find him, BC 406,three quarters of a century after the death of Confucius, at the courtof Wei, to the prince of which he is reported to have presented some ofthe Classical Books.

2. We cannot therefore accept theabove account of the origin of the Analects,—that they werecompiled by the disciples of Confucius. Much more likely is the viewthat we owe the work to their disciples. In thenote on Book I. ii. 1, a peculiarity is pointed out in the use of thesurnames of Yew Jŏ and Tsăng Sin, which has madesome Chinese critics attribute the compilation to their followers. Butthis conclusion does not stand investigation. Others have assigneddifferent portions to different schools. Thus Book V. is given to thedisciples of Tsze-kung; Book XI. to those of Min Tsze-k‘een;Book XIV. to Yuen Heen; and Book XVI. has been supposed to beinterpolated from the Analects of Ts‘e. Even if we were toacquiesce in these decisions, we should have accounted only for a smallpart of the work. It is better to rest in the general conclusion, thatit was compiled by the disciples of the disciples of the sage, makingfree use of the written memorials concerning him which they hadreceived, and the oral statements which they had heard, from theirseveral masters. And we shall not be far wrong, if we determine its dateas about the beginning of the third, or the end of the fourth centurybefore Christ.

3. In the critical work on theClassical Books, called “Record of Remarks in the village ofYung,” published in 1743, it is observed, “TheAnalects, in my opinion, were made by the disciples, just like thisRecord of Remarks. There they were recorded, and afterwards came afirst-rate hand, who gave them the beautiful literary finish which wenow witness, so that there is not a character which does not have itsown indispensable place.” We have seen that the first ofthese statements contains only a small amount of truth with regard tothe materials of the Analects, nor can we receive the second. If onehand or one mind had digested the materials provided by many, thearrangement and style of the work would have been different. We shouldnot have had the same remark appearing in several Books, with littlevariation, and sometimes with none at all. Nor can we account on thissupposition for such fragments as the lastchapters of the 9th, 10th, and 16th Books, and many others. No definiteplan has been kept in view throughout. A degree of unity appears tobelong to some Books more than to others, and in general to the firstten more than to those which follow, but there is no progress of thoughtor illustration of subject from Book to Book. And even in those wherethe chapters have a common subject, they are thrown together at randommore than on any plan.

4. When the Work was first calledthe Lun Yu, we cannot tell. [1] The evidence in the preceding section issufficient to prove that when the Han scholars were engaged incollecting the ancient Books, it came before them, not in brokentablets, but complete, and arranged in Books or Sections, as we now haveit. The old Lun was found deposited in the wall of the house whichConfucius had occupied, and must have been placed there not later than BC 211, distant from the date which I haveassigned to the compilation, not much more than a century and a half.That copy, written in the most ancient characters, was, possibly, theautograph, so to speak, of the compilers.

We have the Writings, or portions of the Writings, of several authors ofthe third and fourth centuries before Christ. Of these, in addition to“The Great Learning,” “The Doctrine ofthe Mean,” and “The Works of Mencius,”I have looked over the Works of Seun K‘ing of the orthodoxschool, of the philosophers Chwang and Leĕ of the Taouistschool, and of the heresiarch Mih.

In The Great Learning, Commentary, chapter iv., we have the words of Ana.XII. xiii. In The Doctrine of the Mean, ch. iii., we have Ana. VI.xxvii.; and in ch. xxviii. 5, we have Ana. III. ix. and xiv. In Mencius,II. Pt. I. ii. 19, we have Ana. VII. xxxiii., and in vii. 2, Ana. IV.i.; in III. Pt. I. iv. 11, Ana. VIII. xviii., xix.; in IV. Pt. I. xiv.1, Ana. XI. xvi. 2; V. Pt. II. vii. 9, Ana. X. xiii. 4; and in VII. Pt.II. xxxvii. 1, 2, 8, Ana. V. xxi., XIII. xxi., and XVII. xiii. These quotations, however, areintroduced by “The Master said,” or“Confucius said,” no mention being made of anybook called “The Lun Yu,” or Analects. In TheGreat Learning, Commentary, x. 15, we have the words of Ana. IV. iii.,and in Mencius, III. Pt. II. vii. 3, those of Ana. XVII. i., but withoutany notice of quotation.

In the Writings of Seun K‘ing, Book I. page 2, we find somewords of Ana. XV. xxx.; p. 6, those of XIV. xxv. In Book VIII. p. 13, wehave some words of Ana. II. xvii. But in these three instances there isno mark of quotation.

In the Writings of Chwang, I have noted only one passage where the wordsof the Analects are reproduced. Ana. XVIII. v. is found, but with largeadditions, and no reference of quotation, in his treatise on“The state of Men in the world, Intermediate,”placed, that is, between Heaven and Earth. In all these Works, as wellas in those of Leĕ and Mih, the references to Confucius andhis disciples, and to many circumstances of his life, are numerous. [1] The quotations of sayings of his notfound in the Analects are likewise many, especially in the Doctrine ofthe Mean, in Mencius, and in the works of Chwang. Those in the latterare mostly burlesques, but those by the orthodox writers have more orless of classical authority. Some of them may be found in the Kea Yu, or“Family Sayings,” and in parts of the Le Ke, whileothers are only known to us by their occurrence in these Writings.Altogether, they do not supply the evidence, for which I am in quest, ofthe existence of the Analects as a distinct Work, bearing the name ofthe Lun Yu, prior to the Ts‘in dynasty. They leave thepresumption, however, in favour of those conclusions, which arises fromthe facts stated in the first section, undisturbed. They confirm itrather. They show that there was abundance of materials at hand to thescholars of Han, to compile a much larger Work with the same title, ifthey had felt it their duty to do the business of compilation, and notthat of editing.

SECTION III.: OF COMMENTARIES UPON THE ANALECTS.

1. IT would be a vast and unprofitable labour toattempt to give a list of the Commentaries which have been published onthis Work. My object is merely to point out how zealously the businessof interpretation was undertaken, as soon as the text had been recoveredby the scholars of the Han dynasty, and with what industry it has beenpersevered in down to the present time.

2. Mention has been made, inSection I. 6, of the Lun of Prince Chang, published in the half centurybefore our era. Paou Heen, a distinguished scholar and officer, of thereign of Kwang-woo, the first emperor of the Eastern Han dynasty, AD 25—57, and another scholar of thesurname Chow, less known but of the same time, published Works,containing arrangements of this into chapters and sentences, withexplanatory notes. The critical work of K‘ungGan-kwŏ on the old Lun Yu has been referred to. That was lostin consequence of troubles which arose towards the close of the reign ofthe Emperor Woo, but in the time of the Emperor Shun, AD 126—144, another scholar, Ma Yung,undertook the exposition of the characters in the old Lun, giving at thesame time his views of the general meaning. The labours ofCh‘ing Heuen in the second century have been mentioned. Notlong after his death, there ensued a period of anarchy, when the empirewas divided into three governments, well known from the celebratedhistorical romance, called “The Three States.” Thestrongest of them, the House of Wei, patronized literature, and three ofits high officers and scholars, Ch‘in K‘eun, WangSuh, and Chow Shang-lëĕ, in the first half, andprobably the second quarter of the third century, all gave to the worldtheir notes on the Analects.

Very shortly after, five of the chief ministers of the Government of Wei,Sun Yung, Ch‘ing Ch‘ung, Tsaou He, SeunK‘ae, and Ho An, united in the production of one great work, entitled, “A Collectionof Explanations of the Lun Yu.” It embodied the labours ofall the writers which have been mentioned, and having been frequentlyreprinted by succeeding dynasties, it still remains. The preface of thefive compilers, in the form of a memorial to the emperor, so called, ofthe House of Wei, is published with it, and has been of much assistanceto me in writing these sections. Ho An was the leader among them, andthe work is commonly quoted as if it were the production of himalone.

3. From Ho An downwards, therehas not been a dynasty which has not contributed its labourers to theillustration of the Analects. In the Leang, which occupied the throne agood part of the sixth century, there appeared the “Commentsof Wang K‘an,” who to the seven authorities citedby Ho An added other thirteen, being scholars who had deserved well ofthe Classic during the intermediate time. Passing over other dynasties,we come to the Sung, AD 960—1279. Anedition of the Classics was published by imperial authority, about thebeginning of the 11th century, with the title of “The CorrectMeaning.” The principal scholar engaged in the undertakingwas Hing Ping. The portion of it on the Analects is commonly reprintedin “The Thirteen Classics,” after HoAn’s explanations. But the names of the Sung dynasty are allthrown into the shade by that of Choo He, than whom China has notproduced a greater scholar. He composed, in the 12th century, threeWorks on the Analects, which still remain:—the first called“Collected Meanings;” the second,“Collected Comments;” and the third,“Queries.” Nothing could exceed the grace andclearness of his style, and the influence which he has exerted on theliterature of China has been almost despotic.

The scholars of the present dynasty, however, seem inclined to questionthe correctness of his views and interpretations of the Classics, andthe chief place among them is due to Maou K‘eling, known morecommonly as Maou Se-ho. His writings, under the name of “TheCollected Works of Se-ho,” have been published in 80 volumes,containing between three and four hundred books or sections. He has ninetreatises on The Four Books, or parts of them, and deserves to take rankwith Ch‘ing Heuen and Choo He at the head of Chinesescholars, though he is a vehement opponent ofthe latter. Many of his writings are to be found also in the great Workcalled “A Collection of Works on the Classics, under theImperial dynasty of Ts‘ing,” which contains 1400sections, and is a noble contribution by scholars of the present dynastyto the illustration of its ancient literature.

CHAPTER III.: OF THE GREAT LEARNING.

SECTION I.: HISTORY OF THE TEXT; AND THE DIFFERENTARRANGEMENTS OF IT WHICH HAVE BEEN PROPOSED.

1. IT has already been mentioned that “TheGreat Learning” forms one of the chapters of the Le Ke, or“Record of Rites,” the formation of the text ofwhich will be treated of in its proper place. I will only say here thatthe Book, or Books, of Rites had suffered much more, after the death ofConfucius, than the other ancient Classics. They were in a moredilapidated condition at the time of the revival of the ancientliterature under the Han dynasty, and were then published in threecollections, only one of which—the Record ofRites—retains its place among the King.

The Record of Rites consists, according to the current arrangement, of 49chapters or Books. Lew Heang (see ch. I. sect. II. 2) took the lead inits formation, and was followed by the two famous scholars, Tae Tih, andhis relative, Tae Shing. The first of these reduced upwards of 200chapters, collected by Heang, to 89, and Shing reduced these again to46. The three other Books were added in the second century of our era,The Great Learning being one of them, by Ma Yung, mentioned in the lastchaper, section III. 2. Since his time, the Work has not received anyfurther additions.

2. In his note appended to whathe calls the chapter of “Classical Text,” Choo Hesays that the tablets of the “old copies” of therest of The Great Learning were considerably out of order. By those oldcopies, he intends the Work of Ch‘ing Heuen, who publishedhis commentary on the Classic, soon after it was completed by theadditions of Ma Yung; and it is possible thatthe tablets were in confusion, and had not been arranged with sufficientcare; but such a thing does not appear to have been suspected until the12th century; nor can any authority from ancient monuments be adduced inits support.

I have related how the ancient Classics were cut on slabs of stone byimperial order, AD 175, the text being thatwhich the various literati had determined, and which had been adopted byCh‘ing Heuen. The same work was performed about seventy yearslater, under the so-called dynasty of Wei, between the years 240 and248, and the two sets of slabs were set up together. The only differencebetween them was, that whereas the Classics had been cut in the firstinstance in three different forms, called the Seal character, thePattern style, and the Imperfect form, there was substituted for thelatter in the slabs of Wei the oldest form of the characters, similar tothat which has been described in connection with the discovery of theold Lun Yu in the wall of Confucius’ house. Amid the changesof dynasties, the slabs both of Han and Wei had perished before the riseof the T‘ang dynasty, AD 624; butunder one of its emperors, in the year 836, a copy of the Classics wasagain cut on stone, though only in one form of the character. Theseslabs we can trace down through the Sung dynasty when they were known asthe tablets of Shen. They were in exact conformity with the text of theClassics adopted by Ch‘ing Heuen in his commentaries.

The Sung dynasty did not accomplish a similar work itself, nor has anyone of the three which have followed it thought it necessary to engravein stone in this way the ancient classics. About the middle of the 16thcentury, however, the literary world in China was startled by a reportthat the slabs of Wei which contained The Great Learning had beendiscovered. But this was nothing more than the result of an impudentattempt at an imposition, for which it is difficult to a foreigner toassign any adequate cause. The treatise, as printed from these slabs,has some trifling additions, and many alterations in the order of thetext, but differing from the arrangements proposed by Choo He, and byother scholars. There seems to be now no difference of opinion amongChinese critics that the whole affair was a forgery. The text of TheGreat Learning, as it appears in the Book ofRites with the commentary of Ch‘ing Heuen, and was thriceengraved on stone, in three different dynasties, is, no doubt, thatwhich was edited in the Han dynasty by Ma Yung.

3. I have said that it ispossible that the tablets containing the text were not arranged withsufficient care by him, and, indeed, any one who studies the treatiseattentively will probably come to the conclusion that the part of itforming the first six chapters of Commentary in the present Work is buta fragment. It would not be a difficult task to propose an arrangementof the text different from any which I have yet seen; but such anundertaking would not be interesting out of China. My object here issimply to mention the Chinese scholars who have rendered themselvesfamous or notorious in their own country, by what they have done in thisway. The first was Ch‘ing Haou, a native of Lohyang in Ho-nanprovince, in the 11th century. His designation was Pih-shun, but sincehis death he has been known chiefly by the style of Ming-taou, which wemay render the Wise-in-doctrine. The eulogies heaped on him by Choo Heand others are extravagant, and he is placed immediately after Menciusin the list of great scholars. Doubtless he was a man of vast literaryacquirements. The greatest change which he introduced into The GreatLearning, was to read sin for ts‘in, at the commencement, making the secondobject proposed in the treatise to be the renovation of the people, instead of loving them. This alteration and his various transpositions ofthe text are found in Maou Se-ho’s treatise on“The attested text of The Great Learning.”

Hardly less illustrious than Ch‘ing Haou was his youngerbrother Ch‘ing E, known by the style of Ching-shuh, and sincehis death by that of E-ch‘uen. He followed Haou in theadoption of the reading “ torenovate, ” instead of “ tolove. ” But he transposed the text differently, moreakin to the arrangement afterwards made by Choo He, suggesting also thatthere were some superfluous sentences in the old text which mightconveniently be erased. The Work, as proposed to be read by him, will befound in the volume of Maou just referred to.

We come to the name of Choo He who entered into the labours of thebrothers Ch‘ing, the younger of whom he styles his Master, in his introductory note to The GreatLearning. His arrangement of the text is that now current in all theeditions of the Four Books, and it had nearly displaced the ancient textaltogether. The sanction of Imperial approval was given to it during theYuen and Ming dynasties. In the editions of the five King published by them, only the names of the Doctrine of theMean and The Great Learning were preserved. No text of these Books wasgiven, and Se-ho tells us, that in the reign of Kea-tsing, the mostflourishing period of the Ming dynasty ( AD 1522—1566), when a Wang Wăn-shing published a copyof The Great Learning, taken from the T‘ang edition of theThirteen King, all the officers and scholars lookedat one another in astonishment, and were inclined to suppose that theWork was a forgery. Besides adopting the reading of sin for ts‘in from theCh‘ing, and modifying their arrangements of the text, Choo Hemade other innovations. He first divided the whole into one chapter ofClassical text, which he assigned to Confucius, and ten chapters ofCommentary, which he assigned to the disciple Tsăng. Previousto him, the whole had been published, indeed, without any specificationof chapters and paragraphs. He undertook, moreover, to supply one wholechapter, which he supposed, after his master Ch‘ing, to bemissing.

Since the time of Choo He, many scholars have exercised their wit on TheGreat Learning. The Work of Maou Se-ho contains four arrangements of thetext, proposed respectively by the scholars Wang Loo-chae, KeP‘ang-san, Kaon King-yih, and Kŏ Hoo-chen. Thecurious student may examine them there.

Under the present dynasty, the tendency has been to depreciate thelabours of Choo He. The integrity of the text of Ch‘ing Heuenis zealously maintained, and the simpler method of interpretationemployed by him is advocated in preference to the more refined andingenious schemes of the Sung scholars. I have referred several times inthe notes to a Work published a few years ago, under the title of“The Old Text of the sacred King, withCommentary and Discussions, by Lo Chung-fan of Nan-hae.” Iknew the man seventeen years ago. He was a fine scholar, and had takenthe second degree, or that of Keu-jin. He appliedto me in 1843 for Christian baptism, and offended by my hesitancy went and enrolled himself among the disciplesof another Missionary. He soon, however, withdrew into seclusion, andspent the last years of his life in literary studies. His family havepublished the work on The Great Learning, and one or two others. He mostvehemently impugns nearly every judgment of Choo He: but in his ownexhibitions of the meaning he blends many ideas of the Supreme Being andof the condition of human nature, which he had learned from theChristian Scriptures.

SECTION II.: OF THE AUTHORSHIP, AND DISTINCTION OF THE TEXTINTO CLASSICAL TEXT AND COMMENTARY.

1. THE authorship of The Great Learning is a verydoubtful point, and one on which it does not appear possible to come toa decided conclusion. Choo He, as I have stated in the last section,determined that so much of it was king, or Classic,being the very words of Confucius, and that all the rest was chuen, or Commentary, being the views ofTsăng Sin upon the sage’s words, recorded by his disciples. Thus, he does not expresslyattribute the composition of the Treatise to Tsăng, as he isgenerally supposed to do. What he says, however, as it is destitute ofexternal support, is contrary also to the internal evidence. The 4thchapter of Commentary commences with “The Mastersaid.” Surely, if there were anything more, directly fromConfucius, there would be an intimation of it in the same way. Or, if wemay allow that short sayings of Confucius might be interwoven with theWork, as in the 15th paragraph of the 10th chapter, without mention of“The Master,” it is too much to ask us to receivethe long chapter at the beginning as being from him. With regard to theWork having come from the disciples of Tsăng Sin, recordingtheir master’s views, the paragraph in chapter 6th,commencing with “The disciple Tsăngsaid,” seems to be conclusive against that hypothesis. Somuch we may be sure is Tsăng’s, and no more. Bothof Choo He’s judgments must be set aside. We cannot admit either the distinction of the contents intoClassical text and Commentary, or that the Work was the production ofTsăng’s disciples.

2. Who then was the author? Anancient tradition attributes it to K‘ung Keih, the grandsonof Confucius. In a notice published at the time of their preparation,about the stone slabs of Wei, the following statement by Kea Kwei, anoted scholar of the 1st century, is quoted:—“WhenK‘ung Keih was living, and in straits, in Sung, being afraidlest the lessons of the former sages should become obscure, and theprinciples of the ancient emperors and kings fall to the ground, hetherefore made The Great Learning as the warp of them, and The Doctrineof the Mean as the woof.” This would seem, therefore, to havebeen the opinion of that early time, and I may say the only difficultyin admitting it is that no mention is made of it by Ch‘ingHeuen. There certainly is that agreement between the two treatises,which makes their common authorship not at all unlikely.

3. Though we cannot positivelyassign the authorship of The Great Learning, there can be no hesitationin receiving it as a genuine monument of the Confucian school. There arenot many words in it from the sage himself, but it is a faithfulreflection of his teachings, written by some of his followers, not farremoved from him by lapse of time. It must synchronize pretty nearlywith the Analects, and may be safely referred to the fourth centurybefore our era.

SECTION III.: ITS SCOPE AND VALUE.

1. THE worth of The Great Learning has been celebratedin most extravagant terms by many Chinese writers, and there have beenforeigners who have not yielded to them in their estimation of it.Pauthier, in the “Argument Philosophique,”prefixed to his translation of the Work, says:—“Itis evident that the aim of the Chinese philosopher is to exhibit theduties of political government as those of the perfecting of self, andof the practice of virtue by all men. He feltthat he had a higher mission than that with which the greater part ofancient and modern philosophers have contented themselves; and hisimmense love for the happiness of humanity, which dominated over all hisother sentiments, has made of his philosophy a system of socialperfectionating, which, we venture to say, has never beenequalled.” [1]

Very different is the judgment passed upon the treatise by a writer inthe Chinese Repository:—“The TaHeŏ is a short politico-moral discourse. Ta Heŏ, or ‘SuperiorLearning,’ is at the same time both the name and the subjectof the discourse; it is the summum bonum of theChinese. In opening this Book, compiled by a disciple of Confucius, andcontaining his doctrines, we might expect to find a Work likeCicero’s De Officiis; but we find a verydifferent production, consisting of a few commonplace rules for themaintenance of a good government.” [2]

My readers will perhaps think, after reading the present section, thatthe truth lies between these two representations.

2. I believe that the Book shouldbe styled T‘ae Heŏ, and not Ta Heŏ, and that it was so named assetting forth the higher and more extensive principles of moral science,which come into use and manifestation in the conduct of government. WhenChoo He endeavours to make the title mean—“Theprinciples of Learning, which were taught in the higher schools ofantiquity,” and tells us how at the age of 15 all the sons ofthe emperor, with the legitimate sons of the nobles and high officers,down to the more promising scions of the common people, all enteredthese seminaries, and were taught the difficult lessons here inculcated,we pity the ancient youth of China. Such “strongmeat” is not adapted for the nourishment of youthful minds.But the evidence adduced for the existence of such educationalinstitutions in ancient times is unsatisfactory, and from the olderinterpretation of the title we advance more easily to contemplate theobject and method of the Work.

3. The object is stated definitely enough in the openingparagraph:—“What The Great Learning teaches,is—to illustrate illustrious virtue; to love the people; andto rest in the highest excellence.”The political aim of the writer is here at once evident. He has beforehim on one side the people, the masses of theempire, and over against them are those whose work and duty, delegatedby Heaven, is to govern them, culminating, as a class, in“the son of Heaven,” “the oneman,” the emperor. From the 4th and 5th paragraphs, we seethat if the lessons of the treatise be learned and carried intopractice, the result will be that “illustrious virtue will beillustrated throughout the empire,” which will be brought,through all its length and breadth, to a condition of happytranquillity. This object is certainly both grand and good; and if areasonable and likely method to secure it were proposed in the Work,language would hardly supply terms adequate to express its value.

4. But the above account of theobject of The Great Learning leads us to the conclusion that the studentof it should be an emperor. What interest can an ordinary man have init? It is high up in the clouds, far beyond his reach. This is a seriousobjection to it, and quite unfits it for a place in schools, such asChoo He contends it once had. Intelligent Chinese, whose minds weresomewhat quickened by Christianity, have spoken to me of this defect,and complained of the difficulty they felt in making the book apractical directory for their conduct. “It is so vague andvast,” was the observation of one man. The writer, however,has made some provision for the general application of his instructions.He tells us, that from the emperor down to the mass of the people, allmust consider the cultivation of the person to be the root, that is, thefirst thing to be attended to. As in his method, moreover, he reachesfrom the cultivation of the person to the tranquillization of theEmpire, through the intermediate steps of the regulation of the family,and the government of the State, there is room for setting forthprinciples that parents and rulers generally may find adapted for theirguidance.

5. The method which is laid downfor the attainment of the great object proposed consists of sevensteps:—the investigation of things; the completion ofknowledge; the sincerity of the thoughts; the rectifying of the heart;the cultivation of the person; the regulation of the family; and thegovernment of the State. These form the steps of a climax, the end of which is the empire tranquillized.Pauthier calls the paragraphs where they occur instances of the sorites,or abridged syllogism. But they belong to rhetoric, and not to logic.

6. In offering some observationson these steps, and the writer’s treatment of them, it willbe well to separate them into those preceding the cultivation of theperson, and those following it; and to deal with the latterfirst.—Let us suppose that the cultivation of the person isall attained, every discordant mental element having been subdued andremoved. It is assumed that the regulation of the family willnecessarily flow from this. Two short paragraphs are all that are givento the illustration of the point, and they are vague generalities on thesubject of men being led astray by their feelings and affections.

The family being regulated, there will result from it the government ofthe State. First, the virtues taught in the family have theircorrespondences in the wider sphere. Filial piety will appear asloyalty. Fraternal submission will be seen in respect and obedience toelders and superiors. Kindness is capable of universal application.Second, “From the loving example of one family, a whole Statebecomes loving, and from its courtesies the whole State becomescourteous.” Seven paragraphs suffice to illustrate thesestatements, and short as they are, the writer goes back to the topic ofself-cultivation, returning from the family to the individual.

The State being governed, the whole empire will become peaceful andhappy. There is even less of connection, however, in the treatment ofthis theme, between the premise and the conclusion, than in the twoprevious chapters. Nothing is said about the relation between the wholeempire, and its component States, or any one of them. It is said atonce, “What is meant by ‘The making the wholeempire peaceful and happy depends on the government of theState,’ is this:—when the sovereign behaves to hisaged, as the aged should be behaved to, the people become filial; whenthe sovereign behaves to his elders, as elders should be behaved to, thepeople learn brotherly submission; when the sovereign treatscompassionately the young and helpless, the people do thesame.” This is nothing but a repetition of the precedingchapter, instead of that chapter’s being made a step from which to go on to the splendidconsummation of the good government of the whole empire.

The words which I have quoted are followed by a very striking enunciationof the golden rule in its negative form, and under the name of the measuring square, and all the lessons of thechapter are connected more or less closely with that. The application ofthis principle by a ruler, whose heart is in the first place in lovingsympathy with the people, will guide him in all the exactions which helays upon them, and in the selection of ministers, in such a way that hewill secure the affections of his subjects, and his throne will beestablished, for “by gaining the people, the kingdom isgained; and, by losing the people, the kingdom is lost.”There are in this part of the treatise many valuable sentiments, andcounsels for all in authority over others. The objection to it is, that,as the last step of the climax, it does not rise upon all the otherswith the accumulated force of their conclusions, but introduces us tonew principles of action and a new line of argument. Cut off thecommencement of the first paragraph which connects it with the precedingchapters, and it would form a brief but admirable treatise by itself onthe art of government.

This brief review of the writer’s treatment of the concludingsteps of his method will satisfy the reader that the execution is notequal to the design; and, moreover, underneath all the reasoning, andmore especially apparent in the 8th and 9th chapters of Commentary(according to the ordinary arrangement of the work), there lies theassumption that example is all but omnipotent. We find this principlepervading all the Confucian philosophy. And doubtless it is a truth,most important in education and government, that the influence ofexample is very great. I believe, and will insist upon it hereafter inthese prolegomena, that we have come to overlook this element in ourconduct of administration. It will be well if the study of the ChineseClassics should call attention to it. Yet in them the subject is pushedto an extreme, and represented in an extravagant manner. Proceeding fromthe view of human nature that it is entirely good, and led astray onlyby influences from without, the sage of China and his followersattribute to personal example and to instruction a power which we do notfind that they actually possess.

7. The steps which precede thecultivation of the person are more briefly dealt with than those whichwe have just considered. “The cultivation of the personresults from the rectifying the heart or mind.” True, but inThe Great Learning very inadequately set forth.

“The rectifying of the mind is realized when the thoughts aremade sincere.” And the thoughts are sincere when noself-deception is allowed, and we move without effort to what is rightand wrong, “as we love what is beautiful, and as we hate abad smell.” How are we to attain to this state? Here theChinese moralist fails us. According to Choo He’s arrangementof the Treatise, there is only one sentence from which we can frame areply to the above question. “Therefore,” it issaid, “the superior man must be watchful over himself when heis alone.” Following Choo’s 6th chapter ofCommentary, and forming, we may say, part of it, we have in the oldarrangement of The Great Learning all the passages which he hasdistributed so as to form the previous five chapters. But even from theexamination of them, we do not obtain the information which we desire onthis momentous inquiry.

8. Indeed, the more I study theWork, the more satisfied I become, that from the conclusion of what isnow called the chapter of Classical text to the sixth chapter ofCommentary, we have only a few fragments, which it is of no use tryingto arrange, so as fairly to exhibit the plan of the author. According tohis method, the chapter on the connection between making the thoughtssincere and so rectifying the mental nature, should be preceded by oneon the completion of knowledge as the means of making the thoughtssincere, and that again by one on the completion of knowledge by theinvestigation of things, or whatever else the phrase kihwuh may mean. I am less concerned for the loss and injury whichthis part of the Work has suffered, because the subject of theconnection between intelligence and virtue is very fully exhibited inThe Doctrine of the Mean, and will come under my notice in the review ofthat Treatise. The manner in which Choo He has endeavoured to supply theblank about the perfecting of knowledge by the investigation of thingsis too extravagant. “The Learning for Adults,” hesays, “at the outset of its lessons, instructs the learner,in regard to all things in the world, to proceed from what knowledge he has of their principles, and pursue hisinvestigation of them, till he reaches the extreme point. After exertinghimself for a long time, he will suddenly find himself possessed of awide and far-reaching penetration. Then, the qualities of all things,whether external or internal, the subtle or the coarse, will beapprehended, and the mind, in its entire substance and its relation tothings, will be perfectly intelligent. This is called the investigationof things. This is called the perfection of knowledge.” Andknowledge must be thus perfected before we can achieve the sincerity ofour thoughts and the rectifying of our hearts! Verily this would belearning not for adults only, but even Methuselahs would not be able tocompass it. Yet for centuries this has been accepted as the orthodoxexposition of the Classic. Lo Chung-fan does not express himself toostrongly when he says that such language is altogether incoherent. Theauthor would only be “imposing on himself andothers.”

9. The orthodox doctrine of Chinaconcerning the connection between intelligence and virtue is mostseriously erroneous, but I will not lay to the charge of the author ofThe Great Learning the wild representations of the commentator of thetwelfth century, nor need I make here any remarks on what the doctrinereally is. After the exhibition which I have given, my readers willprobably conclude that the Work before us is far from developing, asPauthier asserts, “a system of social perfectionating whichhas never been equalled.”

10. The Treatise has undoubtedlygreat merits, but they are not to be sought in the severity of itslogical processes, or the large-minded prosecution of any course ofthought. We shall find them in the announcement of certain seminalprinciples, which, if recognized in government and the regulation ofconduct, would conduce greatly to the happiness and virtue of mankind. Iwill conclude these observations by specifying four such principles.

First, The writer conceives nobly of the object of government, that it isto make its subjects happy and good. This may not be a sufficientaccount of that object, but it is much to have it so clearly laid downto “all kings and governors,” that they are tolove the people, ruling not for their own gratification, but for thegood of those over whom they are exalted byHeaven. Very important also is the statement that rulers have no divineright but what springs from the discharge of their duty. “Thedecree does not always rest on them. Goodness obtains it, and the wantof goodness loses it.”

Second, The insisting on personal excellence in all who have authority inthe family, the State, and the empire, is a great moral and socialprinciple. The influence of such personal excellence may be overstated,but by the requirement of its cultivation the writer deserved well ofhis country.

Third, Still more important than the requirement of such excellence isthe principle that it must be rooted in the state of the heart, and bethe natural outgrowth of internal sincerity. “As a manthinketh in his heart, so is he.” This is the teaching alikeof Solomon and the author of The Great Learning.

Fourth, I mention last the striking exhibition which we have of thegolden rule, though only in its negative form. “What a mandislikes in his superiors, let him not display in the treatment of hisinferiors; what he dislikes in inferiors, let him not display in hisservice of his superiors; what he dislikes in those who are before him,let him not therewith precede those who are behind him; what he dislikesin those who are behind him, let him not therewith follow those who arebefore him; what he dislikes to receive on the right, let him not bestowon the left; what he dislikes to receive on the left, let him not bestowon the right:—this is what is called the principle withwhich, as with a measuring square, to regulate one’sconduct.”

The Work which contains those principles cannot be thought meanly of.They are “commonplace,” as the writer in theChinese repository calls them, but they are at the same time eternalverities.

CHAPTER IV.: THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN.

SECTION I.: ITS PLACE IN THE LE KE, AND ITS PUBLICATIONSEPARATELY.

1. THE Doctrine of the Mean was one of the treatiseswhich came to light in connection with the labours of Lew Heang, and itsplace as the 31st Book in the Le Ke was finally determined by Ma Yungand Ch‘ing Heuen.

2. But while it was thus made toform a part of the great collection of Works on Ceremonies, itmaintained a separate footing of its own. In Lew Hin’scatalogue of the Classical Works, we find “Two p‘een of Observations on the ChungYung.” In the Records of the dynasty of Suy ( AD 589—617), in the chapter on the History ofLiterature, there are mentioned three Works on the ChungYung;”—the first called “The Record ofthe Chung Yung,” in two keuen, attributed to Tae Yung, a scholar who flourished about the middle of the5th century; the second, “A Paraphrase and Commentary on theChung Yung,” attributed to the Emperor Woo ( AD 502—549) of the Leang dynasty, in one keuen; and the third, “A Private Record,determining the Meaning of the Chung Yung,” in five keuen, the author, or supposed author, of which isnot mentioned.

It thus appears, that the Chung Yung had been published and commented onseparately long before the time of the Sung dynasty. The scholars ofthat, however, devoted special attention to it, the way being led by thefamous Chow Leen-k‘e. He was followed by the two brothersCh‘ing, but neither of them published upon it. At last cameChoo He, who produced his Work called “The Chung Yung, inChapters and Sentences,” which was made the text book of theClassic at the literary examinations, by the fourth emperor of the Yuen dynasty ( AD 1312—1320), and from that time the name merely of theTreatise was retained in editions of the Le Ke. Neither text nor ancientcommentary was given.

Under the present dynasty it is not so. In the superb edition of“The Five King, ” edited by anumerous committee of scholars towards the end of the reignK‘ang-he, the Chung Yung is published in two parts, theancient commentaries from “The Thirteen King ” being given side by side with those of ChooHe.

SECTION II.: ITS AUTHOR; AND SOME ACCOUNT OF HIM.

1. THE composition of the Chung Yung is attributed toK‘ung Keih, the grandson of Confucius. Chinese inquirers andcritics are agreed on this point, and apparently on sufficient grounds.There is indeed no internal evidence in the Work to lead us to such aconclusion. Among the many quotations of Confucius’ words andreferences to him, we might have expected to find some indication thatthe sage was the grandfather of the author, but nothing of the kind isgiven. The external evidence, however, or that from the testimony ofauthorities, is very strong. In Sze-ma Ts‘een’sHistorical Records, published about the beginning of the first century BC , it is expressly said that“Tsze-sze made the Chung Yung.” And we have astill stronger proof, a century earlier, from Tsze-sze’s owndescendant, K‘ung Foo, whose words are, “Tsze-szecompiled the Chung Yung in 49 p ‘ë en. ” [1] We may,therefore, accept the received account without hesitation.

2. As Keih, spoken of chiefly byhis designation of Tsze-sze, thus occupies a distinguished place in theclassical literature of China, it may not be out of place to bringtogether gether here a few notices of himgathered from reliable sources.

He was the son of Le, whose death took place BC 482, four years before that of the sage, his father. I have not found itrecorded in what year he was born. Sze-ma Ts‘een says he diedat the age of 62. But this is evidently wrong, for we learn from Menciusthat he was high in favour with the Duke Muh of Loo, [1] whose accessionto that principality dates in BC 408, seventyyears after the death of Confucius. In the “Plates andNotices of the Worthies, sacrificed to in the Sage’sTemples,” it is supposed that the 62 in the HistoricalRecords should be 82. [2] It is maintainedby others that Tsze-sze’s life was protracted beyond 100years. This variety of opinions simply shows that the point cannot bepositively determined. To me it seems that the conjecture in theSacrificial Canon must be pretty near the truth. [3]

During the years of his boyhood, then, Tsze-sze must have been with hisgrandfather, and received his instructions. It is related, that one day,when he was alone with the sage, and heard him sighing, he went up tohim, and, bowing twice, inquired the reason of his grief. “Isit,” said he, “because you think that yourdescendants, through not cultivating themselves, will be unworthy ofyou? Or is it that, in your admiration of the ways of Yaou and Shun, youare vexed that you fall short of them?”“Child,” replied Confucius, “how is itthat you know my thoughts?” “I haveoften,” said Tsze-sze, “heard from you the lesson,that when the father has gathered and prepared the firewood, if the soncannot carry the bundle, he is to be pronounced degenerate and unworthy.The remark comes frequently into my thoughts, and fills me with greatapprehension.” The sage was delighted. He smiled and said, “Now, indeed, shall I bewithout anxiety! My undertakings will not come to nought. They will becarried on and flourish.” [1]

After the death of Confucius, Keih became a pupil, it is said, of thephilosopher Tsăng. But he received his instructions withdiscrimination, and in one instance which is recorded in the Le Ke, thepupil suddenly took the place of the master. We thereread:—“Tsăng said to Tsze-sze,‘Keih, when I was engaged in mourning for my parents, neithercongee nor water entered my mouth for seven days.’ Tsze-szeanswered, ‘In ordering their rules of propriety, it was thedesign of the ancient kings that those who would go beyond them shouldstoop and keep by them, and that those who could hardly reach themshould stand on tiptoe to do so. Thus it is that the superior man, inmourning for his parents, when he has been three days without water orcongee, takes a staff to enable himself to rise.’” [2]

While he thus condemned the severe discipline of Tsăng,Tsze-sze appears in various incidents which are related of him, to havebeen himself more than sufficiently ascetic. As he was living in greatpoverty, a friend supplied him with grain, which he readily received.Another friend was emboldened by this to send him a bottle of wine, buthe declined to receive it. “You receive your corn from otherpeople,” urged the donor, “and why should youdecline my gift, which is of less value? You can assign no ground inreason for it; and if you wish to show your independence, you should doso completely.” “I am so poor,” was thereply, “as to be in want; and being afraid lest I should die,and the sacrifices not be offered to my ancestors, I accept the grain asan alms. But the wine and the dried flesh which you offer to me are theappliances of a feast. For a poor man to be feasting is certainlyunreasonable. This is the ground of my refusing your gift. I have nothought of asserting my independence.”

To the same effect is the account of Tsze-sze, which we have from LewHeang. That scholar relates:—“When Keih was livingin Wei, he wore a tattered coat, without any lining, and in 30 days hadonly nine meals. T‘ëen Tsze-fang having heard of his distress, sent a messenger to him witha coat of fox-fur, and being afraid that he might not receive it, headded the message,—‘When I borrow from a man, Iforget it; when I give a thing, I part with it freely as if I threw itaway.’ Tsze-sze declined the gift thus offered, and whenTsze-fang said, ‘I have, and you have not; why will you nottake it?’ he replied, ‘You give away so rashly, asif you were casting your things into a ditch. Poor as I am, I cannotthink of my body as a ditch, and do not presume to accept yourgift.’ ”

Tsze-sze’s mother married again, after Le’s death,into a family of Wei. But this circumstance, which is not at allcreditable in Chinese estimation, did not alienate his affections fromher. He was in Loo when he heard of her death, and proceeded to weep inthe temple of his family. A disciple came to him and said,“Your mother married again into the family of the Shoo, anddo you weep for her in the temple of the K‘ung?”“I am wrong,” said Tsze-sze, “I amwrong;” and with these words he went to weep elsewhere. [1]

In his own married relation he does not seem to have been happy; and forsome cause, which has not been transmitted to us, he divorced his wife,following in this, it would appear, the example of Confucius. On herdeath her son, Tsze-shang, [2] did not undertake any mourning for her.Tsze-sze’s disciples were surprised and questioned him.“Did not your father,” they asked,“mourn for his mother who had been divorced?”“Yes,” was the reply. “Then why do younot cause Pih [3] to mourn for hismother?” Tsze-sze answered, “My father failed innothing to pursue the proper path. His observances increased ordecreased as the case required. But I cannot attain to this. While shewas my wife, she was Pih’s mother; when she ceased to be mywife, she ceased to be Pih’s mother.” The customof the K‘ung family not to mourn for a mother who had left itherself, or been divorced, took its rise from Tsze-sze. [4]

These few notices of K‘ung Keih in his more private relationsbring him before us as a man of strong feeling and strong will,independent, and with a tendency to asceticism in his habits.

As a public character, we find him at the ducal courts of Wei, Sung, Loo,and Pe, and at each of them held in high esteem by the rulers. To Wei hewas carried probably by the fact of his mother having married into thatState. We are told that the prince of Wei received him with greatdistinction and lodged him honourably. On one occasion he said to him,“An officer of the State of Loo, you have not despised thissmall and narrow Wei, but have bent your steps hither to comfort andpreserve it;—vouchsafe to confer your benefits uponme.” Tsze-sze replied, “If I should wish torequite your princely favour with money and silks, your treasuries arealready full of them, and I am poor. If I should wish to requite it withgood words, I am afraid that what I should say would not suit yourideas, so that I should speak in vain, and not be listened to. The onlyway in which I can requite it, is by recommending to your notice men ofworth.” The duke said, “Men of worth is exactlywhat I desire.” “Nay,” said Keih,“you are not able to appreciate them.”“Nevertheless,” was the reply, “Ishould like to hear whom you consider deserving that name.”Tsze-sze replied, “Do you wish to select your officers forthe name they may have, or for their reality?”“For their reality, certainly,” said the duke. Hisguest then said, “In the eastern borders of your State, thereis one Le Yin, who is a man of real worth.” “Whatwere his grandfather and father?” asked the duke.“They were husbandmen,” was the reply, on whichthe duke broke into a loud laugh, saying, “I do not likehusbandry. The son of a husbandman cannot be fit for me to employ. I donot put into office all the cadets of those families even in whichoffice is hereditary.” Tsze-sze observed, “Imention Le Yin because of his abilities; what has the fact of hisforefathers being husbandmen to do with the case? And moreover, the dukeof Chow was a great sage, and K‘ang-shuh was a great worthy.Yet if you examine their beginnings, you will find that from thebusiness of husbandry they came forth to found their States. I didcertainly have my doubts that in the selection of your officers you didnot have regard to their real character and capacity.” Withthis the conversation ended. The duke was silent. [1]

Tsze-sze was naturally led to Sung, as the K‘ung familyoriginally sprang from that principality. One account, quoted in“The Four Books, Text and Commentary, with Proofs andIllustrations,” says that he went thither in his 16th year,and having foiled an officer of the State, named YŏSŏ, in a conversation on the Shoo-king, his opponent was soirritated at the disgrace put on him by a youth, that he listened to theadvice of evil counsellors, and made an attack on him to put him todeath. The duke of Sung, hearing the tumult, hurried to the rescue, andwhen Keih found himself in safety, he said, “When KingWăn was imprisoned in Yew-le, he made the Yih of Chow. Mygrandfather made the Ch‘un Ts‘ew after he had beenin danger in Ch‘in and Ts‘ae. Shall I not makesomething when rescued from such a risk in Sung?” Upon thishe made the Chung Yung in 49 p‘een.

According to this account, the Chung Yung was the work ofTsze-sze’s early manhood, and the tradition has obtained awonderful prevalence. The notice in “The SacrificialCanon” says, on the contrary, that it was the work of his oldage, when he had finally settled in Loo; which is much more likely.

Of Tsze-sze in Pe, which could hardly be said to be out of Loo, we haveonly one short notice,—in Mencius, V. Pt. II. iii. 3, wherethe Duke Hwuy of Pe is introduced as saying, “I treatTsze-sze as my master.”

We have fuller accounts of him in Loo, where he spent all the latteryears of his life, instructing his disciples to the number of severalhundred, [1] and held in great reverence by the Duke Muh.The duke indeed wanted to raise him to the highest office, but hedeclined this, and would only occupy the position of a“guide, philosopher, and friend.” Of the attentionwhich he demanded, however, instances will be found in Mencius, II. Pt.II. xi. 3; V. Pt. II. vi. 5, and vii. 3. In his intercourse with theduke he spoke the truth to him fearlessly. In the“Cyclopædia of Surnames,” I find thefollowing conversations, but I cannot tell from what source they areextracted into that work—“One day the duke said toTsze-sze, ‘The officer Heen told me that you do good withoutwishing for any praise from men;—is it so?’Tsze-sze replied, ‘No, that is notmy feeling. When I cultivate what is good, I wish men to know it, forwhen they know it and praise me, I feel encouraged to be more zealous inthe cultivation. This is what I desire, and am not able to obtain. If Icultivate what is good, and men do not know it, it is likely that intheir ignorance they will speak evil of me. So by my good-doing I onlycome to be evil spoken of. This is what I do not desire, but am not ableto avoid. In the case of a man, who gets up at cockcrowing to practisewhat is good, and continues sedulous in the endeavour till midnight, andsays at the same time that he does not wish men to know it, lest theyshould praise him, I must say of such a man, that if he be not deceitfulhe is stupid.’ ”

Another day, the duke asked Tsze-sze saying, “Can my State bemade to flourish?” “It may,” was thereply. “And how?” Tsze-sze said, “Oprince, if you and your ministers will only strive to realize thegovernment of the dukes of Chow and of Pih-k‘in; practisingtheir transforming principles, sending forth wide the favours of yourducal house, and not letting advantages flow in privatechannels;—if you will thus conciliate the affections of thepeople, and at the same time cultivate friendly relations withneighbouring States, your kingdom will soon begin toflourish.”

On one occasion, the duke asked whether it had been the custom of old forministers to go into mourning for a prince whose service and State theyhad left. Tsze-sze replied to him, “Of old, princes advancedtheir ministers to office according to propriety, and dismissed them inthe same way, and hence there was that rule. But now-a-days princesbring their ministers forward as if they were going to take them ontheir knees, and send them away as if they would cast them into anabyss. If they do not treat them as their greatest enemies, it iswell.—How can you expect the ancient practice to be observedin such circumstances?” [1]

These instances may suffice to illustrate the character of Tsze-sze, asit was displayed in his intercourse with the princes of his time. We seethe same independence which he affected in private life, and a dignitynot unbecoming the grandson of Confucius. But we miss the reach ofthought and capacity for administration which belonged to the Sage. It is with him, however, as a thinker andwriter that we have to do, and his rank in that capacity will appearfrom the examination of the Chung Yung in the section that follows. Hisplace in the temples of the Sage has been that of one of his fourassessors, since the year 1267. He ranks with Yen Hwuy, TsăngSin, and Mencius, and bears the title of “The PhilosopherTsze-sze, Transmitter of the Sage.”

SECTION III.: ITS SCOPE AND VALUE.

1. THE Doctrine of the Mean is a work not easy tounderstand. “It first,” says the philosopherCh‘ing, “speaks of one principle; it next spreadsthis out and embraces all things; finally, it returns and gathers themup under the one principle. Unroll it, and it fills the universe; rollit up, and it retires and lies hid in secrecy.” There is thisadvantage, however, to the student of it, that, more than most otherChinese Treatises, it has a beginning, a middle, and an end. The firstchapter stands to all that follows in the character of a text,containing several propositions of which we have the expansion ordevelopment. If that development were satisfactory, we should be able tobring our own minds en rapport with that of theauthor. Unfortunately it is not so. As a writer he belongs to theintuitional school more than to the logical. This is well put in the“Continuation of the General Examination of LiteraryMonuments and Learned Men:”—“Thephilosopher Tsăng reached his conclusions by following in thetrain of things, watching and examining; whereas Tsze-sze proceedsdirectly and reaches to heavenly virtue. His was a mysterious power ofdiscernment, approaching to that of Yen Hwuy.” We must takethe Book and the author, however, as we have them, and get to theirmeaning, if we can, by assiduous examination and reflection.

2. “Man has receivedhis nature from Heaven. Conduct in accordance with that nature constitutes what is right andtrue,—is a pursuing of the proper path. The cultivation or regulation of that path iswhat is called instruction. ” It is withthese axioms that the Treatise commences, and from such an introductionwe might expect that the writer would go on to unfold the variousprinciples of duty, derived from an analysis of man’s moralconstitution.

Confining himself, however, to the second axiom, he proceeds to say that“the path may not for an instant be left, and that thesuperior man is cautious and careful in reference to what he does notsee, and fearful and apprehensive in reference to what he does not hear.There is nothing more visible than what is secret, and nothing moremanifest than what is minute, and therefore the superior man is watchfulover his aloneness. ” This is not allvery plain. Comparing it with the 6th chapter of Commentary in The GreatLearning, it seems to inculcate what is there called “makingthe thoughts sincere.” The passage contains an admonitionabout equivalent to that of Solomon,—“Keep thyheart with all diligence, for out of it are the issues oflife.”

The next paragraph seems to speak of the nature and the path under other names. “Whilethere are no movements of pleasure, anger, sorrow, or joy, we have whatmay be called the state of equilibrium. When thosefeelings have been moved, and they all act in the due degree, we havewhat may be called the state of harmony. Thisequilibrium is the great root of the world, and this harmony is itsuniversal path.” What is here called “the state ofequilibrium” is the same as the nature given by Heaven,considered absolutely in itself, without deflection or inclination. Thisnature acted on from without, and responding with the various emotions,so as always “to hit” the mark with entirecorrectness, produces the state of harmony, and such harmonious responseis the path along which all human activities should proceed.

Finally, “Let the states of equilibrium and harmony exist inperfection, and a happy order will prevail throughout heaven and earth,and all things will be nourished and flourish.” Here we passinto the sphere of mystery and mysticism. The language, according toChoo He, “describes the meritorious achievements andtransforming influence of sage and spiritual men in their highestextent.” From the path of duty, where we tread on solidground, the writer suddenly raises us aloft onwings of air, and will carry us we know not where, and to we know notwhat.

3. The paragraphs thus presented,and which constitute Choo He’s first chapter, contain the sumof the whole Work. This is acknowledged by all;—by thecritics who disown Choo He’s interpretations of it, as freelyas by him. Revolving them in my own mind often and long, I collect fromthem the following as the ideas of the author:—1st, Man hasreceived from Heaven a moral nature by which he is constituted a law tohimself; 2nd, Over this nature man requires to exercise a jealouswatchfulness; and 3rd, As he possesses it, absolutely and relatively, inperfection, or attains to such possession of it, he becomes investedwith the highest dignity and power, and may say tohimself—“I am a God; yea, I sit in the seat ofGod.” I will not say here that there is blasphemy in the lastof these ideas; but do we not have in them the same combination which wefound in The Great Learning,—a combination of the ordinaryand the extraordinary, the plain and the vague, which is very perplexingto the mind, and renders the Book unfit for the purposes of mental andmoral discipline?

And here I may inquire whether we do right in calling the Treatise by anyof the names which foreigners have hitherto used for it? In the note onthe title, I have entered a little into this question. The Work is notat all what a reader must expect to find in what he supposes to be atreatise on “The Golden Medium,” “TheInvariable Mean,” or “The Doctrine of theMean.” Those names are descriptive only of a portion of it.Where the phrase Chung Yung occurs in thequotations from Confucius, in nearly every chapter, from the 2nd to the11th, we do well to translate it by “the course of theMean,” or some similar terms; but the conception of it inTsze-sze’s mind was of a different kind, as the precedinganalysis of the first chapter sufficiently shows.

4. I may return to this point ofthe proper title for the Work again, but in the mean time we mustproceed with the analysis of it.—The ten chapters from the2nd to the 11th constitute the second part, and in them Tsze-sze quotesthe words of Confucius, “for the purpose,”according to Choo He, “of illustrating the meaning of thefirst chapter.” Yet, as I have just intimated, they do not tomy mind do this. Confucius bewails the rarityof the practice of the Mean, and graphically sets forth the difficultyof it. “The empire, with its component States and families,may be ruled; dignities and emoluments may be declined, naked weaponsmay be trampled under foot; but the course of the Mean cannot beattained to.” [1] “The knowing go beyondit, and the stupid do not come up to it.” [2] Yet some have attained to it. Shundid so, humble and ever learning from people far inferior tohimself; [3] and YenHwuy did so, holding fast whatever good he got hold of, and neverletting it go. [4] Tszeloo thought the Mean could be taken by storm, but Confucius taughthim better. [5] And infine, it is only the sage who can fully exemplify the Mean. [6]

All these citations do not throw any light on the ideas presented in thefirst chapter. On the contrary, they interrupt the train of thought.Instead of showing us how virtue, or the path of duty, is in accordancewith our Heaven-given nature, they lead us to think of it as a meanbetween two extremes. Each extreme may be a violation of the law of ournature, but that is not made to appear. Confucius’ sayingswould be in place in illustrating the doctrine of the Peripatetics,“which placed all virtue in a medium between oppositevices.” Here in the Chung Yung of Tsze-sze, I have alwaysfelt them to be out of place.

5. In the 12th chapter Tsze-szespeaks again himself, and we seem at once to know the voice. He beginsby saying that “the way of the superior man reaches far andwide, and yet is secret,” by which he means to tell us thatthe path of duty is to be pursued everywhere and at all times, while yetthe secret spring and rule of it is near at hand, in theHeaven-conferred nature, the individual consciousness, with which nostranger can intermeddle. Choo He, as will be seen in the notes, gives adifferent interpretation of the utterance. But the view which I haveadopted is maintained convincingly by Maou Se-ho in the second part ofhis “Observations on the Chung Yung.” With thischapter commences the third part of the Work, which embraces also theeight chapters which follow. “It is designed,”says Choo He, “to illustrate what is said in the firstchapter that the path may not be left.” But more than thatone sentence finds its illustration here.Tsze-sze had reference in it also to what he hadsaid—“The superior man does not wait till he seesthings to be cautious, nor till he hears things to be apprehensive.There is nothing more visible than what is secret, and nothing moremanifest than what is minute. Therefore, the superior man is watchfulover himself when he is alone.”

It is in this portion of the Chung Yung that we find a good deal of moralinstruction which is really valuable. Most of it consists of sayings ofConfucius, but the sentiments of Tsze-sze himself in his own languageare interspersed with them. The sage of China has no higher utterancesthan those which are given in the 13thchapter:—“The path is not far from man. When mentry to pursue a course which is far from the common indications ofconsciousness, this course cannot be considered thepath. In the Book of Poetry it is said—

- ‘In hewing an axe-handle, in hewing an axe-handle,

- The pattern is not far off’

We grasp one axe-handle to hew the other, and yet if we lookaskance from the one to the other, we may consider them as apart.Therefore, the superior man governs men according to their nature, withwhat is proper to them; and as soon as they change what is wrong, hestops. When one cultivates to the utmost the moral principles of hisnature, and exercises them on the principle of reciprocity, he is notfar from the path. What you do not like when done to yourself, do not doto others.

“In the way of the superior man there are four things, to noneof which have I as yet attained:—To serve my father as Iwould require my son to serve me: to this I have not attained; to servemy elder brother as I would require my younger brother to serve me: tothis I have not attained; to serve my prince as I would require myminister to serve me: to this I have not attained; to set the example inbehaving to a friend as I would require him to behave to me: to this Ihave not attained. Earnest in practising the ordinary virtues, andcareful in speaking about them; if in his practice he has anythingdefective, the superior man dares not but exert himself, and if in hiswords he has any excess, he dares not allow himself such license. Thushis words have respect to his actions, and hisactions have respect to his words;—is it not just an entiresincerity which marks the superior man?”

We have here the golden rulo in its negative form expresslypropounded:—“What you do not like when done toyourself, do not do to others.” But in the paragraph whichfollows we have the rule virtually in its positive form. Confuciusrecognizes the duty of taking the initiative,—of behavinghimself to others in the first instance as he would that they shouldbehave to him. There is a certain narrowness, indeed, in that the sphereof its operations seems to be confined to the relations of society,which are spoken of more at large in the 20th chapter; but let us notgrudge the tribute of our warm approbation to the sentiments.

This chapter is followed by two from Tsze-sze, to the effect that thesuperior man does what is proper in every change of his situation,always finding his rule in himself; and that in his practice there is anorderly advance from step to step,—from what is near to whatis remote. Then follow five chapters from Confucius:—thefirst, on the operation and influence of spiritual beings, to show“the manifestness of what is minute, and theirrepressibleness of sincerity;” the second, on the filialpiety of Shun, and how it was rewarded by Heaven with the empire, withenduring fame, and with long life; the third and fourth, on the kingsWăn and Woo, and the duke of Chow, celebrating them for theirfilial piety and other associate virtues; and the fifth, on the subjectof government. These chapters are interesting enough in themselves, butwhen I go back from them, and examine whether I have from them anybetter understanding of the paragraphs in the first chapter which theyare said to illustrate, I do not find that I have. Three of them, the17th, 18th, and 19th, would be more in place in the Classic of FilialPiety than here in the Chung Yung. The meaning of the 16th is shadowyand undefined. After all the study which I have directed to it, thereare some points in reference to which I have still doubts anddifficulties.

The 20th chapter, which concludes the third portion of the Work, containsa full exposition of Confucius’ views on government, thoughprofessedly descriptive only of that of the kings Wăn andWoo. Along with lessons proper for a rulerthere are many also of universal application, but the mingling of themperplexes the mind. It tells us of “the five duties ofuniversal application,”—those between sovereignand minister, husband and wife, father and son, elder and youngerbrother, and friends; of “the three virtues by which thoseduties are carried into effect,” namely, knowledge,benevolence, and energy; and of “the one thing, by whichthose virtues are practised,” which is singleness orsincerity. It sets forth in detail the “nine standard rulesfor the administration of government,” which are“the cultivation by the ruler of his own character; thehonouring men of virtue and talents; affection to his relatives; respecttowards the great ministers; kind and considerate treatment of the wholebody of officers; cherishing the mass of the people as children;encouraging all classes of artizans; indulgent treatment of men from adistance; and the kindly cherishing of the princes of theStates.” There are these and other equally interesting topicsin this chapter; but, as they are in the Work, they distract the mind,instead of making the author’s great object more clear to it,and I will not say more upon them here.

6. Doubtless it was the mentionof “singleness,” or“sincerity,” in the 20th chapter, which madeTsze-sze introduce it into this Treatise, for from those terms he isable to go on to develope what he intended in saying, that“if the states of Equilibrium and Harmony exist inperfection, a happy order will prevail throughout heaven and earth, andall things will be nourished and flourish.” It is here, thatnow we are astonished at the audacity of the writer’sassertions, and now lost in vain endeavours to ascertain his meaning. Ihave quoted the words of Confucius that it is“singleness,” by which the three virtues ofknowledge, benevolence, and energy are able to carry into practice theduties of universal obligation. He says also that it is this same“singleness” by which “the ninestandard rules of government” can be effectively carried out.This “singleness” is just a name for“the states of Equilibrium and Harmony existing inperfection.” It denotes a character absolutcly and relativelygood, wanting nothing in itself, and correct in all its outgoings.“Sincerity” is another term for the same thing,and in speaking about it, Confucius makes a distinction betweensincerity absolute and sincerity acquired. Theformer is born with some, and practised by them without any effort; thelatter is attained by study and practised by strong endeavour. Theformer is “the way of Heaven;” the latter is“the way of men.” “He who possessessincerity,”—absolutely, thatis,—“is he who without effort hits what is right,and apprehends without the exercise of thought;—he is thesage who naturally and easily embodies the right way. He who attains tosincerity is he who chooses what is good, and firmly holds it fast. Andto this attainment there are requisite the extensive study of what isgood, accurate inquiry about it, careful reflection on it, the cleardiscrimination of it, and the earnest practice of it.” Inthese passages Confucius unhesitatingly enunciates his belief that thereare some men who are absolutely perfect, who come into the world as wemay conceive the first man was, when he was created by God“in His own image,” full of knowledge andrighteousness, and who grow up as we know that Christ did,“increasing in wisdom and in stature.” Hedisclaimed being considered to be such an one himself, [1] but the sages of China were such. And, moreover, others who are not sonaturally may make themselves to become so. Some will have to put forthmore effort and to contend with greater struggles, but the end will bethe possession of the knowledge and the achievement of the practice.

I need not say that these sentiments are contrary to the views of humannature which are presented in the Bible. The testimony of Revelation isthat “there is not a just man upon earth that doeth good andsinneth not.” “If we say that we have nosin,” and in writing this term, I am thinking here not of sinagainst God, but, if we can conceive of it apart from that, of failuresin regard to what ought to be in our regulation of ourselves, and in ourbehaviour to others;—“if we say that we have nosin we deceive ourselves, and the truth is not in us.” Thislanguage is appropriate in the lips of the learned as well as in thoseof the ignorant, to the highest sage as to the lowest child of the soil.Neither the Scriptures of God nor the experience of man know ofindividuals absolutely perfect. The other sentiment that men can makethemselves perfect is equally wide of the truth. Intelligence andgoodness by no means stand to each other inthe relation of cause and effect. The sayings of Ovid, “ Video meliora proboque, deteriorasequor, ” “ Nitimur in vetitumsemper, cupimusque negata, ” are a more correctexpression of the facts of human consciousness and conduct than thehigh-flown phrases of Confucius.

7. But Tsze-sze adopts the dictaof his grandfather without questioning them, and gives them forth in hisown style at the commencement of the fourth part of his Treatise.“When we have intelligence resulting from sincerity, thiscondition is to be ascribed to nature; when we have sincerity resultingfrom intelligence, this condition is to be ascribed to instruction. Butgiven the sincerity, and there shall be the intelligence; given theintelligence, and there shall be the sincerity.”

Tsze-sze does more than adopt the dicta of Confucius. He applies them ina way which the sage never did, and which he would probably have shrunkfrom doing. The sincere, or perfect man of Confucius is he who satisfiescompletely all the requirements of duty in the various relations ofsociety, and in the exercise of government; but the sincere man ofTsze-sze is a potency in the universe. “Able to give its fulldevelopment to his own nature, he can do the same to the nature of othermen. Able to give its full development to the nature of other men, hecan give their full development to the natures of animals and things.Able to give their full development to the natures of creatures andthings, he can assist the transforming and nourishing powers of Heavenand Earth. Able to assist the transforming and nourishing powers ofHeaven and Earth, he may with Heaven and Earth form aternion.” Such are the results of sincerity natural. The casebelow this—of sincerity acquired, is asfollows,—“The individual cultivates its shoots.From these he can attain to the possession of sincerity. This sinceritybecomes apparent. From being apparent, it becomes manifest. From beingmanifest, it becomes brilliant. Brilliant, it affects others. Affectingothers, they are changed by it. Changed by it, they are transformed. Itis only he who is possessed of the most complete sincerity that canexist under heaven, who can transform.” It may safely beaffirmed, that when he thus expressed himself, Tsze-sze understoodneither what he said nor whereof he affirmed. Maou Se-ho and some othermodern writers explain away many of hispredicates of sincerity, so that in their hands they become nothing butextravagant hyperboles, but the author himself would, I believe, haveprotested against such a mode of dealing with his words. True, hisstructures are castles in the air, but he had no idea himself that theywere so.

In the 24th chapter there is a ridiculous descent from the sublimity ofthe two preceding. We are told that the possessor of entire sincerity islike a spirit, and can foreknow, but the foreknowledge is only a judgingby the milfoil and tortoise and other auguries! But the author recovershimself, and resumes his theme about sincerity as conducting toself-completion, and the completion of other men and things, describingit also as possessing all the qualities which can be predicated ofHeaven and Earth. Gradually the subject is made to converge to theperson of Confucius, who is the ideal of the sage, as the sage is theideal of humanity at large. An old account of the object of Tsze-sze inthe Chung Yung is that “he wrote it to celebrate the virtueof his grandfather.” He certainly contrives to do this in thecourse of it. The 30th, 31st, and 32nd chapters contain his eulogium,and never has any other mortal been exalted in such terms.“He may be compared to Heaven and Earth in their supportingand containing, their overshadowing and curtaining all things; he may becompared to the four seasons in their alternating progress, and to thesun and moon in their successive shining.” “Quickin apprehension, clear in discernment, of far-reaching intelligence, andall-embracing knowledge, he was fitted to exercise rule; magnanimous,generous, benign, and mild, he was fitted to exercise forbearance;impulsive, energetic, firm, and enduring, he was fitted to maintain afirm hold; self-adjusted, grave, never swerving from the Mean, andcorrect, he was fitted to command reverence; accomplished, distinctive,concentrative, and searching, he was fitted to exercisediscrimination.” “All-embracing and vast, he waslike heaven; deep and active as a fountain, he was like theabyss.” “Therefore his fame overspreads the MiddleKingdom, and extends to all barbarous tribes. Wherever ships andcarriages reach; wherever the strength of man penetrates; wherever theheavens overshadow and the earth sustains; wherever the sun and moonshine; wherever frosts and dews fall; all whohave blood and breath unfeignedly honour and love him. Hence it issaid,—He is the equal of Heaven!” “Whocan know him but he who is indeed quick in apprehension, clear indiscernment, of far-reaching intelligence, and all-embracing knowledge,possessing all heavenly virtue?”

8. We have arrived at theconcluding chapter of the Work, in which the author, according to ChooHe, “having carried his descriptions to the highest point inthe preceding chapters, turns back and examines the source of hissubjects; and then again from the work of the learner, free from allselfishness and watchful over himself when he is alone, he carries outhis description, till by easy steps he brings it to the consummation ofthe whole empire tranquillized by simple and sincere reverentialness. Hemoreover eulogizes its mysteriousness, till he speaks of it at last aswithout sound or smell.” Between the first and last chaptersthere is a correspondency, and each of them may be considered as asummary of the whole treatise. The difference between them is, that inthe first a commencement is made with the mention of Heaven as theconferrer of man’s nature, while in this the progress of manin virtue is traced, step by step, till at last it is equal to that ofHigh Heaven.

9. I have thus in the precedingparagraphs given a general and somewhat copious review of this Work. Myobject has been to seize, if I could, the train of thought, and to holdit up to the reader. Minor objections to it, arising from the confuseduse of terms and singular applications of passages from the olderClassics, are noticed in the notes subjoined to the translation. Iwished here that its scope should be seen, and the means be afforded ofjudging how far it is worthy of the high character attributed to it.“The relish of it,” says the youngerCh‘ing, “is inexhaustible. The whole of it issolid learning. When the skilful reader has explored it with delighttill he has apprehended it, he may carry it into practice all his life,and will find that it cannot be exhausted.”

My own opinion of it is much less favourable. The names by which it hasbeen called in translations of it have led to misconceptions of itscharacter. Were it styled “The states of Equilibrium andHarmony,” we should be prepared to expect something strangeand probably extravagant. Assuredly we shouldexpect nothing more strange or extravagant than what we have. It beginssufficiently well, but the author has hardly enunciated his preliminaryapophthegms, when he conducts into an obscurity where we can hardlygrope our way, and when we emerge from that, it is to be bewildered byhis gorgeous but unsubstantial pictures of sagely perfection. He haseminently contributed to nourish the pride of his countrymen. He hasexalted their sages above all that is called God or is worshipped, andtaught the masses of the people that with them they have need of nothingfrom without. In the mean time it is antagonistic to Christianity. Byand by, when Christianity has prevailed in China, men will refer to itas a striking proof how their fathers by their wisdom knew neither Godnor themselves.

CHAPTER V.: CONFUCIUS; HIS INFLUENCE AND DOCTRINES.

SECTION I.: LIFE OF CONFUCIUS.

1. “ AND have you foreigners surnames as well?” Thisquestion has often been put to me by Chinese. It marks the ignorancewhich belongs to the people of all that is external to themselves, andthe pride of antiquity which enters largely as an element into theircharacter.     Hisancestry.  If such a pride could in any case bejustified, we might allow it to the family of the K‘ung, thedescendants of Confucius. In the reign K‘ang-he, twenty-onecenturies and a half after the death of the sage, they amounted toeleven thousand males. But their ancestry is carried back through aperiod of equal extent, and genealogical tables are common, in which thedescent of Confucius is traced down from Hwang-te, the inventor of thecycle, BC 2637. [1]

The more moderate writers, however, content themselves with exhibitinghis ancestry back to the commencement of the Chow dynasty, BC 1121. Among the relatives of the tyrant Chow, thelast emperor of the Yin dynasty, was an elder brother, by a concubine,named K‘c, who is celebrated by Confucius, Ana. XVIII. i.,under the title of the viscount of Wei. Foreseeing the impending ruin oftheir family, K‘e withdrew from the court; and subsequently,he was invested by the Emperor Ch‘ing, the second of thehouse of Chow, with the principality of Sung,which embraced the eastern portion of the present province of Ho-nan,that he might there continue the sacrifices to the emperors of Yin.K‘e was followed as duke of Sung by a younger brother, inwhose line the succession continued. His great-grandson, the Duke Min,was followed, BC 908, by a younger brother,leaving, however, two sons, Fuh-foo Ho, and Fang-sze. Fuh Ho resignedhis right to the dukedom in favour of Fang-sze, who put his uncle todeath in BC 893, and became master of theState. He is known as the Duke Le, and to his elder brother belongs thehonour of having the sage among his descendants.

Three descents from Fuh Ho, we find Ching K‘au-foo, who was adistinguished officer under the dukes Tae, Woo, and Seuen ( BC 799—728). He is still celebrated for hishumility, and for his literary tastes. We have accounts of him as beingin communication with the Grand-historiographer of the empire, andengaged in researches about its ancient poetry, thus setting an exampleof one of the works to which Confucius gave himself. K‘aougave birth to K‘ung-foo Kea, from whom the surname ofK‘ung took its rise. Five generations had now elapsed sincethe dukedom was held in the direct line of his ancestry, and it wasaccording to the rule in such cases that the branch should cease itsconnection with the ducal stem, and merge among the people under a newsurname. K‘ung Kea was Master of the Horse in Sung, and anofficer of well-known loyalty and probity. Unfortunately for himself, hehad a wife of surpassing beauty, of whom the chief minister of theState, by name Hwa Tuh, happened on one occasion to get a glimpse.Determined to possess her, he commenced a series of intrigues, whichended, BC 709, in the murder of Kea and thereigning Duke Shang. At the same time, Tuh secured the person of thelady, and hastened to his palace with the prize, but on the way she hadstrangled herself with her girdle.

An enmity was thus commenced between the two families of K‘ungand Hwa which the lapse of time did not obliterate, and the latter beingthe more powerful of the two, Kea’s great-grandson withdrewinto the State of Loo to avoid their persecution. There he was appointedcommandant of the city of Fang, and is known in history by the name ofFang-shuh. Fang-shuh gave birth to Pih-hea, and from him came Shuh-leang Heih, the father of Confucius. Heihappears in the history of the times as a soldier of great prowess anddaring bravery. In the year BC 562, whenserving at the siege of a place called Peih-yang, a party of theassailants made their way in at a gate which had purposely been leftopen, and no sooner were they inside than the portcullis was dropped.Heih was just entering, and catching the massive structure with both hishands, he gradually by dint of main strength raised it and held it up,till his friends had made their escape.

Thus much on the ancestry of the sage. Doubtless he could trace hisdescent in the way which has been indicated up to the imperial house ofYin, nor was there one among his ancestors during the rule of Chow towhom he could not refer with satisfaction. They had been ministers andsoldiers of Sung and Loo, all men of worth; and in ChingK‘aou, both for his humility and literary researches,Confucius might have special complacency.

2. Confucius was the child ofShuh-leang Heih’s old age. The soldier had married in earlylife, but his wife brought him only daughters,—to the numberof nine, and no son.     Fromhis birth to his first public employment   BC 551—531. By a concubinehe had a son, named Măng-p‘e, and also Pih-ne, whoproved a cripple, so that, when he was over seventy years, Heih sought asecond wife in the Yen family, from which came subsequently Yen Hwuy,the favourite disciple of his son. There were three daughters in thefamily, the youngest being named Ching-tsae. Their father said to them,“Here is the commandant of Tsow. His father and grandfatherwere only scholars, but his ancestors before them were descendants ofthe sage emperors. He is a man ten feet high, [1] and of extraordinary prowess, and Iam very desirous of his alliance. Though he is old and austere, you needhave no misgivings about him. Which of you three will be hiswife?” The two elder daughters were silent, but Ching-tsaesaid, “Why do you ask us, father? It is for you todetermine.” “Very well,” said herfather in reply, “you will do.” Ching-tsae,accordingly, became Heih’s wife, and in due time gave birthto Confucius, who received the name ofK‘ew, and was subsequently styled Chung-ne. [1] The eventhappened on the 21st day of the 10th month of the 21st year of the DukeSeang, of Loo, being the 20th year of the Emperor Ling, BC 551. [2] The birth-place was in the district of Tsow, ofwhich Heih was the governor. It was somewherewithin the limits of the present department of Yen-chow in Shan-tung,but the honour of being the exact spot is claimed for two places in twodifferent districts of the department.

The notices which we have of Confucius’ early years are veryscanty. When he was in his third year his father died. It is related ofhim, that as a boy he used to play at the arrangement of sacrificialvessels, and at postures of ceremony. Of his schooling we have noreliable account. There is a legend, indeed, that at seven he went toschool to Gan P‘ing-chung, but it must be rejected, asP‘ing-chung belonged to the State of Ts‘e. Hetells us himself that at fifteen he bent his mind to learning; [1] but the condition of the family was one of poverty. At a subsequentperiod, when people were astonished at the variety of his knowledge, heexplained it by saying, “When I was young my condition waslow, and therefore I acquired my ability in many things; but they weremean matters.” [2]

When he was nineteen, he married a lady from the State of Sung, of theKeen-kwan family; and in the following year his son Le was born. On theoccasion of this event, the Duke Ch‘aou sent him a present ofa couple of carp. It was to signify his sense of his prince’sfavour, that he called his son Le ( The Carp ), andafterwards gave him the designation of Pih-yu ( FishPrimus ). No mention is made of the birth of any other children,though we know, from Ana. V. i., that he had at least one daughter. Thefact of the duke of Loo’s sending him a gift on the occasionof Le’s birth shows that he was not unknown, but was alreadycommanding public attention and the respect of the great.

It was about this time, probably in the year after his marriage, thatConfucius took his first public employment, as keeper of the stores ofgrain, and in the following year he was put in charge of the publicfields and lands. Mencius adduces these employments in illustration ofhis doctrine that the superior man may at times take office on accountof his poverty, but must confine himself in such a case to places ofsmall emolument, and aim at nothing but the discharge of their humbleduties. According to him, Confucius as keeperof stores, said, “My calculations must all beright:—that is all I have to care about;” and whenin charge of the public fields, he said, “The oxen and sheepmust be fat and strong and superior:—that is all I have tocare about.” [1] It does notappear whether these offices were held by Confucius in the directemployment of the State, or as a dependent of the Ke family in whosejurisdiction he lived. The present of the carp from the duke may inclineus to suppose the former.

3. In his twenty-second year,Confucius commenced his labours as a public teacher, and his housebecame a resort for young and inquiring spirits, who wished to learn thedoctrines of antiquity. However small the fee his pupils were able toafford, he never refused his instructions. [2]     Commencement of his labours as a teacher.The death of his mother   BC 530—526. All that he required, was anardent desire for improvement, and some degree of capacity.“I do not open up the truth,” he said,“to one who is not eager to get knowledge, nor help out anyone who is not anxious to explain himself. When I have presented onecorner of a subject to any one, and he cannot from it learn the otherthree, I do not repeat my lesson.” [3]

His mother died in the year BC 528, and heresolved that her body should lie in the same grave with that of hisfather, and that their common resting-place should be in Fang, the firsthome of the K‘ung in Loo. But here a difficulty presenteditself. His father’s coffin had been for twenty years, whereit had first been deposited, off the road of The FiveFathers, in the vicinity of Tsow:—would it be rightin him to move it? He was relieved from this perplexity by an old womanof the neighbourhood, who told him that the coffin had only just beenput into the ground, as a temporary arrangement, and not regularlyburied. On learning this, he carried his purpose into execution. Bothcoffins were conveyed to Fang, and put in the ground together, with nointervening space between them, as was the custom in some States. Andnow came a new perplexity. He said to himself, “In old times,they had graves, but raised no tumulus over them. But I am a man, whobelongs equally to the north and the south, the east and the west. Imust have something by which I can rememberthe place.” Accordingly he raised a mound, four feet high,over the grave, and returned home, leaving a party of his disciples tosee everything properly completed. In the mean time there came on aheavy storm of rain, and it was a considerable time before the disciplesjoined him. “What makes you so late?” he asked.“The grave in Fang fell down,” they said. He madeno reply, and they repeated their answer three times, when he burst intotears, and said, “Ah! they did not make their graves so inantiquity.” [1]

Confucius mourned for his mother the regular period of threeyears,—three years nominally, but in fact only twenty-sevenmonths. Five days after the mourning was expired, he played on his lutebut could not sing. It required other five days before he couldaccompany an instrument with his voice. [2]

Some writers have represented Confucius as teaching his disciplesimportant lessons from the manner in which he buried his mother, andhaving a design to correct irregularities in the ordinary funeralceremonies of the time. These things are altogether “withoutbook.” We simply have a dutiful son paying the last tributeof affection to a good parent. In one point he departs from the ancientpractice, raising a mound over the grave, and when the fresh earth givesway from a sudden rain, he is moved to tears, and seems to regret hisinnovation. This sets Confucius vividly before us,—a man ofthe past as much as of the present, whose own natural feelings wereliable to be hampered in their development, by the traditions ofantiquity which he considered sacred. It is important, however, toobserve the reason which he gave for rearing the mound. He had in it apresentiment of much of his future course. He was “a man ofthe north, the south, the east, and the west.” He might notconfine himself to any one State. He would travel, and his way might bedirected to some “wise ruler,” whom his counselswould conduct to a benevolent sway that would break forth on every sidetill it transformed the empire.

4. When the mourning for hismother was over, Confucius remained in Loo,but in what special capacity we do not know. Probably he continued toencourage the resort of inquirers to whom he communicated instruction,and pursued his own researches into the history, literature, andinstitutions of the empire.     He learns music, visits the court of Chow, and returns toLoo.   BC 526—517. In the year BC 524, the chief of the smallstate of T‘an [1] made hisappearance at the court of Loo, and discoursed in a wonderful manner, ata feast given to him by the duke, about the names which the most ancientsovereigns, from Hwang-te downwards, gave to their ministers. Thesacrifices to the Emperor Shaou-haou, the next in descent from Hwang-te,were maintained in T‘an, so that the chief fancied that heknew all about the abstruse subject on which he discoursed. Confucius,hearing about the matter, waited on the visitor, and learned from himall that he had to communicate. [2]

To the year BC 523, when Confucius wastwenty-nine years old, is referred his studying music under a famousmaster of the name of Seang. He was approaching his 30th year when, ashe tells us, “he stood firm,” [3] that is, in his convictionson the subjects of learning to which he had bent his mind fifteen yearsbefore. Five years more, however, were still to pass by before theanticipation mentioned in the conclusion of the last paragraph began toreceive its fulfilment, [4] though we may conclude from the wayin which it was brought about that he was growing all the time in theestimation of the thinking minds in his native State.

In the 24th year of Duke Ch‘aou, BC 517, one of the principal ministers of Loo, known by the name ofMăng He, died. Seventeen years before he had painfully felthis ignorance of ceremonial observances, andhad made it his subsequent business to make himself acquainted withthem. On his deathbed, he addressed his chief officer, saying,“A knowledge of propriety is the stem of a man. Without it hehas no means of standing firm. I have heard that there is oneK‘ung Kew, who is thoroughly versed in it. He is a descendantof Sages, and though the line of his family was extinguished in Sung,among his ancestors there were Fuh-foo Ho, who resigned the dukedom tohis brother, and Ching K‘aou-foo, who was distinguished forhis humility. Tsang Heih has observed that if sage men of intelligentvirtue do not attain to eminence, distinguished men are sure to appearamong their posterity. His words are now to be verified, I think, inK‘ung K‘ew. After my death, you must tell Ho-ke togo and study proprieties under him.” In consequence of thischarge, Ho-ke, Măng He’s son, who appears in theAnalects under the name of Măng E, [1] and a brother, or perhaps onlya near relative, named Nan-kung King-shuh, became disciples ofConfucius. Their wealth and standing in the State gave him a positionwhich he had not had before, and he told King-shuh of a wish which hehad to visit the court of Chow, and especially to confer on the subjectof ceremonies and music with Laou Tan. King-shuh represented the matterto the Duke Ch‘aou, who put a carriage and a pair of horsesat Confucius’ disposal for the expedition.

At this time the court of Chow was in the city of Lŏ, in thepresent department of Ho-nan of the province of the same name. Thereigning emperor is known by the title of King, but the sovereignty waslittle more than nominal. The state of China was then analogous to thatof one of the European kingdoms, during the prevalence of the feudalsystem. At the commencement of the dynasty, the various States of theempire had been assigned to the relatives and adherents of the reigningfamily. There were thirteen principalities of greater note, and a largenumber of smaller dependencies. During the vigorous youth of thedynasty, the emperor or lord paramount exercised an effective controlover the various chiefs, but with the lapse of time there came weaknessand decay. The chiefs—correspondingsomewhat to the European dukes, earls, marquises, barons,c.,—quarrelled and warred among themselves, and thestronger among them barely acknowledged their subjection to the emperor.A similar condition of things prevailed in each particular State. Therewere hereditary ministerial families, who were continually encroachingon the authority of their rulers, and the heads of those families againwere frequently hard pressed by their inferior officers. Such was thestate of China in Confucius’ time. The reader must have itclearly before him, if he would understand the position of the sage, andthe reforms which, we shall find, it was subsequently his object tointroduce.

Arrived at Chow, he had no intercourse with the court or any of theprincipal ministers. He was there not as a politician, but an inquirerabout the ceremonies and maxims of the founders of the dynasty. LaouTan, whom he had wished to see the acknowledged founder of the Taouists,or Rationalistic sect, which has maintained its ground in opposition tothe followers of Confucius, was then a treasury-keeper. They met andfreely interchanged their views, but no reliable account of theirconversation has been preserved. In the 5th Book of the Le Ke, which isheaded, “The philosopher Tsăng asked,”Confucius refers four times to the views of Laou-tsze on certain pointsof funeral ceremonies, and in the “FamilySayings,” Book XXIV., he tells KeK‘ang what he had heard from him about “The FiveTe,” but we may hope their conversation turned also on moreimportant subjects. Sze-ma Ts‘een, favourable to Laou-tsze,makes him lecture his visitor in the followingstyle:—“Those whom you talk about are dead, andtheir bones are mouldered to dust; only their words remain. When thesuperior man gets his time, he mounts aloft; but when the time isagainst him, he moves as if his feet were entangled. I have heard that agood merchant, though he has rich treasures deeply stored, appears as ifhe were poor, and that the superior man whose virtue is complete, is yetto outward seeming stupid. Put away your proud air and many desires,your insinuating habit and wild will. These are of no advantage to you.This is all which I have to tell you.” On the other hand,Confucius is made to say to his disciples, “I know how birdscan fly, how fishes can swim, and how animals can run. But the runnermay be snared, the swimmer may be hooked, andthe flyer may be shot by the arrow. But there is the dragon. I cannottell how he mounts on the wind through the clouds, and rises to heaven.To-day I have seen Laou-tsze, and can only compare him to thedragon.”

While at Lŏ, Confucius walked over the grounds set apart forthe great sacrifices to Heaven and Earth; inspected the pattern of theHall of Light, built to give audience in to the princes of the empire;and examined all the arrangements of the ancestral temple and the court.From the whole he received a profound impression.“Now,” said he with a sigh, “I know thesage wisdom of the duke of Chow, and how the house of Chow attained tothe imperial sway.” On the walls of the Hall of Light werepaintings of the ancient sovereigns from Yaou and Shun downwards, theircharacters appearing in the representations of them, and words of praiseor warning being appended. There was also a picture of the duke of Chowsitting with his infant nephew, the king Ch‘ing, upon hisknees, to give audience to all the princes. Confucius surveyed the scenewith silent delight, and then said to his followers, “Hereyou see how Chow became so great. As we use a glass to examine the formsof things, so must we study antiquity in order to understand thepresent.” In the hall of the ancestral temple there was ametal statue of a man with three clasps upon his mouth, and his backcovered over with an enjoyable homily on the duty of keeping a watchupon the lips. Confucius turned to his disciples, and said,“Observe it, my children. These words are true, and commendthemselves to our feelings.”

About music he made inquiries of Ch‘ang Hwang, to whom thefollowing remarks are attributed:—“I have observedabout Chung-ne many marks of a sage. He has river eyes and a dragonforehead,—the very characteristics of Hwang-te. His arms arelong, his back is like a tortoise, and he is nine feet six inches inheight,—the very semblance of T‘ang theSuccessful. When he speaks, he praises the ancient kings. He moves alongthe path of humility and courtesy. He has heard of every subject, andretains with a strong memory. His knowledge of things seemsinexhaustible.—Have we not in him the rising of asage?”

I have given these notices of Confucius at the court of Chow, more asbeing the only ones I could find, than because I put much faith in them.He did not remain there long, but returned the same year to Loo, andcontinued his work of teaching. His fame was greatly increased;disciples came to him from different parts, till their number amountedto three thousand. Several of those who have come down to us as the mostdistinguished among his followers, however, were yet unborn, and thestatement just given may be considered as an exaggeration. We are not toconceive of the disciples as forming a community, and living together.Parties of them may have done so. We shall find Confucius hereafteralways moving amid a company of admiring pupils; but the greater numbermust have had their proper avocations and ways of living, and would onlyresort to the master, when they wished specially to ask his counsel orto learn of him.

5. In the year succeeding thereturn to Loo, that State fell into great confusion. There were threeFamilies in it, all connected irregularly with the ducal house, whichhad long kept the rulers in a condition of dependency.     He withdraws toTs‘e, and returns to Loo the following year   BC 516, 515. They appearfrequently in the Analects as the Ke clan, the Shuh, and theMăng; and while Confucius freely spoke of theirusurpations, [1] he was a sort ofdependent of the Ke family, and appears in frequent communication withmembers of all the three. In the year BC 516,the duke Chaou came to open hostilities with them, and being worsted,fled into Ts‘e, the State adjoining Loo on the north. ThitherConfucius also repaired, that he might avoid the prevailing disorder ofhis native State. Ts‘e was then under the government of aduke, afterwards styled King, who “had a thousand teams, eachof four horses, but on the day of his death the people did not praisehim for a single virtue.” [2] His chief minister,however, was Gan Ying, a man of considerable ability and worth. At hiscourt the music of the ancient sage-emperor, Shun, originally brought toT‘se from the State of Ch‘in, was stillpreserved.

According to the “Family Sayings,” an incidentoccurred on the way to Ts‘e, whichI may transfer to these pages as a good specimen of the way in whichConfucius turned occurring matters to account in his intercourse withhis disciples. As he was passing by the side of the T‘aemountain, there was a woman weeping and wailing by a grave. Confuciusbent forward in his carriage, and after listening to her for some time,sent Tsze-loo to ask the cause of her grief. “You weep, as ifyou had experienced sorrow upon sorrow,” said Tsze-loo. Thewoman replied, “It is so. My husband’s father waskilled here by a tiger, and my husband also; and now my son has met thesame fate.” Confucius asked her why she did not remove fromthe place, and on her answering, “There is here no oppressivegovernment,” he turned to his disciples, and said,“My children, remember this. Oppressive government is fiercerthan a tiger.” [1]

As soon as he crossed the border from Loo, we are told he discovered fromthe gait and manners of a boy, whom he saw carrying a pitcher, theinfluence of the sage’s music, and told the driver of hiscarriage to hurry on to the capital. Arrived there, he heard the strain,and was so ravished with it, that for three months he did not know thetaste of flesh. “I did not think,” he said,“that music could have been made so excellent asthis.” [2] The Duke King was pleasedwith the conferences which he had with him, [3] and proposed to assign to him the town of Lin-k‘ew, from therevenues of which he might derive a sufficient support; but Confuciusrefused the gift, and said to his disciples, “A superior manwill only receive reward for services which he has done. I have givenadvice to the Duke King, but he has not yet obeyed it, and now he wouldendow me with this place! Very far is he from understandingme.”

On one occasion the duke asked about government, and received thecharacteristic reply, “There is government when the prince is prince, and the minister is minister;when the father is father, and the son is son.” [1] Isay that the reply is characteristic. Once, when Tsze-loo asked him whathe would consider the first thing to be done if intrusted with thegovernment of a State, Confucius answered, “What is necessaryis to rectify names.” [2] The disciple thought thereply wide of the mark, but it was substantially the same with what hesaid to the Duke King. There is a sufficient foundation in nature forgovernment in the several relations of society, and if those bemaintained and developed according to their relative significancy, it issure to obtain. This was a first principle in the political ethics ofConfucius.

Another day the duke got to a similar inquiry the reply that the art ofgovernment lay in an economical use of the revenues; and being pleased,he resumed his purpose of retaining the philosopher in his State, andproposed to assign to him the fields of Ne-k‘e. His chiefminister, Gan Ying, dissuaded him from the purpose, saying,“Those scholars are impracticable, and cannot be imitated.They are haughty and concerted of their own views, so that they will notbe content in inferior positions. They set a high value on all funeralceremonies, give way to their grief, and will waste their property ongreat burials, so that they would only be injurious to the commonmanners. This Mr K‘ung has a thousand peculiarities. It wouldtake generations to exhaust all that he knows about the ceremonies ofgoing up and going down. This is not the time to examine into his rulesof propriety. If you, prince, wish to employ him to change the customsof Ts‘e, you will not be making the people your primaryconsideration.” [3]

I had rather believe that these were not the words of Gan Ying; but theymust represent pretty correctly the sentiments of many of the statesmenof the time about Confucius. The duke of Ts‘e got tired erelong of having such a monitor about him, and observed, “Icannot treat him as I would the chief of the Ke family. I will treat himin a way between that accorded to the chief of the Ke, and that given to the chief of the Măngfamily.” Finally he said, “I am old; I cannot usehis doctrines.” [1] These observations weremade directly to Confucius, or came to his hearing. [2] It wasnot consistent with his self-respect to remain longer inTs‘e, and he returned to Loo. [3]

6. Returned to Loo, he remainedfor the long period of about fifteen years without being engaged in anyofficial employment.     Heremains without office in Loo,   BC 515-501. It was a time, indeed, of great disorder.The Duke Chaou continued a refugee in Ts‘e, the governmentbeing in the hands of the great Families, up to his death in BC 509, on which event the rightful heir wasset aside, and another member of the ducal house, known to us by thetitle of Ting, substituted in his place. The ruling authority of theprincipality became thus still more enfeebled than it had been before,and, on the other hand, the chiefs of the Ke, the Shuh, and theMăng, could hardly keep their ground against their ownofficers. Of those latter the two most conspicuous were Yang Hoo, calledalso Yang Ho, and Kung-shan Fuh-jaou. At one time Ke Hwan, the mostpowerful of the chiefs, was kept a prisoner by Yang Hoo, and was obligedto make terms with him in order to secure his liberation. Confuciuswould give his countenance to none, as he disapproved of all, and hestudiously kept aloof from them. Of how he comported himself among themwe have a specimen in the incident related in the Analects, XVII. 1.—“Yang Ho wished to seeConfucius, but Confucius would not go to see him. On this, he sent apresent of a pig to Confucius, who, having chosen a time when Ho was notat home, went to pay his respects for the gift. He met him, however, onthe way. ‘Come, let me speak with you,’ said theofficer. ‘Can he be called benevolent, who keeps his jewel inhis bosom, and leaves his country to confusion?’ Confuciusreplied, ‘No.’ ‘Can he be called wise,who is anxious to be engaged in public employment, and yet is constantly losing the opportunity of beingso?’ Confucius again said, ‘No.’ Theother added, ‘The days and months are passing away; the yearsdo not wait for us.’ Confucius said, ‘Right; Iwill go into office.’ ” Chinese writers areeloquent in their praise of the sage for the combination of propriety,complaisance, and firmness, which they see in his behaviour in thismatter. To myself there seems nothing remarkable in it but a somewhatquestionable dexterity. But it was well for the fame of Confucius thathis time was not occupied during those years with official services. Heturned them to better account, prosecuting his researches into thepoetry, history, ceremonies, and music of the empire. Many disciplescontinued to resort to him, and the legendary writers tell us how heemployed their services in digesting the results of his studies. I mustrepeat, however, that several of them, whose names are most famous, suchas Tsăng Sin, were as yet children, and Min Sun was not borntill BC 500.

To this period we must refer the almost single instance which we have ofthe manner of Confucius’ intercourse with his son Le.“Have you heard any lessons from your father different fromwhat we have all heard?” asked one of the disciples once ofLe. “No,” said Le. “He was standingalone once, when I was passing through the court below with hasty steps,and said to me, ‘Have you read the Odes?’ On myreplying, ‘Not yet,’ he added, ‘If youdo not learn the Odes, you will not be fit to converse with.’Another day, in the same place and the same way, he said to me,‘Have you read the rules of Propriety?’ On myreplying, ‘Not yet,’ he added, ‘If youdo not learn the rules of Propriety, your character cannot beestablished.’ I have heard only these two things fromhim.” The disciple was delighted, and observed, “Iasked one thing, and I have got three things. I have heard about theOdes; I have heard about the rules of Propriety. I have also heard thatthe superior man maintains a distant reserve towards hisson.” [1]

I can easily believe that this distant reserve was the rule whichConfucius followed generally in his treatment of his son. A sterndignity is the quality which a father has tomaintain upon his system. It is not to be without the element ofkindness, but that must never go beyond the line of propriety. There istoo little room left for the play and development of naturalaffection.

The divorce of his wife must also have taken place during these years, ifit ever took place at all, which is a disputed point. The curious readerwill find the question discussed in the notes on the second Book of theLe Ke. The evidence inclines, I think, against the supposition thatConfucius did put his wife away. When she died, at a period subsequentto the present, Le kept on weeping aloud for her after the period forsuch a demonstration of grief had expired, when Confucius sent a messageto him that his sorrow must be subdued, and the obedient son dried histears. [1] We are glad to know that on oneoccasion—the death of his favourite disciple, YenHwuy—the tears of Confucius himself would flow over and abovethe measure of propriety. [2]

7. We come to the short period ofConfucius’ official life.     He holds office.   BC 500—496. In the year BC 501, things had come to a head betweenthe chiefs of the three Families and their ministers, and had resultedin the defeat of the latter. In BC 500, theresources of Yang Hoo were exhausted, and he fled into Ts‘e,so that the State was delivered from its greatest troubler, and the waywas made more clear for Confucius to go into office, should anopportunity occur. It soon presented itself. Towards the end of thatyear he was made chief magistrate of the town of Chung-too. [3]

Just before he received this appointment, a circumstance occurred ofwhich we do not well know what to make. When Yang-hoo fled intoTs‘e, Kung-shan Fuh-jaou, who had been confederate with him,continued to maintain an attitude of rebellion, and held the city of Peagainst the Ke family. Thence he sent a message to Confucius invitinghim to join him, and the sage seemed soinclined to go that his disciple Tsze-loo remonstrated with him, saying,“Indeed you cannot go! why must you think of going to seeKung-shan?” Confucius replied, “Can it be withoutsome reason that he has invited me? If any one employ me, may I not makean eastern Chow?” [1] The upshot, however, wasthat he did not go, and I cannot suppose that he had ever any seriousintention of doing so. Amid the general gravity of his intercourse withhis followers, there gleam out a few instances of quiet pleasantry, whenhe amused himself by playing with their notions about him. This wasprobably one of them.

As magistrate of Chung-too he produced a marvellous reformation of themanners of the people in a short time. According to the“Family Sayings,” he enacted rules for thenourishing of the living, and all observances to the dead. Differentfood was assigned to the old and the young, and different burdens to thestrong and the weak. Males and females were kept apart from each otherin the streets. A thing dropt on the road was not picked up. There wasno fraudulent carving of vessels. Inner coffins were made four inchesthick, and the outer ones five. Graves were made on the high grounds, nomounds being raised over them, and no trees planted about them. Withintwelve months, the princes of the States all about wished to imitate hisstyle of administration.

The Duke Ting, surprised at what he saw, asked whether his rules could beemployed to govern a whole State, and Confucius told him that they mightbe applied to the whole empire. On this the duke appointed himassistant-superintendent of Works, [2] in which capacity he surveyed the lands of the State, and made manyimprovements in agriculture. From this he was quickly made minister ofCrime, and the appointment was enough to put an end to crime. There wasno necessity to put the penal laws in execution. No offenders showedthemselves.

These indiscriminating eulogies are of little value. One incident,related in the annotations of Tso-k‘ew on theTs‘un Ts‘ew, commends itself at once to ourbelief, as in harmony withConfucius’ character. The chief of the Ke, pursuing with hisenmity the Duke Chaou, even after his death, had placed his grave apartfrom the graves of his predecessors; and Confucius surrounded the ducalcemetery with a ditch so as to include the solitary resting-place,boldly telling the chief that he did it to hide his disloyalty. But hesignalized himself most of all, in BC 499, byhis behaviour at an interview between the dukes of Loo andTs‘e, at a place called Shih-k‘e, andKeă-kuh, in the present district of Lae-woo, in thedepartment of T‘ae-gan. Confucius was present as master ofceremonies on the part of Loo, and the meeting was professedly pacific.The two princes were to form a covenant of alliance. The principalofficer on the part of Ts‘e, however, despising Confucius as“a man of ceremonies, without courage,” hadadvised his sovereign to make the duke of Loo a prisoner, and for thispurpose a band of the half-savage original inhabitants of the placeadvanced with weapons to the stage where the two dukes were met.Confucius understood the scheme, and said to the opposite party,“Our two princes are met for a pacific object. For you tobring a band of savage vassals to disturb the meeting with theirweapons, is not the way in which Ts‘e can expect to give lawto the princes of the empire. These barbarians have nothing to do withour Great Flowery land. Such vassals may not interfere with ourcovenant. Weapons are out of place at such a meeting. As before thespirits, such conduct is unpropitious. In point of virtue, it iscontrary to right. As between man and man, it is not polite.”The duke of Ts‘e ordered the disturbers off, but Confuciuswithdrew, carrying the duke of Loo with him. The business proceeded,notwithstanding, and when the words of the alliance were being read onthe part of Ts‘e,—“So be it to Loo, ifit contribute not 300 chariots of war to the help of Ts‘e,when its army goes across its borders,” a messenger fromConfucius added,—“And so it be to us, if we obeyyour orders, unless you return to us the fields on the south of theWăn.” At the conclusion of the ceremonies, theprince of Ts‘e wanted to give a grand entertainment, butConfucius demonstrated that such a thing would be contrary to theestablished rules of propriety, his real object being to keep hissovereign out of danger. In this way the twoparties separated, they of Ts‘e filled with shame at beingfoiled and disgraced by “the man of ceremonies,”and the result was that the lands of Loo which had been appropriated byTs‘e were restored. [1]

For two years more Confucius held the office of minister of Crime. Somehave supposed that he was further raised to the dignity of chiefminister of State, but that was not the case. One instance of the mannerin which he executed his functions is worth recording. When any mattercame before him, he took the opinion of different individuals upon it,and in giving judgment would say, “I decide according to theview of so and so.” There was an approach to our jury systemin the plan, Confucius’ object being to enlist generalsympathy, and carry the public judgment with him in his administrationof justice. A father having brought some charge against his son,Confucius kept them both in prison for three months, without making anydifference in favour of the father, and then wished to dismiss themboth. The head of the Ke was dissatisfied, and said, “You areplaying with me, Sir minister of Crime. Formerly you told me that in aState or a family filial duty was the first thing to be insisted on.What hinders you now from putting to death this unfilial son as anexample to all the people?” Confucius with a sigh replied,“When superiors fail in their duty, and yet go to put theirinferiors to death, it is not right. This father has not taught his sonto be filial;—to listen to his charge would be to slay theguiltless. The manners of the age have been long in a sad condition; wecannot expect the people not to be transgressing thelaws.”

At this time two of his disciples, Tsze-loo and Tsze-yew, entered theemployment of the Ke family, and lent their influence, the formerespecially, to forward the plans of their master. One great cause ofdisorder in the State was the fortified cities held by the three chiefs,in which they could defy the supreme authority, and were in turn defiedthemselves by their officers. Those cities were like the castles of thebarons of England in the time of the Normankings. Confucius had their destruction very much at heart, and partly bythe influence of persuasion, and partly by the assisting counsels ofTsze-loo, he accomplished his object in regard to Pe, the chief city ofthe Ke, and How, the chief city of the Shuh.

It does not appear that he succeeded in the same way in dismantlingCh‘ing, the chief city of the Măng; [1] but his authority in the Stategreatly increased. “He strengthened the ducal House andweakened the private Families. He exalted the sovereign, and depressedthe ministers. A transforming government went abroad. Dishonesty anddissoluteness were ashamed, and hid their heads. Loyalty and good faithbecame the characteristics of the men, and chastity and docility thoseof the women. Strangers came in crowds from other States. Confuciusbecame the idol of the people, and flew in songs through theirmouths.

But this sky of bright promise was soon overcast. As the fame of thereformations in Loo went abroad, the neighbouring princes began to beafraid. The duke of Ts‘e said, “With Confucius atthe head of its government, Loo will become supreme among the States,and Ts‘e which is nearest to it will be the first swallowedup. Let us propitiate it by a surrender of territory.” One ofhis ministers proposed they should first try to separate between thesage and his sovereign, and to effect this, they hit upon the followingscheme. Eighty beautiful girls, with musical and dancingaccomplishments, were selected, and a hundred and twenty of the finesthorses that could be found, and sent as a present to Duke Ting. Theywere put up at first outside the city, and Ke Hwan having gone indisguise to see them, forgot the lessons of Confucius, and took the duketo look at the bait. They were both captivated. The women were received,and the sage was neglected. For three days the duke gave no audience tohis ministers. “Master,” said Tsze-loo toConfucius, “it is time for you tobe going.” But Confucius was very unwilling to leave. Thetime was drawing near when the great sacrifice to Heaven would beoffered, and he determined to wait and see whether the solemnity of thatwould bring the duke back to his right mind. No such result followed.The ceremony was hurried through, and portions of the offerings were notsent round to the various ministers, according to the establishedcustom. Confucius regretfully took his departure, going away slowly andby easy stages. He would have welcomed a messenger of recall. The dukecontinued in his abandonment, and the sage went forth to thirteen wearyyears of homeless wandering.

8. On leaving Loo, Confuciusfirst bent his steps westward to the State of Wei, situate about wherethe present provinces of Chih-le and Ho-nan adjoin.     He wanders from State to State   BC 496—483. Hewas now in his 56th year, and felt depressed and melancholy. As he wentalong, he gave expression to his feeling in verse:—

- “Fain would I still look towards Loo,

- But this Kwei hill cuts off my view.

- With an axe, I’d hew the thickets through:—

- Vain thought! ’gainst the hill I nought cando;”

and again,—

- “Through the valley howls the blast,

- Drizzling rain falls thick and fast.

- Homeward goes the youthful bride,

- O’er the wild, crowds by her side,

- How is it. O azure Heaven,

- From my home I thus am driven,

- Through the land my way to trace,

- With no certain dwelling-place?

- Dark, dark, the minds of men!

- Worth in vain comes to their ken.

- Hastens on my term of years;

- Old age, desolate, appears.” [1]

A number of his disciples accompanied him, and his sadness infected them.When they arrived at the borders of Wei, at a place called E, the wardensought an interview, and on coming out from the sage, he tried tocomfort the disciples, saying, “My friends, why are youdistressed at your Master’s loss of office? The empire hasbeen long without the principles of truthand right; Heaven is going to use your master as a bell with its woodentongue.” [1] Such was the thought ofthis friendly stranger. The bell did indeed sound, but few had ears tohear.

Confucius’ fame, however, had gone before him, and he was inlittle danger of having to suffer from want. On arriving at the capitalof Wei, he lodged at first with a worthy officer, named YenCh‘ow-yew. [2] Thereigning duke, known to us by the epithet of Ling, was a worthless,dissipated man, but he could not neglect a visitor of such eminence, andsoon assigned to Confucius a revenue of 60,000 measures of grain. Herehe remained for ten months, and then for some reason left it to go toCh‘in. On the way he had to pass by K‘wang, aplace probably in the present department of K‘ae-fung inHo-nan, which had formerly suffered from Yang-hoo. It so happened thatConfucius resembled Hoo, and the attention of the people being called tohim by the movements of his carriage-driver, they thought it was theirold enemy, and made an attack upon him. His followers were alarmed, buthe was calm, and tried to assure them by declaring his belief that hehad a divine mission. He said to them, “After the death ofKing Wăn, was not the cause of truth lodged here in me? IfHeaven had wished to let this cause of truth perish, then I, a futuremortal, should not have got such a relation to that cause. While Heavendoes not let the cause of truth perish, what can the people ofK‘wang do to me?” [3] Having escaped from the hands of his assailants,he does not seem to have carried out his purpose of going toCh‘in, but returned to Wei.

On the way, he passed a house where he had formerly been lodged, andfinding that the master was dead, and the funeral ceremonies going on,he went in to condole and weep. When he came out, he told Tsze-kung totake one of the horses from his carriage, and give it as a contributionto the expenses of the occasion. “You never did such athing,” Tsze-kung remonstrated, “at the funeral ofany of your disciples; is it not too great a gift on this occasion of the death of an oldhost?” “When I went in,” repliedConfucius, “my presence brought a burst of grief from thechief mourner, and I joined him with my tears. I dislike the thought ofmy tears not being followed by anything. Do it, mychild.” [1]

On reaching Wei, he lodged with Keu Pih-yuh, an officer of whomhonourable mention is made in the Analects. [2] But this time hedid not remain long in the State.       BC 495. The duke was married to a lady of the house of Sung,known by the name of Nan-tsze, notorious for her intrigues andwickedness. She sought an interview with the sage, which he was obligedunwillingly to accord. No doubt he was innocent of thought or act ofevil; but it gave great dissatisfaction to Tsze-loo that his mastershould have been in company with such a woman, and Confucius, to assurehim, swore an oath, saying, “Wherein I have done improperly,may Heaven reject me! May Heaven reject me!” [3] He could not well abide, however, about such a court. One day the dukerode out through the streets of his capital in the same carriage withNan-tsze, and made Confucius follow them in another. Perhaps he intendedto honour the philosopher, but the people saw the incongruity, and criedout, “Lust in the front; virtue behind!” Confuciuswas ashamed, and made the observation, “I have not seen onewho loves virtue as he loves beauty.” [4] Wei was no place for him.He left it, and took his way towards Ch‘in.

Ch‘in, which formed part of the present province of Ho-nan,lay south from Wei. After passing the small State of Ts‘aou,he approached the borders of Sung, occupying the present prefecture ofKwei-tih, and had some intentions of entering it, when an incidentoccurred, which it is not easy to understand from the meagre style inwhich it is related, but which gave occasion to a remarkable saying.Confucius was practising ceremonies with his disciples, we are told,under the shade of a large tree. Hwan T‘uy, an ill-mindedofficer of Sung, heard of it, and sent a band of men to pull down thetree, and kill the philosopher, if they could get hold of him. Thedisciples were much alarmed, but Confucius observed, “Heavenhas produced the virtue that is inme;—what can Hwan T‘uy do to me?” [1] They all made their escape, but seem to have been driven westwards tothe State of Ch‘ing, on arriving at the gate conducting intowhich from the east, Confucius found himself separated from hisfollowers. Tsze-kung had arrived before him, and was told by a native ofCh‘ing that “there was a man standing by the eastgate, with a forehead like Yaou, a neck like Kaou-yaou, his shoulders ona level with those of Tsze-ch‘an, but wanting, below thewaist, three inches of the height of Yu, and altogether having thedisconsolate appearance of a stray dog.” Tsze-kung knew itwas the master, hastened to him, and repeated to his great amusement thedescription which the man had given. “The bodilyappearance,” said Confucius, “is but a smallmatter, but to say I was like a stray dog—capital!capital!” The stay they made at Ch‘ing was short,and by the end of BC 495, Confucius was inCh‘in.

All the next year he remained there lodging with the warder of the citywall, an officer of worth, of the name of Ching, [2] and wehave no accounts of him which deserve to be related here. [3]

In BC 493, Ch‘in was much disturbedby attacks from Woo, a large State, the capital of which was in thepresent department of Soo-chow, and Confucius determined to retrace hissteps to Wei. On the way he was laid hold of at a place calledP‘oo, which was held by a rebellious officer against Wei, andbefore he could get away, he was obliged to engage that he would notproceed thither. Thither, notwithstanding, he continued his route, andwhen Tsze-kung asked him whether it was right to violate the oath he hadtaken, he replied, “It was a forced oath. The spirits do nothear such.” [4] The duke Ling received him withdistinction, but paid no more attention to his lessons than before, andConfucius is said then to have uttered his complaint, “Ifthere were any of the princes who would employme, in the course of twelve months I should have done somethingconsiderable. In three years the government would beperfected.” [1]

A circumstance occurred to direct his attention to the State of Tsin,which occupied the southern part of the present Shan-se, and extendedover the Yellow river into Ho-nan. An invitation came to Confucius, likethat which he had formerly received from Kung-shan Fuh-jaou. Peih Heih,an officer of Tsin, who was holding the town of Chung-mow against hischief, invited him to visit him, and Confucius was inclined to go.Tsze-loo was always the mentor on such occasions. He said to him,“Master, I have heard you say, that when a man in his ownperson is guilty of doing evil, a superior man will not associate withhim. Peih Heih is in rebellion; if you go to him, what shall besaid?” Confucius replied, “Yes, I did use thosewords. But is it not said that if a thing be really hard, it may beground without being made thin; and if it be really white, it may besteeped in a dark fluid without being made black? Am I a bitter gourd?Am I to be hung up out of the way of being eaten?” [2]

These sentiments sound strangely from his lips. After all, he did not goto Peih Heih; and having travelled as far as the Yellow river that hemight see one of the principal ministers of Tsin, he heard of theviolent death of two men of worth, and returned to Wei, lamenting thefate which prevented him from crossing the stream, and trying to solacehimself with poetry as he had done on leaving Loo. Again did hecommuuicate with the duke, but as ineffectually, and disgusted at beingquestioned by him about military tactics, he left and went back toCh‘in.

He resided in Ch‘in all the next year, BC 491, without anything occurring there which is worthyof note. Events had transpired in Loo, however, which were to issue inhis return to his native State. The duke Ting had deceased BC 494, and Ke Hwan, the chief of the Ke family, died inthis year. On his deathbed, he felt remorse for his conduct toConfucius, and charged his successor, known to us in the Analects as KeK‘ang, to recall the sage; but the charge was not immediatelyfulfilled. Ke K‘ang, by the adviceof one of his officers, sent to Ch‘in for the disciple YenK‘ew instead. Confucius willingly sent him off, and wouldgladly have accompanied him. “Let me return!” hesaid, “Let me return!” [1] But that was not to be forseveral years yet.

In BC 490, accompanied, as usual, by several ofhis disciples, he went from Ch‘in to Ts‘ae, asmall dependency of the great fief of Ts‘oo, which occupied alarge part of the present provinces of Hoo-nan and Hoo-pih. On the way,between Ch‘in and Ts‘ae, their provisions becameexhausted, and they were cut off somehow from obtaining a fresh supply.The disciples were quite overcome with want, and Tsze-loo said to themaster, “Has the superior man indeed to endure in thisway?” Confucius answered him, “The superior manmay indeed have to endure want; but the mean man, when he is in want,gives way to unbridled license.” [2] According to the“Family Sayings,” the distress continued sevendays, during which time Confucius retained his equanimity, and was evencheerful, playing on his lute and singing. He retained, however, astrong impression of the perils of the season, and we find himafterwards recurring to it, and lamenting that of the friends that werewith him in Ch‘in and Ts‘ae, there were noneremaining to enter his door. [3]

Escaped from this strait, he remained in Ts‘ae over BC 489, and in the following year we find himin Shĕ, another district of Ts‘oo, the chief ofwhich had usurped the title of duke. Puzzled about his visitor, he askedTsze-loo what he should think of him, but the disciple did not venture areply. When Confucius heard of it, he said to Tsze-loo, “Whydid you not say to him,—He is simply a man who in his eagerpursuit of knowledge forgets his food, who in the joy of its attainmentforgets his sorrows, and who does not perceive that old age is comingon?” [4] Subsequently, the duke,in conversation with Confucius, asked him about government, and got thereply, dictated by some circumstances of which we are ignorant,“Good government obtains, when those who are near are madehappy, and those who are far off are attracted.” [5]

After a short stay in Shĕ, according to Sze-maTs‘een, he returned to Ts‘ae, and having to crossa river, he sent Tsze-loo to inquire for the ford of two men who were atwork in a neighbouring field. They were recluses,—men who hadwithdrawn from public life in disgust at the waywardness of the times.One of them was called Ch‘ang-tseu, and instead of givingTsze-loo the information he wanted, he asked him, “Who is itthat holds the reins in the carriage there?” “Itis K‘ung Kew.” “K‘ung Kew ofLoo?” “Yes,” was the reply, and thenthe man rejoined, “ He knows theford.”

Tsze-loo applied to the other, who was calledKëĕ-neih, but got for answer the question,“Who are you, Sir?” He replied, “I amChung Yew.” “Chung Yew, who is the disciple ofK‘ung Kew of Loo?” “Yes,”again replied Tsze-loo, and Keĕ-heih addressed him,“Disorder, like a swelling flood, spreads over the wholeempire, and who is he that will change it for you? Than follow one whomerely withdraws from this one and that one, had you not better followthose who withdraw from the world altogether?” With this hefell to covering up the seed, and gave no more heed to the stranger.Tsze-loo went back and reported what they had said, when Confuciusvindicated his own course, saying, “It is impossible toassociate with birds and bcasts as if they were the same with us. If Iassociate not with these people,—withmankind,—with whom shall I associate? If right principlesprevailed through the empire, there would be no use for me to change itsstate.” [1]

About the same time he had an encounter with another recluse, who wasknown as “The madman of Ts‘oo.” Hepassed by the carriage of Confucius, singing out, “O FUNG, O FUNG, how is your virtue degenerated! As tothe past, reproof is useless, but the future may be provided against.Give up, give up your vain pursuit.” Confucius alighted andwished to enter into conversation with him, but the man hastenedaway. [2]

But now the attention of the ruler of Ts‘oo—king,as he styled himself—was directed to the illustrious strangerwho was in his dominions, and he met Confucius and conducted him to his capital, which was in the presentdistrict of E-shing, in the department of Seang-yang, in Hoo-pih. Aftera time, he proposed endowing the philosopher with a considerableterritory, but was dissuaded by his prime minister, who said to him,“Has your Majesty any officer who could discharge the dutiesof an ambassador like Tsze-kung? or any one so qualified for a premieras Yen Hwuy? or any one to compare as a general with Tsze-loo? The kingsWăn and Woo, from their hereditary dominions of a hundred le, rose to the sovereignty of the empire. IfK‘ung K‘ew, with such disciples to be hisministers, get the possession of any territory, it will not be to theprosperity of Ts‘oo? On this remonstrance, the king gave uphis purpose, and when he died in the same year, Confucius left theState, and went back again to Wei.

The Duke Ling had died four years before, soon after Confucius had lastparted from him, and the reigning duke, known to us by the title ofCh‘uh, was his grandson, and was holding the principalityagainst his own father.       BC 489. The relationsbetween them were rather complicated. The father had been driven out inconsequence of an attempt which he had instigated on the life of hismother, the notorious Nan-tsze, and the succession was given to his son.Subsequently, the father wanted to reclaim what he deemed his right, andan unseemly struggle ensued. The Duke Ch‘uh was conscious howmuch his cause would be strengthened by the support of Confucius, andhence when he got to Wei, Tsze-loo could say to him, “Theprince of Wei has been waiting for you, in order with you to administerthe government;—what will you consider the first thing to bedone?” [1] Theopinion of the philosopher, however, was against the propriety of theduke’s course, and he declined taking office with him, thoughhe remained in Wei for between five and six years. During all that timethere is a blank in his history. In the very year of his return,according to the “Annals of the Empire,” his mostbeloved disciple, Yen Hwuy, died, on whichoccasion he exclaimed, “Alas! Heaven is destroying me! Heavenis destroying me!” [1] The death of his wife is assigned to BC 484, but nothing else is related which we can connectwith this long period.

9. His return to Loo was broughtabout by the disciple Yen Yew, who, we have seen, went into the serviceof Ke K‘ang, in BC 491.     From his return to Loo tohis death.   BC 483—478. In the year BC 483, Yew had the conduct of some military operationsagainst Ts‘e, and being successful, Ke K‘ang askedhim how he had obtained his military skill;—was it fromnature, or by learning? He replied that he had learned it fromConfucius, and entered into a glowing eulogy of the philosopher. Thechief declared that he would bring Confucius home again to Loo.“If you do so,” said the disciple, “seethat you do not let mean men come between you and him.” Onthis K‘ang sent three officers with appropriate presents toWei, to invite the wanderer home, and he returned with themaccordingly.

This event took place in the eleventh year of the Duke Gae, who succeededto Ting, and according to K‘ung Foo, Confucius’descendant, the invitation proceeded from him. We may suppose that whileKe K‘ang was the mover and director of the proceeding, it waswith the authority and approval of the duke. It is represented in thechronicle of Tso-k‘ew Ming as having occurred at a veryopportune time. The philosopher had been consulted a little before byK‘ung Wăn, an officer of Wei, about how he shouldconduct a feud with another officer, and disgusted at being referred toon such a subject, had ordered his carriage and prepared to leave theState, exclaiming, “The bird chooses its tree. The tree doesnot chase the bird.” K‘ung Wănendeavoured to excuse himself, and to prevail on Confucius to remain inWei, and just at this juncture the messengers from Loo arrived.

Confucius was now in his 69th year. The world had not dealt kindly withhim. In every State which he had visited he had met with disappointmentand sorrow. Only five more years remained tohim, nor were they of a brighter character than the past. He had,indeed, attained to that state, he tells us, in which “hecould follow what his heart desired without transgressing what wasright,” [1] but other people were notmore inclined than they had been to abide by his counsels. The Duke Gaeand Ke K‘ang often conversed with him, but he no longer hadweight in the guidance of State affairs, and wisely addressed himself tothe completion of his literary labours. He wrote, it is said, a prefaceto the Shoo-king; carefully digested the rites and ceremonies determinedby the wisdom of the more ancient sages and kings; collected andarranged the ancient poetry; and undertook the reform of music. He hastold us himself, “I returned from Wei to Loo, and then themusic was reformed, and the pieces in the Imperial Songs and PraiseSongs found all their proper place.” [2] To the Yih-king he devotedmuch study, and Sze-ma Ts‘een says that the leather thongs bywhich the tablets of his copy were bound together were thrice worn out.“If some years were added to my life,” he said,“I would give fifty to the study of the Yih, and then I mightcome to be without great faults.” [3] During this time also, wemay suppose that he supplied Tsăng Sin with the materials ofthe classic of Filial Piety. The same year that he returned, KeK‘ang sent Yen Yew to ask his opinion about an additionalimpost which he wished to lay upon the people, but Confucius refused togive any reply, telling the disciple privately his disapproval of theproposed measure. It was carried out, however, in the following year, bythe agency of Yen, on which occasion, I suppose, it was that Confuciussaid to the other disciples, “He is no disciple of mine; mylittle children, beat the drum and assail him.” [4] The year BC 482 was marked by the death of hisson Le, which he seems to have borne with more equanimity than he didthat of his disciple Yen Hwuy, which some writers assign to thefollowing year, though I have already mentioned it under the year BC 488.

In the spring of BC 480, a servant of KeK‘ang caught a k‘e-lin on ahunting excursion of the duke in the presentdistrict of Këa-ts‘eang. No person could tell whatstrange animal it was, and Confucius was called to look at it. He atonce knew it to be a lin, and the legend-writerssay that it bore on one of its horns the piece of ribbon, which hismother had attached to the one that appeared to her before his birth.According to the chronicle of Kung-yang, he was profoundly affected. Hecried out, “For whom have you come? For whom have youcome?” His tears flowed freely, and he added, “Thecourse of my doctrines is run.”

Notwithstanding the appearance of the lin, the lifeof Confucius was still protracted for two years longer, though he tookoccasion to terminate with that event his history of theCh‘un Ts‘ew. This Work, according to Sze-maTs‘een, was altogether the production of this year, but weneed not suppose that it was so. In it, from the stand-point of Loo, hebriefly indicates the principal events occurring throughout the empire,every term being expressive, it is said, of the true character of theactors and events described. Confucius said himself, “It isthe Spring and Autumn which will make men know me, and it is the Springand Autumn which will make men condemn me.” [1] Mencius makes the composition of it to have beenan achievement as great as Yu’s regulation of the waters ofthe deluge.—“Confucius completed the Spring andAutumn, and rebellious ministers and villainous sons were struck withterror.” [2]

Towards the end of this year, word came to Loo that the duke ofTs‘e had been murdered by one of his officers. Confucius wasmoved with indignation. Such an outrage, he felt, called for his solemninterference. He bathed, went to court, and represented the matter tothe duke, saying, “Ch‘in Hăng has slainhis sovereign, I beg that you will undertake to punish him.”The duke pleaded his incapacity, urging that Loo was weak compared withTs‘e, but Confucius replied, “One half of thepeople of Ts‘e are not consenting to the deed. If you add tothe people of Loo one half of the people of Ts‘e, you aresure to overcome.” But he could not infuse his spirit intothe duke, who told him to go and lay the matter before the chief of the three Families. Sorely againsthis sense of propriety, he did so, but they would not act, and hewithdrew with the remark, “Following in the rear of the greatofficers, I did not dare not to represent such a matter.” [1]

In the year BC 479, Confucius had to mourn thedeath of another of his disciples, one of those who had been longestwith him,—the well-known Tsze-loo. He stands out a sort ofPeter in the Confucian school, a man of impulse, prompt to speak andprompt to act. He gets many a check from the master, but there isevidently a strong sympathy between them. Tsze-loo uses a freedom withhim on which none of the other disciples dares to venture, and there isnot one among them all, for whom, if I may speak from my own feeling,the foreign student comes to form such a liking. A pleasant picture ispresented to us in one passage of the Analects. It is said,“The disciple Min was standing by his side, looking bland andprecise; Tsze-loo (named Yew), looking bold and soldierly; Yen Yew andTsze-kung, with a free and straightforward manner. The master waspleased, but he observed, ‘Yew there!—he will notdie a natural death.’ ” [2]

This prediction was verified. When Confucius returned to Loo from Wei, heleft Tsze-loo and Tsze-kaou engaged there in official service. Troublesarose. News came to Loo, BC 479, that arevolution was in progress in Wei, and when Confucius heard it, he said,“Ch‘ae will come here, but Yew willdie.” So it turned out. When Tsze-kaou saw that matters weredesperate he made his escape, but Tsze-loo would not forsake the chiefwho had treated him well. He threw himself into themêlée, and was slain. Confucius wept sore for him,but his own death was not far off. It took place on the 11th day of the4th month in the following year, BC 478.

Early one morning, we are told, he got up, and with his hands behind hisback, dragging his staff, he moved about by his door, crooningover,—

- “The great mountain must crumble;

- The strong beam must break;

- And the wise man wither away like a plant.”

After a little, he entered the house and sat down opposite the door.Tsze-kung had heard his words, and said tohimself, “If the great mountain crumble, to what shall I lookup? If the strong beam break, and the wise man wither away, on whomshall I lean? The master, I fear, is going to be ill.” Withthis he hastened into the house. Confucius said to him,“Ts‘ze, what makes you so late? According to thestatutes of Hea, the corpse was dressed and coffined at the top of theeastern steps, treating the dead as if he were still the host. Under theYin, the ceremony was performed between the two pillars, as if the deadwere both host and guest. The rule of Chow is to perform it at the topof the western steps, treating the dead as if he were a guest. I am aman of Yin, and last night I dreamt that I was sitting with offeringsbefore me between the two pillars. No intelligent monarch arises; thereis not one in the empire that will make me his master. My time is cometo die.” So it was. He went to his couch, and after sevendays expired. [1]

Such is the account which we have of the last hours of the greatphilosopher of China. His end was not unimpressive, but it wasmelancholy. He sank behind a cloud. Disappointed hopes made his soulbitter. The great ones of the empire had not received his teachings. Nowife nor child was by to do the kindly offices of affection for him. Norwere the expectations of another life present with him as he passedthough the dark valley. He uttered no prayer, and he betrayed noapprehensions. Deep-treasured in his own heart may have been the thoughtthat he had endeavoured to serve his generation by the will of God, buthe gave no sign. “The mountain falling came to nought, andthe rock was removed out of his place. So death prevailed against himand he passed; his countenance was changed, and he was sentaway.”

10. I flatter myself that thepreceding paragraphs contain a more correct narrative of the principalincidents in the life of Confucius than has yet been given in anyEuropean language. They might easily have been expanded into a volume,but I did not wish to exhaust the subject, but only to furnish a sketch,which, while it might satisfy the general reader, would be of specialassistance to the careful student of the classical Books. I had takenmany notes of the manifest errors in regard tochronology and other matters in the “FamilySayings,” and the chapter of Sze-ma Ts‘een on theK‘ung family, when the digest of Keang Yung, to which I havemade frequent reference, attracted my attention. Conclusions to which Ihad come were confirmed, and a clue was furnished to difficulties whichI was seeking to disentangle. I take the opportunity to acknowledge heremy obligations to it. With a few notices of Confucius’ habitsand manners, I shall conclude this section.

Very little can be gathered from reliable sources on the personalappearance of the sage. The height of his father is stated, as I havenoted, to have been ten feet, and though Confucius came short of this byfour inches, he was often called “the tall man.”It is allowed that the ancient foot or cubit was shorter than themodern, but it must be reduced more than any scholar I have consultedhas yet done, to bring this statement within the range of credibility.The legends assign to his figure “nine-and-forty remarkablepeculiarities,” a tenth part of which would have made himmore a monster than a man. Dr Morrison says that the images of him,which he had seen in the northern parts of China, represent him as of adark swarthy colour. [1] It is not so with those common in the south. He was,no doubt, in size and complexion much the same as many of hisdescendants in the present day.

But if his disciples had nothing to chronicle of his personal appearance,they have gone very minutely into an account of many of his habits. Thetenth book of the Analects is all occupied with his deportment, hiseating, and his dress. In public, whether in the village, the temple, orthe court, he was the man of rule and ceremony, but “at homehe was not formal.” Yet if not formal, he was particular. Inbed even he did not forget himself;—“he did notlie like a corpse,” and “he did notspeak.” “He required his sleeping dress to be halfas long again as his body.” “If he happened to besick, and the prince came to visit him, he had his face to the east,made his court robes be put over him, and drewhis girdle across them.”

He was nice in his diet,—“not disliking to have hisrice dressed fine, nor to have his minced meat cut small.”“Anything at all gone he would not touch.”“He must have his meat cut properly, and to every kind itsproper sauce; but he was not a great eater.” “Itwas only in wine that he laid down no limit to himself, but he did notallow himself to be confused by it.” “When thevillagers were drinking together, on those who carried staves going out,he went out immediately after.” There must always be gingerat the table, and “when eating, he did notconverse.” “Although his food might be coarse riceand poor soup, he would offer a little of it in sacrifice, with a graverespectful air.”

“On occasion of a sudden clap of thunder, or a violent wind,he would change countenance. He would do the same, and rise up moreover,when he found himself a guest at a loaded board.”“At the sight of a person in mourning he would also changecountenance, and if he happened to be in his carriage, he would bendforward with a respectful salutation.” “Hisgeneral way in his carriage was not to turn his head round, nor talkhastily, nor point with his hands.” He was charitable.“When any of his friends died, if there were no relations whocould be depended on for the necessary offices, he would say,‘I will bury him.’ ”

The disciples were so careful to record these and other characteristicsof their master, it is said, because every act, of movement or of rest,was closely associated with the great principles which it was his objectto inculcate. The detail of so many small matters, however, does notimpress a foreigner so favourably. There is a want of freedom about thephilosopher. Somehow he is less a sage to me, after I have seen him athis table, in his undress, in his bed, and in his carriage.

SECTION II.: HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS.

1. CONFUCIUS died, we have seen, complaining that ofall the princes of the empire there was not one who would adopt hisprinciples and obey his lessons.     Homage rendered to Confucius by theemperors of China.  He had hardly passed from thestage of life when his merit began to be acknowledged. When the Duke Gaeheard of his death, he pronounced his eulogy in the words,“Heaven has not left to me the aged man. There is none now toassist me on the throne. Woe is me! Alas! O venerableNe!” [1] Tsze-Kungcomplained of the inconsistency of this lamentation from one who couldnot use the master when he was alive, but the duke was probably sincerein his grief. He caused a temple to be erected, and ordered thatsacrifice should be offered to the sage, at the four seasons of theyear.

The emperors of the tottering dynasty of Chow had not the intelligence,nor were they in a position, to do honour to the departed philosopher,but the facts detailed in the first chapter of these prolegomena, inconnection with the attempt of the founder of the Ts‘indynasty to destroy the monuments of antiquity, show how the authority ofConfucius had come by that time to prevail through the empire. Thefounder of the Han dynasty, in passing through Loo, BC 194, visited his tomb and offered an ox in sacrificeto him. Other emperors since then have often made pilgrimages to thespot. The most famous temple in the empire now rises over the place ofthe grave. K‘ang-he, the second and greatest of the rulers ofthe present dynasty, in the twenty-third year of his reign, there setthe example of kneeling thrice, and each time laying his forehead thricein the dust, before the image of the sage.

In the year of our Lord 1, began the practice of conferring honorarydesignations on Confucius by imperial authority. The EmperorP‘ing then styled him—“The Duke Ne,all-complete and illustrious.” Thiswas changed, in AD 492,to—“The venerable Ne, the accomplishedSage.” Other titles have supplanted this. Shun-che, the firstof the Manchow dynasty, adopted, in his second year, AD 1645, thestyle,—“K‘ung, the ancient Teacher,accomplished and illustrious, all-complete, the perfectSage;” but twelve years later, a shorter title wasintroduced,—“K‘ung, the ancientTeacher, the perfect Sage.” Since that year no furtheralteration has been made.

At first the worship of Confucius was confined to the country of Loo, butin AD 57 it was enacted that sacrifices shouldbe offered to him in the imperial college, and in all the colleges ofthe principal territorial divisions throughout the empire. In thosesacrifices he was for some centuries associated with the duke of Chow,the legislator to whom Confucius made frequent reference; but in AD 609 separate temples were assigned to them,and in 628 our sage displaced the older worthy altogether. About thesame time began the custom, which continues to the present day, oferecting temples to him,—separate structures, in connectionwith all the colleges, or examination-halls, of the country.

The sage is not alone in those temples. In a hall behind the principalone occupied by himself are the tablets—in some cases, theimages—of several of his ancestors, and other worthies; whileassociated with himself are his principal disciples, and many who insubsequent times have signalized themselves as expounders andexemplifiers of his doctrines. On the first day of every month,offerings of fruits and vegetables are set forth, and on the fifteenththere is a solemn burning of incense. But twice a year, in the middlemonths of spring and autumn, when the first “ ting ” day of the month comes round, the worship ofConfucius is performed with peculiar solemnity. At the imperial collegethe emperor himself is required to attend in state, and is in fact theprincipal performer. After all the preliminary arrangements have beenmade, and the emperor has twice knelt and six times bowed his head tothe earth, the presence of Confucius’ spirit is invoked inthe words, “Great art thou, O perfect sage! Thy virtue isfull; thy doctrine is complete. Among mortal men there has not beenthine equal. All kings honour thee. Thystatutes and laws have come gloriously down. Thou art the pattern inthis imperial school. Reverently have the sacrificial vessels been setout. Full of awe, we sound our drums and bells.”

The spirit is supposed now to be present, and the service proceedsthrough various offerings, when the first of which has been set forth,an officer reads the following, which is the prayer on theoccasion:—“On this. . . .month of this. . . .year,I, A.B., the emperor, offer a sacrifice to thephilosopher K‘ung, the ancient Teacher, the perfect Sage, andsay,—O Teacher, in virtue equal to Heaven and Earth, whosedoctrines embrace the past time and the present, thou didst digest andtransmit the six classics, and didst hand down lessons for allgenerations! Now in this second month of spring (or autumn), in reverentobservance of the old statutes, with victims, silks, spirits, andfruits, I carefully offer sacrifice to thee. With thee are associatedthe philosopher Yen, continuator of thee; the philosopherTsăng, exhibiter of thy fundamental principles; thephilosopher Tsze-sze, transmitter of thee; and the philosopherMăng, second to thee. May’st thou enjoy theofferings!”

I need not go on to enlarge on the homage which the emperors of Chinarender to Confucius. It could not be more complete. It is worship andnot mere homage. He was unreasonably neglected when alive. He is nowunreasonably venerated when dead. The estimation with which the rulersof China regard their sage leads them to sin against God, and this is amisfortune to the empire.

2. The rulers of China are notsingular in this matter, but in entire sympathy with the mass of theirpeople. It is the distinction of this empire that education has beenhighly prized in it from the earliest times.     General appreciation ofConfucius.  It was so before the era of Confucius, and wemay be sure that the system met with his approbation. One of hisremarkable sayings was,—“To lead an uninstructedpeople to war, is to throw them away.” [1] When he pronounced thisjudgment, he was not thinking of military training, but of education inthe duties of life and citizenship. A people so taught, he thought,would be morally fitted to fight for their government. Mencius, when lecturing to the duke ofT‘ăng on the proper way of governing a kingdom,told him that he must provide the means of education for all, the pooras well as the rich. “Establish,” said he,“ ts‘eang, seu,heŏ, and heaou, —allthose educational institutions,—for the instruction of thepeople.” [1]

At the present day education is widely diffused throughout China. In noother country is the schoolmaster more abroad, and in all schools it isConfucius who is taught. The plan of competitive examinations, and theselection for civil offices only from those who have been successfulcandidates,—good so far as the competition is concerned, butinjurious from the restricted range of subjects with which anacquaintance is required,—have obtained for more than twelvecenturies. The classical works are the text books. It is from themalmost exclusively that the themes proposed to determine the knowledgeand ability of the students are chosen. The whole of the magistracy ofChina is thus versed in all that is recorded of the sage, and in theancient literature which he preserved. His thoughts are familiar toevery man in authority, and his character is more or less reproduced inhim.

The official civilians of China, numerous as they are, are but a fractionof its students, and the students, or those who make literature aprofession, are again but a fraction of those who attend school for ashorter or longer period. Yet so far as the studies have gone, they havebeen occupied with the Confucian writings. In many school-rooms there isa tablet or inscription on the wall, sacred to the sage, and every pupilis required, on coming to school on the morning of the first andfifteenth of every month, to bow before it, the first thing, as an actof worship. [2] Thus, all in China who receive the slightesttincture of learning do so at the fountain of Confucius. They learn ofhim and do homage to him at once. I have repeatedly quoted the statementthat during his life-time he had three thousand disciples. Hundreds ofmillions are his disciples now. It is hardlynecessary to make any allowance in this statement for the followers ofTaouism and Buddhism, for, as Sir John Davis has observed,“whatever the other opinions or faith of a Chinese may be, hetakes good care to treat Confucius with respect. [1] For two thousand years he has reigned supreme,the undisputed teacher of this most populous land.

3. This position and influence ofConfucius are to be ascribed, I conceive, chiefly to twocauses:—his being the preserver, namely, of the monuments ofantiquity, and the exemplifier and expounder of the maxims of the goldenage of China; and the devotion to him of his immediate disciples andtheir early followers.     Thecauses of his influence.  The national and thepersonal are thus blended in him, each in its highest degree ofexcellence. He was a Chinese of the Chinese; he is also represented, andall now believe him to have been, the beau ideal ofhumanity in its best and noblest estate.

4. It may be well to bringforward here Confucius’ own estimate of himself and of hisdoctrines. It will serve to illustrate the statements just made. Thefollowing are some of his sayings.     His own estimate of himself and of hisdoctrines.  —“The sage and theman of perfect virtue;—how dare I rank myself with them? Itmay simply be said of me, that I strive to become such without satiety,and teach others without weariness.” “In letters Iam perhaps equal to other men; but the character of the superior man,carrying out in his conduct what he professes, is what I have not yetattained to.” “The leaving virtue without propercultivation; the not thoroughly discussing what is learned; not beingable to move towards righteousness of which a knowledge is gained; andnot being able to change what is not good;—these are thethings which occasion me solicitude.” “I am notone who was born in the possession of knowledge; I am one who is fond ofantiquity and earnest in seeking it there.” “Atransmitter and not a maker, believing in and loving the ancients, Iventure to compare myself with our old P‘ang.” [2]

Confucius cannot be thought to speak of himself in these declarations more highly than he ought to do. Rather we mayrecognize in them the expressions of a genuine humility. He wasconscious that personally he came short in many things, but he toiledafter the character, which he saw, or fancied that he saw, in theancient sages whom he acknowledged; and the lessons of government andmorals which he laboured to diffuse were those which had already beeninculcated and exhibited by them. Emphatically he was “atransmitter and not a maker.” It is not to be understood thathe was not fully satisfied of the truth of the principles which he hadlearned. He held them with the full approval and consent of his ownunderstanding. He believed that if they were acted on, they would remedythe evils of his time. There was nothing to prevent rulers like Yaou andShun and the great Yu from again arising, and a condition of happytranquillity being realized throughout the empire under their sway.

If in anything he thought himself “superior andalone,” having attributes which others could not claim, itwas in his possessing a Divine commission as the conservator of ancienttruth and rules. He does not speak very definitely on this point. It isnoted that “the appointments of Heaven was one of thesubjects on which he rarely touched.” [1] His most remarkable utterancewas that which I have already given in the sketch of hisLife:—“When he was put in fear inK‘wang, he said, ‘After the death of KingWăn, was not the cause of truth lodged here in me? If Heavenhad wished to let this cause of truth perish, then I, a future mortal,should not have got such a relation to that cause. While Heaven does notlet the cause of truth perish, what can the people of K‘wangdo to me?’ ” [2] Confucius, then, did feelthat he was in the world for a special purpose. But it was not toannounce any new truths, or to initiate any new economy. It was toprevent what had previously been known from being lost. He followed inthe wake of Yaou and Shun, of T‘ang, and King Wăn.Distant from the last by a long interval of time, he would have saidthat he was distant from him also by a great inferiority of character,but still he had learned the principles on which they all happilygoverned the empire, and in their name hewould lift up a standard against the prevailing lawlessness of hisage.

5. The language employed withreference to Confucius by his disciples and their early followerspresents a striking contrast with his own. I have already, in writing ofthe scope and value of “The Doctrine of the Mean,”called attention to the extravagant eulogies of his grandsonTsze-sze.     Estimate ofhim by his disciples and their early followers.  Heonly followed the example which had been set by those among whom thephilosopher went in and out. We have the language of Yen Yuen, hisfavourite, which is comparatively moderate, and simply expresses thegenuine admiration of a devoted pupil. [1] Tsze-kung on several occasionsspoke in a different style. Having heard that one of the chiefs of Loohad said that he himself—Tsze-kung—was superior toConfucius, he observed, “Let me use the comparison of a houseand its encompassing wall. My wall only reaches to the shoulders. Onemay peep over it, and see whatever is valuable in the apartments. Thewall of my master is several fathoms high. If one do not find the doorand enter by it, he cannot see the rich ancestral temple with itsbeauties, nor all the officers in their rich array. But I may assumethat they are few who find the door. The remark of the chief was onlywhat might have been expected.” [2]

Another time, the same individual having spoken revilingly of Confucius,Tsze-kung said, “It is of no use doing so. Chung-ne cannot bereviled. The talents and virtue of other men are hillocks and moundswhich may be stept over. Chung-ne is the sun or moon, which it is notpossible to step over. Although a man may wish to cut himself off fromthe sage, what harm can he do to the sun and moon? He only shows that hedoes not know his own capacity.” [3]

In conversation with a fellow-disciple, Tsze-kung took a still higherflight. Being charged by Tsze-k‘in with being too modest, forthat Confucius was not really superior to him, he replied,“For one word a man is often deemed to be wise, and for oneword he is often deemed to be foolish. We ought to be careful indeed inwhat we say. Our master cannot be attained to,just in the same way as the heavens cannot be gone up to by the steps ofa stair. Were our master in the position of the prince of a State, orthe chief of a Family, we should find verified the description which hasbeen given of a sage’s rule:—He would plant thepeople, and forthwith they would be established; he would lead them on,and forthwith they would follow him; he would make them happy, andforthwith multitudes would resort to his dominions; he would stimulatethem, and forthwith they would be harmonious. While he lived, he wouldbe glorious. When he died, he would be bitterly lamented. How is itpossible for him to be attained to?” [1]

From these representations of Tsze-kung, it was not a difficult step forTsze-sze to make in exalting Confucius not only to the level of theancient sages, but as “the equal of Heaven.” AndMencius took up the theme. Being questioned by Kung-sunCh‘ow, one of his disciples, about two acknowledged sages,Pih-e and E Yin, whether they were to be placed in the same rank withConfucius, he replied, “No. Since there were living men untilnow, there never was another Confucius;” and then heproceeded to fortify his opinion by the concurring testimony of Tsae Go,Tsze-kung, and Yew Jŏ, who all had wisdom, he thought,sufficient to know their master. Tsae Go’s opinion was,“According to my view of our master, he is far superior toYaou and Shun.” Tsze-kung said, “By viewing theceremonial ordinances of a prince, we know the character of hisgovernment. By hearing his music, we know the character of his virtue.From the distance of a hundred ages after, I can arrange, according totheir merits, the kings of a hundred ages;—not one of themcan escape me. From the birth of mankind till now, there has never beenanother like our master.” Yew Jŏ said,“Is it only among men that it is so? There is thek‘elin among quadrupeds; the fung-hwang among birds; theT‘ae mountain among mounds and ant-hills; and rivers and seasamong rain-pools. Though different in degree, they are the same in kind.So the sages among mankind are also the same in kind. But they stand outfrom their fellows, and rise above thelevel; and from the birth of mankind till now, there has never been oneso complete as Confucius.” [1] I will not indulge in farther illustration. The judgment of thesage’s disciples, of Tsze-sze, and of Mencius, has beenunchallenged by the mass of the scholars of China. Doubtless it pleasesthem to bow down at the shrine of the sage, for their profession ofliterature is thereby glorified. A reflection of the honour done to himfalls upon themselves. And the powers that be, and the multitudes of thepeople, fall in with the judgment. Confucius is thus, in the empire ofChina, the one man by whom all possible personal excellence wasexemplified, and by whom all possible lessons of social virtue andpolitical wisdom are taught.

6. The reader will be prepared bythe preceding account not to expect to find any light thrown byConfucius on the great problems of the human condition and destiny. Hedid not speculate on the creation of things or the end of them.     Subjects on which Confuciusdid not treat.—That he was unreligious, unspiritualand open to the charge of insincerity.  He was nottroubled to account for the origin of man, nor did he seek to know abouthis hereafter. He meddled neither with physics nor metaphysics. [2] The testimony of the Analects about thesubjects of his teaching is the following:—“Hisfrequent themes of discourse were the Book of Poetry, the Book ofHistory, and the maintenance of the rules of Propriety.”“He taught letters, ethics, devotion of soul, andtruthfulness.” “Extraordinary things; feats ofstrength; states of disorder; and spiritual beings he did not like totalk about.” [3]

Confucius is not to be blamed for his silence on the subjects hereindicated. His ignorance of them was to agreat extent his misfortune. He had not learned them. No report of themhad come to him by the ear; no vision of them by the eye. And to hispractical mind the toiling of thought amid uncertainties seemed worsethan useless.

The question has, indeed, been raised, whether he did not make changes inthe ancient creed of China, [1] but I cannot believe that he didso consciously and designedly. Had his idiosyncrasy been different, wemight have had expositions of the ancient views on some points, theeffect of which would have been more beneficial than the indefinitenessin which they are now left, and it may be doubted so far, whetherConfucius was not unfaithful to his guides. But that he suppressed oradded, in order to bring in articles of belief originating with himself,is a thing not to be charged against him.

I will mention two important subjects in regard to which there is agrowing conviction in my mind that he came short of the faith of theolder sages. The first is the doctrine of God. This name is common inthe She-king, and Shoo-king. Te or Shung Te appears there as a personal being, ruling in heavenand on earth, the author of man’s moral nature, the governoramong the nations, by whom kings reign and princes decree justice, therewarder of the good and the punisher of the bad. Confucius preferred tospeak of Heaven. Instances have already been given of this. Two othersmay be cited:—“He who offends against Heaven hasnone to whom he can pray.” [2] “Alas!” said he, “there is no one thatknows me.” Tsze-kung said, “What do you mean bythus saying that no one knows you?” He replied, “Ido not murmur against Heaven. I do not grumble against men. My studieslie low, and my penetration rises high. But there isHeaven;—that knows me!” [3] Not once throughout theAnalects does he use the personal name. I would say that he wasunreligious rather than irreligious; yet by the coldness of histemperament and intellect in this matter, his influence is unfavourableto the development of true religious feeling among the Chinese peoplegenerally, and he prepared the way for the speculations of the literatiof mediæval and modern times,which have exposed them to the charge of atheism.

Secondly, Along with the worship of God there existed in China, from theearliest historical times, the worship of other spiritualbeings,—especially, and to every individual, the worship ofdeparted ancestors. Confucius recognized this as an institution to bedevoutly observed. “He sacrificed to the dead as if they werepresent; he sacrificed to the spirits as if the spirits were present. Hesaid, ‘I consider my not being present at the sacrifice as ifI did not sacrifice.’ ” [1] The custom must haveoriginated from a belief of the continued existence of the dead. Wecannot suppose that they who instituted it thought that with thecessation of this life on earth there was a cessation also of allconscious being. But Confucius never spoke explicitly on this subject.He tried to evade it. “Ke Loo asked about serving the spiritsof the dead, and the master said, ‘While you are not able toserve men, how can you serve their spirits?’ The discipleadded, ‘I venture to ask about death,’ and he wasanswered, ‘While you do not know life, how can you know aboutdeath.’ ” [2] Still more striking is aconversation with another disciple, recorded in the “FamilySayings.” Tsze-kung asked him, “Do the dead haveknowledge (of our services, that is), or are they withoutknowledge?” The master replied, “If I were to saythat the dead have such knowledge, I am afraid that filial sons anddutiful grandsons would injure their substance in paying the lastoffices to the departed; and if I were to say that the dead have notsuch knowledge, I am afraid lest unfilial sons should leave theirparents unburied. You need not wish, Ts‘ze, to know whetherthe dead have knowledge or not. There is no present urgency about thepoint. Hereafter you will know it for yourself.” Surely thiswas not the teaching proper to a sage. He said on one occasion that hehad no concealments from his disciples. [3] Why did he not candidlytell his real thoughts on so interesting a subject? I incline to thinkthat he doubted more than he believed. If the case were not so, it wouldbe difficult to account for the answer which he returned to a questionas to what constituted wisdom.“To give one’s-self earnestly,” saidhe, “to the duties due to men, and, while respectingspiritual beings, to keep aloof from them, may be calledwisdom.” [1] At any rate, as by hisfrequent references to Heaven, instead of following the phraseology ofthe older sages, he gave occasion to many of his professed followers toidentify God with a principle of reason and the course of nature; so, inthe point now in hand, he has led them to deny, like the Sadducees ofold, the existence of any spirit at all, and to tell us that theirsacrifices to the dead are but an outward form, the mode of expressionwhich the principle of filial piety requires them to adopt, when itsobjects have departed this life.

It will not be supposed that I wish to advocate or defend the practice ofsacrificing to the dead. My object has been to point out how Confuciusrecognized it, without acknowledging the faith from which it must haveoriginated, and how he enforced it as a matter of form or ceremony. Itthus connects itself with the most serious charge that can be broughtagainst him,—the charge of insincerity. Among the four thingswhich it is said he taught, “truthfulness” isspecified, [2] and many sayings mightbe quoted from him, in which “sincerity” iscelebrated as highly and demanded as stringently as ever it has been byany Christian moralist; yet he was not altogether the truthful and trueman to whom we accord our highest approbation. There was the case ofMăng Chefan, who boldly brought up the rear of the defeatedtroops of Loo, and attributed his occupying the place of honour to thebackwardness of his horse. The action was gallant, but the apology forit was weak and wrong. And yet Confucius saw nothing in the whole butmatter for praise. [3] He could excuse himself from seeing an unwelcome visitor on the groundthat he was sick, when there was nothing the matter with him. [4] These perhaps were small matters, but what shall we say to the incidentwhich I have given in the sketch of his Life,—hisdeliberately breaking the oath which he had sworn, simply on the groundthat it had been forced from him? I should be glad if I could find evidence on which to deny the truth ofthat occurrence. But it rests on the same authority as most otherstatements about him, and it is accepted as a fact by the people andscholars of China. It must have had, and it must still have, a veryinjurious influence upon them. Foreigners charge, and with reason, ahabit of deceitfulness upon the nation and its government. For everyword of falsehood and every act of insincerity the guilty party mustbear his own burden, but we cannot but regret the example of Confuciusin this particular. It is with the Chinese and their sage, as it waswith the Jews of old and their teachers. He that leads them has causedthem to err, and destroyed the way of their paths. [1]

But was not insincerity a natural result of the unreligion of Confucius?There are certain virtues which demand a true piety in order to theirflourishing in the corrupt heart of man. Natural affection, the feelingof loyalty, and enlightened policy, may do much to build up and preservea family and a State, but it requires more to maintain the love oftruth, and make a lie, spoken or acted, to be shrunk from with shame. Itrequires in fact the living recognition of a God of truth, and all thesanctions of revealed religion. Unfortunately the Chinese have not hadthese, and the example of him to whom they bow down as the best andwisest of men, encourages them to act, to dissemble, to sin.

7. I go on to a brief discussionof Confucius’ views on government, or what we may call hisprinciples of political science.     His views on government.  Itcould not be in his long intercourse with his disciples but that heshould enunciate many maxims bearing on character and morals generally,but he never rested in the improvement of the individual.“The empire brought to a state of happytranquillity” was the grand object which he delighted tothink of; that it might be brought about as easily as “onecan look upon the palm of his hand,” was the dream which itpleased him to indulge in. [2] He held that there was in men an adaptation and readiness to begoverned, which only needed to be taken advantage of in the proper way.There must be the right administrators, butgiven those, and “the growth of government would be rapid,just as vegetation is rapid in the earth; yea, their government woulddisplay itself like an easily-growing rush.” [1] The same sentiment was common from the lips ofMencius. Enforcing it one day, when conversing with one of the pettyprinces of his time, he said in his peculiar style, “Doesyour Majesty understand the way of the growing grain? During the seventhand eighth months, when drought prevails, the plants become dry. Thenthe clouds collect densely in the heavens, they send down torrents ofrain, and the grain erects itself as if by a shoot. When it does so, whocan keep it back?” [2] Such, hecontended, would be the response of the mass of the people to any true“shepherd of men.” It may be deemed unnecessarythat I should specify this point, for it is a truth applicable to thepeople of all nations. Speaking generally, government is by no device orcunning craftiness; human nature demands it. But in no other family ofmankind is the characteristic so largely developed as in the Chinese.The love of order and quiet, and a willingness to submit to“the powers that be,” eminently distinguish them.Foreign writers have often taken notice of this, and have attributed itto the influence of Confucius’ doctrines as inculcatingsubordination; but it existed previous to his time. The character of thepeople moulded his system, more than it was moulded by it.

This readiness to be governed arose, according to Confucius, from theduties of universal obligation, or those between sovereign and minister,between father and son, between husband and wife, between elder brotherand younger, and those belonging to the intercourse offriends.” [3] Men as theyare born into the world, and grow up in it, find themselves existing inthose relations. They are the appointment of Heaven. And each relationhas its reciprocal obligations, the recognition of which is proper tothe Heaven-conferred nature. It only needs that the sacredness of therelations be maintained, and the duties belonging to them faithfullydischarged, and the “happy tranquillity” willprevail all under heaven. As to the institutions of government, the laws and arrangements by which, asthrough a thousand channels, it should go forth to carry plenty andprosperity through the length and breadth of the country, it did notbelong to Confucius, “the throneless king,” to setthem forth minutely. And indeed they were existing in the records of“the ancient sovereigns.” Nothing new was needed.It was only requisite to pursue the old paths, and raise up the oldstandards. “The government of Wăn andWoo,” he said, “is displayed in therecords,—the tablets of wood and bamboo. Let there be themen, and the government will flourish, but without the men, thegovernment decays and ceases.” [1] To the sameeffect was the reply which he gave to Yen Hwuy when asked by him how thegovernment of a State should be administered. It seems very wide of themark, until we read it in the light of the sage’s venerationfor ancient ordinances, and his opinion of their sufficiency.“Follow,” he said, “the seasons of Hea.Ride in the state-carriages of Yin. Wear the ceremonial cap of Chow. Letthe music be the Shaou with its pantomimes. Banish the songs ofCh‘ing, and keep far from specious talkers.” [2]

Confucius’ idea then of a happy, well-governed State did notgo beyond the flourishing of the five relations of society which havebeen mentioned; and we have not any condensed exhibition from him oftheir nature, or of the duties belonging to the several parties in them.Of the two first he spoke frequently, but all that he has said on theothers would go into small compass. Mencius has said that“between father and son, there should be affection; betweensovereign and minister, righteousness; between husband and wife,attention to their separate functions; between old and young, a properorder; and between friends, fidelity.” [3] Confucius, Iapprehend, would hardly have accepted this account. It does not bringout sufficiently the authority which he claimed for the father and thesovereign, and the obedience which he exacted from the child and theminister. With regard to the relation of husband and wife, he was in norespect superior to the preceding sages who had enunciated their viewsof “propriety” on thesubject. We have a somewhat detailed exposition of his opinions in the“FamilySayings.”—“Mau,” said he,“is the representative of Heaven, and is supreme over allthings. Woman yields obedience to the instructions of man, and helps tocarry out his principles. On this account she can determine nothing ofherself, and is subject to the rule of the three obediences. When young,she must obey her father and elder brother; when married, she must obeyher husband; when her husband is dead, she must obey her son. She maynot think of marrying a second time. No instructions or orders mustissue from the harem. Woman’s business is simply thepreparation and supplying of wine and food. Beyond the threshold of herapartments she should not be known for evil or for good. She may notcross the boundaries of the State to accompany a funeral. She may takeno step on her own motion, and may come to no conclusion on her owndeliberation. There are five women who are not to be taken inmarriage:—the daughter of a rebellious house; the daughter ofa disorderly house; the daughter of a house which has produced criminalsfor more than one generation; the daughter of a leprous house; and thedaughter who has lost her father and elder brother. A wife may bedivorced for seven reasons, which may be overruled by threeconsiderations. The grounds for divorce are disobedience to herhusband’s parents; not giving birth to a son; dissoluteconduct; jealousy (of her husband’s attentions, that is, tothe other inmates of his harem); talkativeness; and thieving. The threeconsiderations which may overrule these grounds are—first,if, while she was taken from a home, she has now no home to return to;second, if she have passed with her husband through the threeyears’ mourning for his parents; third, if the husband havebecome rich from being poor. All these regulations were adopted by thesages in harmony with the natures of man and woman, and to giveimportance to the ordinance of marriage.”

With these ideas—not very enlarged—of the relationsof society, Confucius dwelt much on the necessity of personalcorrectness of character on the part of those in authority, in order tosecure the right fulfilment of the dutiesimplied in them. This is one grand peculiarity of his teaching. I haveadverted to it in the review of “The GreatLearning,” but it deserves some further exhibition, and thereare three conversations with the chief Ke K‘ang, in which itis very expressly set forth. “Ke K‘ang asked aboutgovernment, and Confucius replied, ‘To govern means torectify. If you lead on the people with correctness, who will dare notto be correct?’ ” “Ke K‘ang,distressed about the number of thieves in the State, inquired ofConfucius about how to do away with them. Confucius said, ‘Ifyou, sir, were not covetous, though you should reward them to do it,they would not steal.’ ” “KeK‘ang asked about government, saying, ‘What do yousay to killing the unprincipled for the good of theprincipled?’ Confucius replied, ‘Sir, in carryingon your government, why should you use killing at all? Let your evinceddesires be for what is good, and the people will be good. The relationbetween superiors and inferiors is like that between the wind and thegrass. The grass must bend, when the wind blows across it.’” [1]

Example is not so powerful as Confucius in these and many other passagesrepresented it, but its influence is very great. Its virtue isrecognized in the family, and it is demanded in the Church of Christ.“A bishop”—and I quote the term withthe simple meaning of overseer—“must beblameless.” It seems to me, however, that in the progress ofsociety in the West we have come to think less of the power of examplein many departments of State than we ought to do. It is thought of toolittle in the army and the navy. We laugh at the“self-denying ordinance” and the “newmodel” of 1644, but there lay beneath them the principlewhich Confucius so broadly propounded,—the importance ofpersonal virtue in all who are in authority. Now that Great Britain isthe governing power over the masses of India, and that we are comingmore and more into contact with tens of thousands of the Chinese, thismaxim of our sage is deserving of serious consideration from all whobear rule, and especially from those on whom devolves the conduct of affairs. His words on the susceptibility ofthe people to be acted on by those above them, ought not to prove aswater spilt on the ground.

But to return to Confucius.—As he thus lays it down that themainspring of the well-being of society is the personal character of theruler, we look anxiously for what directions he has given for thecultivation of that. But here he is very defective.“Self-adjustment and purification,” he said,“with careful regulation of his dress, and the not making amovement contrary to the rules of propriety;—this is the wayfor the ruler to cultivate his person.” [1] This islaying too much stress on what is external; but even to attain to thisis beyond unassisted human strength. Confucius, however, neverrecognized a disturbance of the moral elements in the constitution ofman. The people would move, according to him, to the virtue of theirruler as the grass bends to the wind, and that virtue would come to theruler at his call. Many were the lamentations which he uttered over thedegeneracy of his times; frequent were the confessions which he made ofhis own shortcomings. It seems strange that it never came distinctlybefore him, that there is a power of evil in the prince and the peasant,which no efforts of their own and no instructions of sages are effectualto subdue.

The government which Confucius taught was a despotism, but of a modifiedcharacter. He allowed no “ jusdivinum, ” independent of personal virtue and abenevolent rule. He has not explicitly stated, indeed, wherein lies theground of the great relation of the governor and the governed, but hisviews on the subject were, we may assume, in accordance with thelanguage of the Shoo-king:—“Heaven and Earth arethe parents of all things, and of all things men are the mostintelligent. The man among them most distinguished for intelligencebecomes chief ruler, and ought to prove himself the parent of thepeople.” [2] And again, “Heaven, protecting the inferior people, hasconstituted for them rulers and teachers, who should be able to beassisting to God, extending favour and producing tranquillity throughoutall parts of the empire.” [2] The moment the ruler ceases to be a minister of God for good,and does not administer a government that is beneficial to the people,he forfeits the title by which he holds the throne, and perseverance inoppression will surely lead to his overthrow. Mencius inculcated thisprinciple with a frequency and boldness which are remarkable. It was oneof the things about which Confucius did not like to talk. Still he heldit. It is conspicuous in the last chapter of “The GreatLearning.” Its tendency has been to check the violence ofoppression, and to maintain the self-respect of the people, all alongthe course of Chinese history.

I must bring these observations on Confucius’ views ofgovernment to a close, and I do so with two remarks. First, they areadapted to a primitive, unsophisticated state of society. He is a goodcounsellor for the father of a family, the chief of a clan, and even thehead of a small principality. But his views want the comprehension whichwould make them of much service in a great empire. Within threecenturies after his death, the government of China passed into a newphase. The founder of the Ts‘in dynasty conceived the grandidea of abolishing all its feudal Kingdoms, and centralizing theiradministration in himself. He effected the revolution, and succeedingdynasties adopted his system, and gradually moulded it into the formsand proportions which are now existing. There has been a tendency toadvance, and Confucius has all along been trying to carry the nationback. Principles have been needed, and not“proprieties.” The consequence is that China hasincreased beyond its ancient dimensions, while there has been nocorresponding development of thought. Its body politic has the size of agiant, while it still retains the mind of a child. Its hoary age is butsenility.

Second, Confucius makes no provision for the intercourse of his countrywith other and independent nations. He knew indeed of none such. Chinawas to him “The middle Kingdom,” “Themultitude of Great States,” “All underheaven.” Beyond it were only rude and barbarous tribes. Hedoes not speak of them bitterly, as many Chinese have done since histime. In one place he contrasts them favourably with the prevailinganarchy of the empire, saying, “The rude tribes of the eastand north have their princes, and are notlike the States of our great land which are withoutthem.” [1] Another time, disgusted withthe want of appreciation which he experienced, he was expressing hisintention to go and live among the nine wild tribes of the east. Someone said, “They are rude. How can you do such athing?” His reply was, “If a superior man dweltamong them, what rudeness would there be?” [2] But had he been an emperor-sage, he would not only have influenced themby his instructions, but brought them to acknowledge and submit to hissway, as the great Yu did. The only passage of Confucius’teachings from which any rule can be gathered for dealing withforeigners, is that in the “Doctrine of the Mean,”where “indulgent treatment of men from a distance”is laid down as one of the nine standard rules for the government of theempire. But “the men from a distance” areunderstood to be pin and leu simply,—“guests,” that is, or officersof one State seeking employment in another, or at the imperial court;and “visitors,” or travelling merchants. Ofindependent nations the ancient classics have not any knowledge, nor hasConfucius. So long as merchants from Europe and other parts of the worldcould have been content to appear in China as suppliants, seeking theprivilege of trade, so long the government would have ranked them withthe barbarous hordes of antiquity, and given them the benefit of themaxim about “indulgent treatment,” according toits own understanding of it. But when their governments interfered, andclaimed to treat with that of China on terms of equality, and that theirsubjects should be spoken to and of as being of the same clay with theChinese themselves, an outrage was committed on tradition and prejudice,which it was necessary to resent with vehemence.

I do not charge the contemptuous arrogance of the Chinese government andpeople upon Confucius; what I deplore is, that he left no principles onrecord to check the development of such a spirit. His simple views ofsociety and government were in a measure sufficient for the people,while they dwelt apart from the rest of mankind. His practical lessonswere better than if they had been left, which but for him they probablywould have been, to fall a prey to theinfluences of Taouism and Buddhism; but they could only subsist whilethey were left alone. Of the earth earthy, China was sure to go topieces when it came into collision with a Christianly-civilized power.Its sage had left it no preservative or restorative elements againstsuch a case.

It is a rude awakening from its complacency of centuries which China hasnow received. Its ancient landmarks are swept away. Opinions will differas to the justice or injustice of the grounds on which it has beenassailed, and I do not feel called to judge or to pronounce hereconcerning them. In the progress of events, it could not be but that thecollision should come; and when it did come, it could not be but thatChina should be broken and scattered. Disorganization will go on todestroy it more and more, and yet there is hope for the people, withtheir veneration of the relations of society, with their devotion tolearning, and with their habits of industry andsobriety;—there is hope for them, if they will look away fromall their ancient sages, and turn to Him, who sends them, along with thedissolution of their ancient state, the knowledge of Himself, the onlyliving and true God, and of Jesus Christ whom He hath sent.

8. I have little more to add onthe opinions of Confucius. Many of his sayings are pithy, and displaymuch knowledge of character; but as they are contained in the body ofthe Work, I will not occupy the space here with a selection of thosewhich have struck myself as most worthy of notice. The fourth Book ofthe Analects, which is on the subject of jin, orperfect virtue, has several utterances which are remarkable.

Thornton observes:—“It may excite surprise, andprobably incredulity, to state that the golden rule of our Saviour,‘Do unto others as you would that they should do untoyou,’ which Mr Locke designates as ‘the mostunshaken rule of morality, and foundation of all socialvirtue,’ had been inculcated by Confucius, almost in the samewords, four centuries before.” [1] I havetaken notice of this fact in reviewing both “The GreatLearning,” and “The Doctrine of theMean,” and would be far fromgrudging a tribute of admiration to Confucius for it. The maxim occursalso twice in the Analects. In Book XV. xxiii., Tsze-kung asks if therebe one word which may serve as a rule of practice for allone’s life, and is answered, “Is not reciprocitysuch a word? What you do not want done to yourself do not do toothers.” The same disciple appears in Book V. xi., tellingConfucius that he was practising the lesson. He says, “What Ido not wish men to do to me, I also wish not to do to men;”but the master tells him, “Ts‘ze, you have notattained to that.” It would appear from this reply, that hewas aware of the difficulty of obeying the precept; and it is not found,in its condensed expression at least, in the older classics. The meritof it is Confucius’ own.

When a comparison, however, is drawn between it and the rule laid down byChrist, it is proper to call attention to the positive form of thelatter,—“All things whatsoever ye would that menshould do unto you, do ye even so to them.” The lesson of thegospel commands men to do what they feel to be right and good. Itrequires them to commence a course of such conduct, without regard tothe conduct of others to themselves. The lesson of Confucius onlyforbids men to do what they feel to be wrong and hurtful. So far as thepoint of priority is concerned, moreover, Christ adds, “Thisis the law and the prophets.” The maxim was to be foundsubstantially in the earlier revelations of God.

But the worth of the two maxims depends on the intention of theenunciators in regard to their application. Confucius, it seems to me,did not think of the reciprocity coming into action beyond the circle ofhis five relations of society. Possibly, he might have required itsobservance in dealings even with the rude tribes, which were the onlyspecimens of mankind besides his own countrymen of which he knewanything, for on one occasion, when asked about perfect virtue, hereplied, “It is, in retirement, to be sedately grave; in themanagement of business, to be reverently attentive; in intercourse withothers, to be strictly sincere. Though a man go among the rudeuncultivated tribes, these qualities may not beneglected.” [1] Still, Confucius delivered his rule to hiscountrymen only, and only for their guidance in their relations of whichI have had so much occasion to speak. The rule of Christ is for man asman, having to do with other men, all with himself on the same platform,as the children and subjects of the one God and Father in heaven.

How far short Confucius came of the standard of Christian benevolence,may be seen from his remarks when asked what was to be thought of theprinciple that injury should be recompensed with kindness. He replied,“With what then will you recompense kindness? Recompenseinjury with justice, and recompense kindness withkindness.” [1] The same deliverance isgiven in one of the Books of the Le Ke, where he adds that“He who recompenses injury with kindness is a man who iscareful of his person.” Ch‘ing Heuen, thecommentator of the second century, says that such a course would be“incorrect in point of propriety.” This“propriety” was a great stumbling-block in the wayof Confucius. His morality was the result of the balancings of hisintellect, fettered by the decisions of men of old, and not the gushingsof a loving heart, responsive to the promptings of Heaven, and insympathy with erring and feeble humanity.

This subject leads me on to the last of the opinions of Confucius which Ishall make the subject of remark in this place. A commentator observes,with reference to the inquiry about recompensing injury with kindness,that the questioner was asking only about trivial matters, which mightbe dealt with in the way he mentioned, while great offences, such asthose against a sovereign or a father, could not be dealt with by suchan inversion of the principles of justice. In the second Book of the LeKe there is the following passage:—“With theslayer of his father, a man may not live under the same heaven; againstthe slayer of his brother, a man must never have to go home to fetch aweapon; with the slayer of his friend, a man may not live in the sameState.” The lex talionis is here laiddown in its fullest extent. The Chow Le tells us of a provision madeagainst the evil consequences of the principle, by the appointment of a minister called “TheReconciler.” The provision is very inferior to the cities ofrefuge which were set apart by Moses for the manslayer to flee to fromthe fury of the avenger. Such as it was, however, it existed, and it isremarkable that Confucius, when consulted on the subject, took no noticeof it, but affirmed the duty of blood-revenge in the strongest and mostunrestricted terms. His disciple Tsze-hea asked him, “Whatcourse is to be pursued in the case of the murder of a father ormother?” He replied, “The son must sleep upon amatting of grass, with his shield for his pillow; he must decline totake office; he must not live under the same heaven with the slayer.When he meets him in the market-place or the court, he must have hisweapon ready to strike him.” “And what is thecourse on the murder of a brother?” “The survivingbrother must not take office in the same State with the slayer; yet ifhe go on his prince’s service to the State where the slayeris, though he meet him, he must not fight with him.”“And what is the course on the murder of an uncle or acousin?” “In this case the nephew or cousin is notthe principal. If the principal on whom the revenge devolves can takeit, he has only to stand behind with his weapon in his hand, and supporthim.”

Sir John Davis has rightly called attention to this as one of theobjectionable principles of Confucius. [1] The badeffects of it are evident even in the present day. Revenge is sweet tothe Chinese. I have spoken of their readiness to submit to government,and wish to live in peace, yet they do not like to resign even togovernment the “inquisition for blood.” Where theruling authority is feeble, as it is at present, individuals and clanstake the law into their own hands, and whole districts are kept in astate of constant feud and warfare.

But I must now leave the sage. I hope I have not done him injustice; butafter long study of his character and opinions, I am unable to regardhim as a great man. He was not before his age, though he was above themass of the officers and scholars of his time. He threw no new light onany of the questions which have a world-wideinterest. He gave no impulse to religion. He had no sympathy withprogress. His influence has been wonderful, but it will henceforth wane.My opinion is, that the faith of the nation in him will speedily andextensively pass away.

II.: THE CLASSICS

CONFUCIAN ANALECTS [*]

BOOK I [**]

CHAPTER [I] 1. The Master said,“Is it not pleasant to learn with a constant perseverance andapplication?

2. “Is it notdelightful to have friends coming from distant quarters?

3. “Is he not a man ofcomplete virtue, who feels no discomposure though men may take no noteof him?”

II. 1. Yew the philosopher said,“They are few who, being filial and fraternal, are fond ofoffending against their superiors. There have been none, who, not likingto offend against their superiors, have been fond of stirring upconfusion.

2. “The superior manbends his attention to what is radical. That being established, allright practical courses naturally grow up. Filial piety and fraternalsubmission!—are they not the root of all benevolentactions?”

III. TheMaster said, “Fine words and an insinuating appearance areseldom associated with true virtue.”

IV. Tsăng thephilosopher said, “I daily examine myself on threepoints:—whether, in transacting business for others, I mayhave been not faithful;—whether, in intercourse with friends,I may have been not sincere;—whether I may have not masteredand practised the instructions of my teacher.”

[V] The Mastersaid, “To rule a country of a thousand chariots, there mustbe reverent attention to business, and sincerity; economy inexpenditure, and love for the people; and the employment of them at theproper seasons.”

VI. The Master said,“A youth, when at home, should be filial, and, abroad,respectful to his elders. He should be earnest and truthful. He shouldoverflow in love to all, and cultivate the friendship of the good. Whenhe has time and opportunity, after the performance of these things, heshould employ them in polite studies.”

VII. Tsze-hea said, “If a manwithdraws his mind from the love of beauty, and applies it as sincerelyto the love of the virtuous; if, in serving his parents, he can exerthis utmost strength; if, in serving his prince, he can devote his life;if, in his intercourse with his friends, his words aresincere:—although men say that he has not learned, I willcertainly say that he has.”

VIII. 1. The Master said,“If the scholar be not grave, he will not call forth anyveneration, and his learning will not be solid.

2. “Hold faithfulnessand sincerity as first principles.

3. “Have no friendsnot equal to yourself.

4. “When you havefaults, do not fear to abandon them.”

IX. Tsăng the philosophersaid, “Let there be a careful attention toperform the funeral rites to parents when dead, and let them befollowed when long gone with the ceremonies ofsacrifice; —then the virtue of the people will resumeits proper excellence.”

[X] 1. Tsze-k‘in askedTsze-kung, saying, “When our Master comes to any country, hedoes not fail to learn all about its government. Does he ask hisinformation? or is it given to him?”

2. Tsze-kung said,“Our Master is benign, upright, courteous, temperate, andcomplaisant, and thus he gets his information. The Master’smode of asking information!—is it not different from that ofother men?”

XI. The Master said,“While a man’s father is alive, look at the bentof his will; when his father is dead, look at his conduct. If for threeyears he does not alter from the way of his father, he may be calledfilial.”

XII. 1. Yew the philosopher said,“In practising the rules of propriety, a natural ease is tobe prized. In the ways prescribed by the ancient kings, this is theexcellent quality; and in things small and great we should thus follow those rules.

2. “Yet it is not tobe observed in all cases. If one, knowing how suchease should be prized, manifests it, withoutregulating it by the rules of propriety, this likewise is not to bedone.”

XIII. Yew the philosophersaid, “When agreements are made according to what is right,what is spoken can be made good. When respect is shown according to whatis proper, one keeps far from shame and disgrace. When the parties uponwhom a man leans are proper persons to be intimate with, he can makethem his guides and masters.”

XIV. The Master said,“He who aims to be a man of complete virtue, in his food doesnot seek to gratify his appetite, nor in his dwelling-place does he seekthe appliances of ease: he is earnest in what he is doing, and carefulin his speech; he frequents the company of men of principle that he maybe rectified:—such a person may be said indeed to love tolearn.”

XV. 1. Tsze-kung said,“What do you pronounce concerning the poor man who yet doesnot flatter, and the rich man who is not proud?” The Masterreplied, “They will do; but they are not equal to him, who,though poor, is yet cheerful, and to him, who, though rich, loves therules of propriety.”

2. Tsze-kung replied,“It is said in the Book of Poetry, ‘As you cut andthen file, as you carve and then polish.’—Themeaning is the same, I apprehend, as that which you have justexpressed.”

3. The Master said,“With one like Tsze, I can begin to talk about the Odes. Itold him one point, and he knew its proper sequence.”

XVI. The Master said, “I willnot be afflicted at men’s not knowing me; I will be afflictedthat I do not know men.”

BOOK II [*]

CHAPTER [I] The Master said, “He whoexercises government by means of his virtue, may be compared to thenorth polar star, which keeps its place and all the stars turn towardsit.”

II. The Master said, “In the Bookof Poetry are three hundred pieces, but the design of them all may beembraced in that onesentence—‘Have no depraved thoughts.’”

III. 1. The Master said,“If the people be led by laws, and uniformity sought to begiven them by punishments, they will try to avoid thepunishment, but have no sense of shame.

2. “If they be led byvirtue, and uniformity sought to be given them by the rules ofpropriety, they will have the sense of shame, and moreover will becomegood.”

IV. 1. The Master said,“At fifteen, I had my mind bent on learning.

2. “At thirty, I stoodfirm.

3. “At forty, I had nodoubts.

4. “At fifty, I knewthe decrees of heaven.

5. “At sixty, my earwas an obedient organ for the reception oftruth.

6. “At seventy, Icould follow what my heart desired, without transgressing what wasright.”

[V] 1. Măng E asked whatfilial piety was. The Master said, “It is not beingdisobedient.”

2. Soon after, as Fan Ch‘e was driving him,the Master told him, saying, “Măng-sun asked mewhat filial piety was, and I answered him—‘Notbeing disobedient.’ ”

3. Fan Ch‘e said,“What did you mean?” The Master replied,“That parents, when alive, should be served according topropriety; that when dead, they should be buried according to propriety;and that they should be sacrificed to according topropriety.”

VI. Măng Wooasked what filial piety was. The Master said, “Parents areanxious lest their children should be sick.”

VII. Tsze-yew asked what filial pietywas. The Master said, “The filial piety of now-a-days meansthe support of one’s parents. But dogs and horses likewiseare able to do something in the way of support;—withoutreverence, what is there to distinguish the one support given from theother?”

VIII. Tsze-hea askedwhat filial piety was. The Master said, “The difficulty iswith the countenance. If, when their elders haveany troublesome affairs, the young take the toil ofthem, and if, when the young have wine and food,they set them before their elders, is THIS to beconsidered filial piety?”

IX. The Mastersaid, “I have talked with Hwuy for a whole day, and he hasnot made any objection to anything Isaid; —as if he were stupid. He has retired, and I haveexamined his conduct when away from me, and found him able to illustrate my teachings. Hwuy! He is notstupid.”

[X] 1. The Master said,“See what a man does.

2. “Mark hismotives.

3. “Examine in whatthings he rests.

4. “How can a manconceal his character!

5. “How can a manconceal his character!”

XI. The Master said,“If a man keeps cherishing his old knowledge so ascontinually to be acquiring new, he may be a teacher ofothers.”

XII. The Mastersaid, “The accomplished scholar is not anutensil.”

XIII. Tsze-kung asked what constituted the superior man. The Master said,“He acts before he speaks, and afterwards speaks according tohis actions.”

XIV. The Master said,“The superior man is catholic and no partizan. The mean manis a partizan and not catholic.”

XV. TheMaster said, “Learning without thought is labour lost;thought without learning is perilous.”

XVI. The Master said,“The study of strange doctrines is injuriousindeed!”

XVII. The Master said,“Yew, shall I teach you what knowledge is? When you know athing, to hold that you know it; and when you do not know a thing, toallow that you do not know it;—this isknowledge.”

XVIII. 1. Tsze-chang was learning witha view to official emolument.

2. The Master said,“Hear much and put aside the points of which you stand indoubt, while you speak cautiously at the same time of theothers:—then you will afford few occasions for blame. Seemuch and put aside the things which seem perilous, while you arecautious at the same time in carrying the others intopractice:—then you will have few occasions for repentance.When one gives few occasions for blame in his words, and few occasionsfor repentance in his conduct, he is in the way to getemolument.”

XIX. The Duke Gae asked, saying,“What should be done in order to secure the submission of thepeople.” Confucius replied, “Advance the uprightand set aside the crooked, then the people will submit. Advance thecrooked and set aside the upright, then the people will notsubmit.”

XX. KeK‘ang asked how to cause the people to reverence their ruler, to be faithful to him, and to urgethemselves to virtue. The Master said, “Let him preside overthem with gravity;—then they will reverence him. Let him befilial and kind to all;—then they will be faithful to him.Let him advance the good and teach the incompetent;—then theywill eagerly seek to be virtuous.”

XXI. 1. Some one addressed Confucius,saying, “Sir, why are you not engaged in thegovernment?”

2. The Master said,“What does the Shoo-king say of filialpiety?—‘You are filial, you discharge yourbrotherly duties. These qualities are displayed ingovernment.’ This then also constitutes the exercise ofgovernment. Why must there be THAT to make one be inthe government?”

XXII. The Master said,“I do not know how a man without truthfulness is to get on.How can a large carriage be made to go without the cross bar for yokingthe oxen to, or a small carriage without the arrangement for yoking thehorses?”

XXIII. 1. Tsze-chang asked whether the affairs of ten ages after could be known.

2. Confucius said,“The Yin dynasty followed the regulations of the Hea: whereinit took from or added to them may be known. The Chow dynasty hasfollowed the regulations of the Yin: wherein it took from or added tothem may be known. Some other may follow the Chow, but though it shouldbe at the distance of a hundred ages, its affairs may beknown.”

XXIV. 1. The Master said,“For a man to sacrifice to a spirit which does not belong tohim is flattery.”

2. “To see what isright and not to do it, is want of courage.”

BOOK III [*]

CHAPTER [I] Confucius said ofthe head of the Ke family, who had eight rows of pantomimes in his area,“If he can bear to do this, what may he not bear todo?”

II. Thethree families used the YUNG ode, while the vesselswere being removed, at the conclusion of thesacrifice. The Master said, “‘Assisting are the princes;—the Emperor looksprofound and grave:’—what application can thesewords have in the hall of the three families?”

III. The Master said, “Ifa man be without the virtues proper to humanity, what has he to do withthe rites of propriety? If a man be without the virtues proper tohumanity, what has he to do with music?”

IV. 1. Lin Fang asked what was thefirst thing to be attended to in ceremonies.

2. The Master said, “Agreat question indeed!”

3. “In festive ceremonies it is better to be sparing thanextravagant. In the ceremonies of mourning it is better that there bedeep sorrow than a minute attention to observances.”

[V] TheMaster said, “The rude tribes of the east and north havetheir princes, and are not like the States of our great land which arewithout them.”

VI. The chief of the Ke family wasabout to sacrifice to the T‘ae mountain. The Master said toYen Yew, “Can you not save him from this?” Heanswered, “I cannot.” Confucius said,“Alas! will you say that the T‘ae mountain is notso discerning as Lin Fang?”

VII. TheMaster said, “The student of virtue has no contentions. If itbe said he cannot avoid them, shall this be in archery? But he bows complaisantly to hiscompetitors; thus he ascends the platform, descends, and exacts the forfeit of drinking. In his contention, he isstill the Keun-tsze.”

VIII. 1. Tsze-hea asked, saying,“What is the meaning of thepassage—‘The loveliness of her artful smile! Thewell-defined black and white of her fine eyes! The plain ground for thecolours’?”

2. The Master said,“The business of laying on the colours follows thepreparation of the plain ground.”

3. “Ceremonies thenare a subsequent thing!” The Master said, “It isShang who can bring out my meaning! Now I can begin to talk about theodes with him.”

IX. The Master said,“I am able to describe the ceremonies of the Hea dynasty, butKe cannot sufficiently attest my words. I am able to describe theceremonies of the Yin dynasty, but Sung cannot sufficiently attest mywords. They cannot do so because of the insufficiency of their recordsand wise men. If those were sufficient, I could adduce them in supportof my words.”

[X] The Mastersaid, “At the great sacrifice, after the pouring out of thelibation, I have no wish to look on.”

XI. Some oneasked the meaning of the great sacrifice. The Master said, “Ido not know. He who knew its meaning would find it as easy to govern theempire as to look on this;”—pointing to hispalm.

XII. 1. He sacrificed to the dead, as if they were present. He sacrificed to thespirits, as if the spirits were present.

2. The Master said, “Iconsider my not being present at the sacrifice, as if I did notsacrifice.”

XIII. 1. Wang-sun Kea asked, saying,“What is the meaning of the saying, ‘It is betterto pay court to the furnace than to the south-westcorner’?”

2. The Master said,“Not so. He who offends against Heaven has none to whom hecan pray.”

XIV. The Master said,“Chow had the advantage of viewing the two past dynasties.How complete and elegant are its regulations! I followChow.”

XV. The Master, when heentered the grand temple, asked about everything. Some said,“Who will say that the son of the man of Tsow knows the rulesof propriety? He has entered the grand temple and asks abouteverything.” The Master heard the remark, and said,“This is a rule of propriety.”

XVI. The Master said,“In archery it is not going through theleather which is the principal thing;—becausepeople’s strength is not equal. This was the oldway.”

XVII. 1. Tsze-kung wished to do awaywith the offering of a sheep connected with the inanguration of thefirst day of each month.

2. The Master said,“Tsze, you love the sheep; I love theceremony.”

XVIII. The Master said,“The full observance of the rules of propriety in servingone’s prince is accounted by people to beflattery.”

XIX. The Duke Ting askedhow a prince should employ his ministers, and how ministers should servetheir prince. Confucius replied, “A prince should employ hisministers according to the rules of propriety; ministers should servetheir prince with faithfulness.”

XX. The Master said,“The Kwan Ts‘eu is expressive of enjoyment withoutbeing licentious, and of grief without being hurtfullyexcessive.”

XXI. 1. The Duke Gae asked Tsae Woabout the altars of the spirits of the land. Tsae Wo replied,“The Hea sovereign used the pine tree; the man of the Yinused the cypress; and the man of the Chow used the chestnut tree,meaning thereby to cause the people to be in awe.”

2. When the Master heard it, hesaid, “Things that are done, it is needless to speak about;things that have had their course, it is needless to remonstrate about;things that are past, it is needless to blame.”

XXII. 1. The Master said,“Small indeed was the capacity of Kwan Chung!”

2. Some one said, “WasKwan Chung parsimonious?” “Kwan,” wasthe reply, “had the San Kwei, and his officers performed nodouble duties; how can he be considered parsimonious?”

3. “Then, did KwanChung know the rules of propriety?” The Master said,“The princes of States have a screen intercepting the view attheir gates. Kwan had likewise a screen at his gate. The princes ofStates on any friendly meeting between two of them, had a stand on whichto place their inverted cups. Kwan had also such a stand. If Kwan knewthe rules of propriety, who does not know them?”

XXIII. The Masterinstructing the Grand music-master of Loo said, “How to playmusic may be known. At the commencement of the piece, all the partsshould sound together. As it proceeds, they should be in harmony, whileseverally distinct and yet flowing without break; and thus on to theconclusion.”

XXIV. Theborder-warden at E requested to be introduced to the Master, saying,“When men of superior virtue have come to this, I have neverbeen denied the privilege of seeing them.” The followers of the sage introduced him, and when he came outfrom the interview, he said, “My friends, why are youdistressed by your master’s loss of office? The empire haslong been without the principles of truth andright; Heaven is going to use your master as a bell with itswooden tongue.”

XXV. The Master said of theShaou that it was perfectly beautiful andalso perfectly good. He said of the Woo that it was perfectly beautifulbut not perfectly good.

XXVI. The Master said,“High station filled without indulgent generosity; ceremoniesperformed without reverence; mourning conducted withoutsorrow;—wherewith should I contemplate suchways?”

BOOK IV [*]

CHAPTER [I] The Master said, “Itis virtuous manners which constitute the excellence of a neighbourhood.If a man in selecting a residence do not fix on one where such prevail,how can he be wise?”

II. The Master said, “Those whoare without virtue cannot abide long either in a condition of povertyand hardship, or in a condition of enjoyment. The virtuous rest invirtue; the wise desire virtue.”

III. The Master said, “It is onlythe truly virtuous man who can love, or who can hate,others.”

IV. The Master said,“If the will be set on virtue, there will be no practice ofwickedness.”

[V] 1. The Master said,“Riches and honours are what men desire. If it cannot beobtained in the proper way, they should not be held. Poverty andmeanness are what men dislike. If it cannotbe obtained in the proper way, they should not be avoided.

2. “If a superior manabandon virtue, how can he fulfil the requirements of that name?

3. “The superior mandoes not, even for the space of a single meal, act contrary to virtue.In moments of haste, he cleaves to it. In seasons of danger, he cleavesto it.”

VI. 1. The Master said,“I have not seen a person who loved virtue, or one who hatedwhat was not virtuous. He who loved virtue would esteem nothing aboveit. He who hated what is not virtuous, would practise virtue in such away that he would not allow anything that is not virtuous to approachhis person.

2. “Is any one ablefor one day to apply his strength to virtue? I have not seen the case inwhich his strength would be insufficient.

3. “Should therepossibly be any such case, I have not seen it.”

VII. The Master said,“The faults of men are characteristic of the class to whichthey belong. By observing a man’s faults, it may be knownthat he is virtuous.”

VIII. The Mastersaid, “If a man in the morning hear the right way, he may diein the evening without regret.”

IX. The Master said, “Ascholar, whose mind is set on truth, and whois ashamed of bad clothes and bad food, is not fit to be discoursedwith.”

[X] The Master said, “Thesuperior man, in the world, does not set his mind either for anything,or against anything; what is right he will follow.”

XI. TheMaster said, “The superior man thinks of virtue; the smallman thinks of comfort. The superior man thinks of the sanctions of law;the small man thinks of favours which he mayreceive. ”

XII. The Master said, “He who acts with a constant view to his ownadvantage will be much murmured against.”

XIII. The Master said,“Is a prince able to govern his kingdomwith the complaisance proper to the rules of propriety, what difficultywill he have? If he cannot govern it with that complaisance, what has heto do with the rules of propriety?”

XIV. The Master said, “ A man should say, I am not concerned that I have noplace,—I am concerned how I may fit myself for one. I am notconcerned that I am not knwon,—I seek to be worthy to beknown.”

XV. 1. The Master said,“Sin, my doctrine is that of an all-pervadingunity.” Tsăng the philosopher replied,“Yes.”

2. The Master went out, and the other disciples asked, saying, “Whatdo his words mean?” Tsăng said, “Thedoctrine of our Master is to be true to the principles of our nature andthe benevolent exercise of them to others,—this and nothingmore.”

XVI. TheMaster said, “The mind of the superior man is conversant withrighteousness; the mind of the mean man is conversant withgain.”

XVII. The Master said,“When we see men of worth, we should think of equalling them;when we see men of a contrary character, we should turn inwards andexamine ourselves.”

XVIII. The Master said, “In serving hisparents, a son may remonstrate with them, butgently; when he sees that they do not incline to follow his advice, he shows an increased degree of reverence, butdoes not abandon his purpose; and should theypunish him, he does not allow himself to murmur.”

XIX. The Master said, “Whilehis parents are alive, the son may not go abroad toa distance. If he does go abroad, he must have a fixed place to which hegoes.”

XX. The Master said, “Ifthe son for three years does not alter from the way of his father, hemay be called filial.”

XXI. The Master said,“The years of parents may by no means not be kept in thememory, as an occasion at once for joy and for fear.”

XXII. The Master said,“The reason why the ancients did not readily give utteranceto their words, was that they feared lesttheir actions should not come up to them.”

XXIII. TheMaster said, “The cautious seldom err.”

XXIV. The Master said,“The superior man wishes to be slow in his words and earnestin his conduct.”

XXV. The Master said,“Virtue is not left to stand alone. He whopractises it will have neighbours.”

XXVI. Tsze-yew said, “Inserving a prince, frequent remonstrances lead to disgrace. Betweenfriends, frequent reproofs make the friendship distant.”

BOOK V. [*]

CHAPTER [I] 1. The Master said of Kung-yayCh‘ang that he might be wived; although he was put in bonds,he had not been guilty of any crime. Accordingly, he gave him his own daughter to wife.

2. Of Nan Yung he said that ifthe country were well governed, he would not be out of office, and if itwere ill governed, he would escape punishment and disgrace. He gave himthe daughter of his own elder brother to wife.

II. The Mastersaid, of Tsze-tseen, “Of superior virtue indeed is such aman! If there were not virtuous men in Loo, how could this man haveacquired this character?”

III. Tsze-kungasked, “What do you say of me, Ts‘ze?”The Master said, “You are an utensil.”“What utensil?” “A gemmed sacrificialutensil.”

IV. 1. Some one said,“Yung is truly virtuous, but he is not ready with histongue.”

2. The Master said,“What is the good of being ready with the tongue? They whomeet men with smartnesses of speech, for the most part procurethemselves hatred. I know not whether he be truly virtuous, but whyshould he show readiness of the tongue?”

[V] The Master was wishing Tseih-teaouK‘ae to enter on official employment. He replied,“I am not yet able to rest in the assurance of THIS. ” The Master was pleased.

VI. The Mastersaid, “My doctrines make no way. I will get upon a raft, andfloat about on the sea. He that will accompany me will be Yew, I dare tosay.” Tsze-loo hearing this wasglad, upon which the Master said, “Yew is fonder of daringthan I am; but he does not exercise his judgmentupon matters.”

VII. 1. Măng Woo askedabout Tsze-loo, whether he was perfectly virtuous. The Master said,“I do not know.”

2. He asked again, when theMaster replied, “In a kingdom of a thousand chariots, Yewmight be employed to manage the military levies, but I do not knowwhether he is perfectly virtuous.”

3. “And what do yousay of K‘ew?” The Master replied, “In acity of a thousand families, or a House of a hundred chariots,K‘ew might be employed as governor, but I do not know whetherhe is perfectly virtuous.”

4. “What do you say ofCh‘ih?” The Master replied, “With hissash girt and standing in a court, Ch‘ih might be employed toconverse with the visitors and guests, but I do not know whether he isperfectly virtuous.”

VIII. 1. The Master said to Tsze-kung,“Which do you consider superior, yourself orHwuy?”

2. Tsze-kung replied,“How dare I compare myself with Hwuy? Hwuy hears one pointand knows all about a subject; I hear one point and know asecond.”

3. The Master said,“You are not equal to him. I grant you, you are not equal tohim.”

IX. 1. Tsae Yu being asleep duringthe day time, the Master said, “Rotten wood cannot be carved;a wall of dirty earth will not receive the trowel. ThisYu!—what is the use of my reproving him?”

2. The Master said,“At first, my way with men was to hear their words, and givethem credit for their conduct. Now my way isto hear their words, and look at their conduct. It is from Yu that Ihave learned to make this change.”

[X] The Master said,“I have not seen a firm and unbending man.” Someone replied, “There is Shin Ch‘ang.”“Ch‘ang,” said the Master,“is under the influence of his lusts, how can he be firm andunbending?”

XI. Tsze-kung said,“What I do not wish men to do to me, I also wish not to do tomen.” The Master said, “Ts‘ze, you havenot attained to that.”

XII. Tsze-kung said,“The Master’s personal displays of his principles and ordinary descriptions of them may be heard. His discoursesabout man’s nature, and the way ofHeaven, cannot be heard.”

XIII. When Tsze-looheard anything, if he had not yet carried it into practice, he was onlyafraid lest he should hear something else.

XIV. Tsze-kung askedsaying, “On what ground didKung-wăn get that title of WAN ?” The Master said, “He was of an activenature and yet fond of learning, and he was not ashamed to ask and learn of his inferiors!—On thesegrounds he has been styled WAN. ”

XV. The Master said ofTsze-ch‘an that he had four of the characteristics of asuperior man:—in his conduct of himself, he was humble; inserving his superiors, he was respectful; in nourishing the people, hewas kind; in ordering the people, he was just.

XVI. The Master said, “GanP‘ing knew well how to maintain friendly intercourse. Theacquaintance might be long, but he showed the same respect as at first. ”

XVII. The Mastersaid, “Tsang Wăn kept a large tortoise in a house,on the capitals of the pillars of which he had hills made, withrepresentations of duckweed on the small pillars abovethe beams supporting the rafters. —Of what sort washis wisdom?”

XVIII. 1. Tsze-chang asked, saying,“The minister Tsze-wăn,thrice took office, and manifested no joy in his countenance. Thrice heretired from office, and manifested no displeasure. He made it a pointto inform the new minister of the way in which he had conducted thegovernment;—what do you say of him?”“The Master replied, “He was loyal.”“Was he perfectly virtuous?” “I do notknow. How can he be pronounced perfectly virtuous?”

2. Tsze-chang proceeded, “When the officerTs‘uy killed the prince of Ts‘e, Ch‘inWăn, though he was the owner of forty horses, abandoned themand left the country. Coming to another state, he said, ‘Theyare here like our great officer, Ts‘uy,’ and leftit. He came to a second state, and with the same observation left italso;—what do you say of him?” The Master replied,“He was pure.” “Was he perfectlyvirtuous?” “I do not know. How can he bepronounced perfectly virtuous?”

XIX. KeWăn thought thrice, and then acted. When the Master wasinformed of it, he said, “Twice may do.”

XX. The Master said,“When good order prevailed in his country, Ning Woo acted thepart of a wise man. When his country was in disorder, he acted the partof a stupid man. Others may equal his wisdom, but they cannot equal hisstupidity.”

XXI. When the Master was inCh‘in, he said, “Let me return! Let me return! Thelittle children of my school are ambitiousand too hasty. They are accomplished and complete so far, but they donot know how to restrict and shape themselves.”

XXII. The Master said,“Pih-e and Shuh-ts‘e did not keep the formerwickedness of men in mind, and hence the resentments directed towardsthem were few.”

XXIII. The Master said, “Whosays of Wei-shang Kaou that he is upright? One begged some vinegar ofhim, and he begged it of a neighbour and gave it him.”

XXIV. The Master said, “Finewords, an insinuating appearance, and excessiverespect;—Tso-k‘ew Ming was ashamed of them. I alsoam ashamed of them. To conceal resentment against a person, and appearfriendly with him;—Tso-k‘ew Ming was ashamed ofsuch conduct. I also am ashamed of it.”

XXV. 1. Yen Yuen and Ke Loo being byhis side, the Master said to them,“Come, let each of you tell his wishes.”

2. Tsze-loo said, “Ishould like, having chariots and horses, and light fur dresses, to sharethem with my friends, and though they should spoil them, I would not bedispleased.”

3. Yen Yuen said, “Ishould like not to boast of my excellence, nor to make a display of mymeritorious deeds.”

4. Tsze-loo then said,“I should like, sir, to hear your wishes.” TheMaster said, “ They are, in regard to theaged, to give them rest; in regard to friends, to show them sincerity;in regard to the young, to treat them tenderly.”

XXVI. The Mastersaid, “It is all over! I have not yet seen one who couldperceive his faults, and inwardly accuse himself.”

XXVII. The Master said, “In ahamlet of ten families, there may be found one honourable and sincere asI am, but not so fond of learning.”

BOOK VI. [*]

CHAPTER [I] 1. The Master said,“There is Yung!—He might occupy the place of aprince.”

2. Chung-kung asked aboutTsze-sang Pih-tsze. The Master said, “He may pass. He doesnot mind small matters.”

3. Chung-kung said,“If a man cherish in himself a reverential feeling of the necessity of attention to business, thoughhe may be easy in small matters in his government of the people, thatmay be allowed. But if he cherish in himself that easy feeling, and alsocarry it out in his practice, is not such an easy mode of procedureexcessive?”

4. The Master said,“Yung’s words are right.”

II. The Duke Gae asked which of thedisciples loved to learn. Confucius replied to him, “Therewas Yen Hwuy; HE loved to learn. He did not transferhis anger; he did not repeat a fault. Unfortunately, his appointed timewas short and he died; and now there is not suchanother. I have not yet heard of any one who loves to learn as he did. ”

III. 1. Tsze-hwa being employed on amission to Ts‘e, the disciple Yen requested grain for hismother. The Master said, “Give her a foo. ” Yen requested more.“Give heran yu, ” said theMaster. Yen gave her five ping.

2. The Master said,“When Ch‘ih was proceeding to Ts‘e, hehad fat horses to his carriage, and wore light furs. I have heard that asuperior man helps the distressed, but does not add to the wealth of therich.”

3. Yuen Sze being made governor of his town by the Master, he gave him ninehundred measures of grain, but Sze declined them.

4. The Master said,“Do not decline them. May you not give them away in theneighbourhoods, hamlets, towns, and villages?”

IV. The Master,speaking of Chung-kung, said, “If the calf of a brindled cowbe red and horned, although man may not wish to use it, would the spirits of the mountains and rivers refuseit?”

[V] The Mastersaid, “Such was Hwuy that for three months there would benothing in his mind contrary to perfect virtue. The others may attain tothis once a day or once a month, but nothing more.”

VI. KeK‘ang asked, “Is Chung-yew fit to be employed asan officer of government?” The Master said, “Yewis a man of decision; what difficulty would he find in being an officerof government?” K‘ang asked,“Is Ts‘ze fit to be employed as an officer ofgovernment?” and was answered,Ts‘ze is a man of intelligence; what difficulty would he findin being an officer of government?” And to the same questionabout K‘ew, the Master gave the same reply, saying,“K‘ew is a man of various ability.”

VII. The chief ofthe Ke family sent to ask Min Tsze-k‘een to be governor ofPe. Min Tsze-k‘een said, “Decline the offer for mepolitely. If any one come again to me with a second invitation, I shallbe obliged to go and live on the banks of theWăn.”

VIII. Pih-new being sick, the Master went to ask for him. He took hold of hishand through the window, and said, “It is killing him. It isthe appointment of Heaven, alas! That such a manshould have such a sickness! That such a man should have such asickness!”

IX. TheMaster said, “Admirable indeed was the virtue of Hwuy! With asingle bamboo dish of rice, a single gourd dish of drink, and living inhis mean narrow lane, while others could not have endured the distress,he did not allow his joy to be affected by it. Admirable indeed was thevirtue of Hwuy!”

[X] Yen K‘ew said,“It is not that I do not delight in your doctrines, but mystrength is insufficient.” The Master said, “Thosewhose strength is insufficient give over in the middle of the way, butnow you limit yourself.”

XI. The Master said toTsze-hea, “Do you be a scholar after the style of thesuperior man, and not after that of the mean man.”

XII. Tsze-yew being governor ofWoo-shing, the Master said to him, “Have you got good men there? ” Heanswered, “There is Tan-t‘ae Meĕ-ming,who never in walking takes a short cut, and never comes to my office,excepting on public business.”

XIII. TheMaster said, “Măng Che-fan does not boast of hismerit. Being in the rear on an occasion of flight, when they were aboutto enter the gate, he whipt up his horse, saying, ‘It is notthat I dare to be last. My horse would not advance.’”

XIV. The Master said, “Without the specious speech of the litanistT‘o, and the beauty of the prince Chaouof Sung, it is difficult to escape in the present age.”

XV. The Master said, “Who can goout but by the door? How is it that men will not walk according to theseways?”

XVI. The Master said,“Where the solid qualities are in excess of accomplishments,we have rusticity; where the accomplishments are in excess of the solidqualities, we have the manners of a clerk. When the accomplishments andsolid qualities are equally blended, we then have the man of completevirtue.”

XVII. The Master said,“Man is born for uprightness. If a man lose his uprightness,and yet live, his escape from death is the effectof mere good fortune.”

XVIII. The Master said, “They who know thetruth are not equal to those who love it, and they who love itare not equal to those who find delight in it.”

XIX. The Master said, “Tothose whose talents are above mediocrity, the highest subjects may beannounced. To those who are below mediocrity, the highest subjects maynot be announced.”

XX. Fan Ch‘easked what constituted wisdom. The Master said, “To giveone’s-self earnestly to the duties due to men, and, whilerespecting spiritual beings, to keep aloof from them, may be calledwisdom.” He asked about perfectvirtue. The Master said, “The man of virtue makes thedifficulty to be overcome his first business, andsuccess only a subsequent consideration;—this may be calledperfect virtue.”

XXI. The Mastersaid, “The wise find delight in water; the virtuous finddelight in hills. The wise are active; the virtuous are tranquil. Thewise are joyful; the virtuous are long-lived.”

XXII. The Master said,“Ts‘e, by one change, would come to the state ofLoo. Loo, by one change, would come to a state where true principlespredominated.”

XXIII. The Master said,“A cornered vessel without corners.—A strangecornered vessel! A strange cornered vessel!”

XXIV. Tsae Wo asked, saying,“A benevolent man, though it be toldhim,—‘There is a man in the well,’ willgo in after him, I suppose.” Confucius said, “Whyshould he do so? A superior man may be made to go to thewell, but he cannot be made to go down into it. He may beimposed upon, but he cannot be befooled.”

XXV. The Master said,“The superior man, extensively studying all learning, andkeeping himself under the restraint of the rules of propriety, may thuslikewise not overstep what is right.”

XXVI. The Master havingvisited Nan-tsze, Tsze-loo was displeased, on which the Master swore,saying, “Wherein I have done improperly, may Heaven rejectme! may Heaven reject me!”

XXVII. The Master said,“Perfect is the virtue which is according to the ConstantMean! Rare for a long time has been its practice among thepeople.”

XXVIII. 1. Tsze-kung said,“Suppose the case of a man extensively conferring benefits onthe people, and able to assist all, what would you say of him? Might hebe called perfectly virtuous?” The Master said,“Why speak only of virtue in connection with him? Must he nothave the qualities of a sage? Even Yaou and Shun were still solicitousabout this.

2. “Now the man ofperfect virtue, wishing to be established himself, seeks also toestablish others; wishing to be enlarged himself, he seeks also toenlarge others.

3. “To be able tojudge of others by what is nigh inourselves; —this may be called the art ofvirtue.”

BOOK VII. [*]

CHAPTER [I] The Master said,“A transmitter and not a maker, believing in and loving theancients, I venture to compare myself with our oldP‘ang.”

II. The Master said, “The silenttreasuring up of knowledge; learning without satiety; and instructingothers without being wearied:—what one of these thingsbelongs to me?”

III. TheMaster said, “The leaving virtue without proper cultivation;the not thoroughly discussing what is learned; not being able to movetowards righteousness of which a knowledge is gained; and not being ableto change what is not good:—these are the things whichoccasion me solicitude.”

IV. When the Master wasunoccupied with business, his manner was easy, and he lookedpleased.

[V] The Master said,“Extreme is my decay. For a long time I have not dreamed, asI was wont to do, that I saw the Duke of Chow.”

VI. 1. The Master said,“Let the will be set on the path of duty.

2. “Let everyattainment in what is good be firmly grasped.

3. “Let perfect virtuebe accorded with.

4. “Let relaxation andenjoyment be found in the polite arts.”

VII. TheMaster said, “From the man bringing his bundle of dried flesh for my teaching upwards, I have never refusedinstruction to any one.”

VIII. The Master said, “I donot open up the truth to one who is not eager to getknowledge, nor help out any one who is not anxious to explainhimself. When I have presented one corner of a subject to any one, andhe cannot from it learn the other three, I do not repeat mylesson.”

IX. 1. When the Master was eating bythe side of a mourner, he never ate to the full.

2. He did not sing on the sameday in which he had been weeping.

[X] 1. The Master said to Yen Yuen,“When called to office, to undertake its duties; when not socalled, to lie retired;—it is only I and you who haveattained to this.”

2. Tsze-loo said, “Ifyou had the conduct of the armies of a great State, whom would you haveto act with you?”

3. The Master said, “Iwould not have him to act with me, who will unarmed attack a tiger, orcross a river without a boat, dying without any regret. My associatemust be the man who proceeds to action full of solicitude, who is fondof adjusting his plans, and then carries them intoexecution.”

XI. The Master said, “Ifthe search for riches is sure to be successful, though I should become aservant with whip in hand to get them, I will do so. As the search maynot be successful, I will follow after that which Ilove.”

XII. The things in reference towhich the Master exercised the greatest caution were—fasting,war, and sickness.

XIII. When the Master wasin Ts‘e, he heard the Shaou, and for three months did notknow the taste of flesh. “I did not think,” hesaid, “that music could have been made so excellent asthis.”

XIV. 1. Yen Yew said, “Isour Master for the prince of Wei?” Tsze-kung said,“Oh! I will ask him.”

2. He went in accordingly, and said, “What sort of men were Pih-eand Shuh-ts‘e?” “They were ancientworthies,” said the Master. “Did they have anyrepinings because of their course? ” TheMaster again replied, “They sought to act virtuously, andthey did so; what was there for them torepine about?” On this, Tsze-kung wentout and said, “Our Master is not for him.”

XV. The Master said,“With coarse rice to eat, with water to drink, and my bendedarm for a pillow;—I have still joy in the midst of thesethings. Riches and honours acquired by unrighteousness are to me as afloating cloud.”

XVI. The Master said, “If some yearswere added to my life, I would give fifty to the study of the YIH, and then I might come to be without greatfaults.”

XVII. The Master’s frequentthemes of discourse were—the Odes, the Book of History, andthe maintenance of the Rules of propriety. On all these he frequentlydiscoursed.

XVIII. 1. The duke of Shĕasked Tsze-loo about Confucius, and Tsze-loo did not answer him.

2. The Master said,“Why did you not say to him,—He is simply a man,who in his eager pursuit of knowledge forgets his food, who in the joy of its attainment forgets his sorrows, and whodoes not perceive that old age is coming on?”

XIX. The Master said, “I am not onewho was born in the possession of knowledge;I am one who is fond of antiquity, and earnest in seeking it there. ”

XX. The subjects on whichthe Master did not talk, were,—prodigious things, feats ofstrength, disorder, and spiritual beings.

XXI. The Master said, “When Iwalk along with two others, they may serve me as my teachers. I willselect their good qualities and follow them, their bad qualities andavoid them.”

XXII. TheMaster said, “Heaven produced the virtue that is in me. HwanT‘uy—what can he do to me?”

XXIII. The Master said,“Do you think, my disciples, that I have any concealments? Iconceal nothing from you. There is nothing which I do that is not shownto you, my disciples;—that is my way.”

XXIV. Therewere four things which the Master taught,—letters, ethics,devotion of soul, and truthfulness.

XXV. 1. The Master said,“A sage it is not mine to see;could I see a man of real talent and virtue, that would satisfyme.”

2. The Master said, “Agood man it is not mine to see; could I see a man possessed ofconstancy, that would satisfy me.

3. “Having not and yetaffecting to have, empty and yet affecting to be full, straitened andyet affecting to be at ease:—it is difficult with suchcharacteristics to have constancy.”

XXVI. The Master angled,—butdid not use a net. He shot,—but not at birds perching.

XXVII. The Master said, “There may be those who act without knowingwhy. I do not do so. Hearing much and selecting what is good andfollowing it, seeing much and keeping it in memory:—this isthe second style of knowledge.”

XXVIII. 1. It was difficult to talk withthe people of Hoo-heang, and a lad of that place having had an interviewwith the Master, the disciples doubted.

2. The Master said, “Iadmit people’s approach to me without committing myself as to what they may do when they have retired. Whymust one be so severe? If a man purify himself to wait upon me, Ireceive him so purified, without guaranteeing his pastconduct.”

XXIX. TheMaster said, “Is virtue a thing remote? I wish to bevirtuous, and lo! virtue is at hand.”

XXX. 1. The Minister of crime ofCh‘in asked whether the DukeCh‘aou knew propriety, and Confucius said, “Heknew propriety.”

2. Confucius having retired, theminister bowed to Woo-ma K‘e to come forward, and said,“I have heard that the superior man is not a partisan. Maythe superior man be a partisan also? The prince married a daughter of the house of Woo, of the same surname withhimself, and called her,—‘The elder lady Tsze of Woo.’ If the prince knewpropriety, who does not know it?”

3. Woo-ma K‘e reportedthese remarks, and the Master said, “I am fortunate! If Ihave any errors, people are sure to know them.”

XXXI. When the Master was in company with a person who was singing, if he sangwell, he would make him repeat the song, while he accompanied it withhis own voice.

XXXII. The Master said,“In letters I am perhaps equal to other men, but the character of the superior man, carrying out inhis conduct what he professes, is what I have not yet attainedto.”

XXXIII. The Master said,“The sage and the man of perfect virtue;—how dareI rank myself with them? It may simply be said ofme, that I strive to become such without satiety, and teach otherswithout weariness.” Kung-se Hwa said, “This isjust what we, the disciples, cannot imitate you in.”

XXXIV. The Master beingvery sick, Tsze-loo asked leave to pray for him. He said,“May such a thing be done?” Tsze-loo replied,“It may. In the Prayers it is said, ‘Prayer hasbeen made to you, the spirits of the upper and lower worlds.’” The Master said, “My praying has been for a longtime.”

XXXV. The Master said,“Extravagance leads to insubordination, and parsimony tomeanness. It is better to be mean than to beinsubordinate.”

XXXVI. The Master said,“The superior man is satisfied and composed; the mean man isalways full of distress.”

XXXVII. The Master wasmild, and yet dignified; majestic, and yet not fierce; respectful, andyet easy.

BOOK VIII. [*]

CHAPTER [I] The Mastersaid, “T‘ae-pih may be said to have reached thehighest point of virtuous action. Thrice hedeclined the empire, and the people in ignorance of hismotives could not express their approbation of hisconduct.”

II. 1. The Master said,“Respectfulness, without the rules of propriety, becomeslaborious bustle; carefulness, without the rules of propriety, becomestimidity; boldness, without the rules of propriety, becomesinsubordination; straightforwardness, without the rules of propriety,becomes rudeness.

2. “When those who arein high stations perform well all their duties to their relations, thepeople are aroused to virtue. When old ministers and friends are notneglected by them, the people are preserved frommeanness.”

III. Tsăng the philosopher being sick, he called to him thedisciples of his school, and said, “Uncover my feet, uncovermy hands. It is said in the Book of Poetry,‘We should be apprehensive and cautious, as if on the brinkof a deep gulf, as if treading on thin ice,’ and so have I been. Now and hereafter, I know my escape from all injury to my person, O ye, my littlechildren.”

IV. 1. Tsăng thephilosopher being sick, Mang King went to ask how he was.

2. Tsăng said to him,“When a bird is about to die, its notes are mournful; when aman is about to die, his words are good.

3. “There are threeprinciples of conduct which the man of high rank should considerspecially important:—that in his deportment and manner hekeep from violence and heedlessness; that in regulating his countenancehe keep near to sincerity; and that in his words and tones he keep farfrom lowness and impropriety. As to such matters as attending to thesacrificial vessels, there are the proper officers forthem.”

[V] Tsăng thephilosopher said, “Gifted with ability, and yet puttingquestions to those who were not so; possessed of much, and yet puttingquestions to those possessed of little; having, as though he had not;full, and yet counting himself as empty; offended against, and yetentering into no altercation:—formerly I had a friend whopursued this style of conduct.”

VI. Tsăng the philosopher said, “Suppose that there isan individual who can be entrusted with the charge of a young orphan prince, and can be commissioned with authority over a State of a hundred le, and whom no emergency however great can drive from hisprinciples:—is such a man a superior man? He is a superiorman indeed.”

VII. 1. Tsăng thephilosopher said, “The scholar may not be without breadth ofmind and vigorous endurance. His burden is heavy and his course islong.

2. “Perfect virtue isthe burden which he considers it is his to sustain; is it not heavy?Only with death does his course stop;—is it notlong?”

VIII. 1. The Master said,“It is by the Odes that the mind is aroused.

2. “It is by the Rulesof propriety that the character is established.

3. “It is from Musicthat the finish is received.”

IX. The Master said, “Thepeople may be made to follow a path of action, but they may not be madeto understand it.”

[X] The Master said, “Theman who is fond of daring and is dissatisfied with poverty, will proceedto insubordination. So will the man who is not virtuous, when you carryyour dislike of him to an extreme.”

XI. The Master said,“Though a man have abilities as admirable as those of theduke of Chow, yet if he be proud and niggardly, those other things arereally not worth being looked at.”

XII. The Mastersaid, “It is not easy to find a man who has learned for threeyears without coming to be good.”

XIII. 1. The Master said,“With sincere faith he unites the love of learning; holdingfirm to death, he is perfecting the excellence of his course.

2. “ Such an one will not enter a tottering state, nor dwell in adisorganized one. When right principles of government prevail in theempire, he will show himself; when they are prostrated, he will keepconcealed.

3. “When a country iswell governed, poverty and a mean condition are things to be ashamed of.When a country is ill governed, riches and honour are things to beashamed of.”

XIV. The Mastersaid, “He who is not in any particular office, has nothing todo with plans for the administration of its duties.”

XV. The Mastersaid, “When the music-master, Che, first entered on hisoffice, the finish with the Kwan Ts‘eu wasmagnificent;—how it filled the ears!”

XVI. The Mastersaid, “Ardent and yet not upright; stupid and yet notattentive; simple and yet not sincere:—such persons I do notunderstand.”

XVII. The Master said,“Learn as if you could not reach your object, and were always fearing also lest you should loseit.”

XVIII. The Master said, “How majesticwas the manner in which Shun and Yu heldpossession of the empire, as if it were nothing to them!”

XIX. 1. The Master said,“Great indeed was Yaou as a sovereign! How majestic was he!It is only Heaven that is grand, and only Yaou corresponded to it. Howvast was his virtue! The people could find no namefor it.

2. “How majestic washe in the works which he accomplished! How glorious in the elegantregulations which he instituted!”

XX. 1. Shun had five ministers, andthe empire was well governed.

2. King Woo said, “Ihave ten able ministers.”

3. Confucius said, “Isnot the saying that talents are difficult to find,true? Only when the dynasties of T‘ang and Yu met, were they more abundant than in this of Chow; yet there was a woman among its able ministers. There were no more than ninemen.”

4. “King Wăn possessed two of the three parts ofthe empire, and with those he served the dynasty of Yin. The virtue ofthe house of Chow may be said to have reached the highest pointindeed.”

XXI. The Master said,“I can find no flaw in the character of Yu. He used himselfcoarse food and drink, but displayed the utmost filial piety towards thespirits. His ordinary garments were poor, but he displayed the utmostelegance in his sacrificial cap and apron. He lived in a low mean house,but expended all his strength on the ditches and water-channels. I canfind nothing like a flaw in Yu.”

BOOK IX. [*]

CHAPTER [I] The subjects of which the Masterseldom spoke were—profitableness, and also the appointments of Heaven, and perfect virtue.

II. 1. A man of the village ofTă-heang said, “Great indeed is the philosopherK‘ung! His learning is extensive, and yet he does not renderhis name famous by any particular thing.”

2. The Master heard theobservation, and said to his disciples, “What shall Ipractise? Shall I practise charioteering, or shall I practise archery? Iwill practise charioteering.”

III. 1. The Master said,“The linen cap is that prescribedby the rules of ceremony, but now a silk one is worn. It is economical,and I follow the common practice.

2. “The rules ofceremony prescribe the bowing below the hall, butnow the practice is to bow only after ascending it.That is arrogant. I continue to bow below the hall,though I oppose the common practice.”

IV. There were four thingsfrom which the Master was entirely free. He had no foregone conclusions,no arbitrary predeterminations, no obstinacy, and no egoism.

[V] 1. The Master was put in fear inK‘wang.

2. He said, “After thedeath of king Wăn, was not the cause of truth lodged here in me?

3. “If Heaven hadwished to let this cause of truth perish, then I, a future mortal,should not have got such a relation to that cause. While Heaven does notlet the cause of truth perish, what can the people of K‘wangdo to me?”

VI. 1. A high officer askedTsze-kung saying, “May we not say that your Master is a sage?How various is his ability!”

2. Tsze-kung said,“Certainly, Heaven has endowed him unlimitedly;—heis about a sage. And, moreover, his ability is various.”

3. The Master heard of theconversation and said, “Does the high officer know me? When Iwas young, my condition was low, and therefore I acquired my ability inmany things, but they were mean matters. Must the superior man have suchvariety of ability? He does not need variety of ability.”

4. Laou said, “TheMaster said, ‘Having no official employment, I acquired manyarts.’ ”

VII. The Master said,“Am I indeed possessed of knowledge? I am not knowing. But ifa mean person, who appears quite empty-like, ask anything of me, I setit forth from one end to the other, and exhaust it.”

VIII. The Master said, “The FUNG bird does not come; the river sends forth nomap:—it is all over with me.”

IX. When the Master sawa person in a mourning dress, or any one with the cap and upper andlower garments of full dress, or a blind person, on observing them approaching, though they were younger than himself,he would rise up, and if he had to pass by them, he would do sohastily.

[X] 1. Yen Yuen, inadmiration of the Master’s doctrines, sighed andsaid, “I looked up to them, and they seemedto become more high; I tried to penetrate them, and they seemed to become more firm; I looked at them beforeme, and suddenly they seemed to be behind.

2. “The Master, byorderly method, skilfully leads men on. He enlarged my mind withlearning, and taught me the restraints of propriety.

3. “When I wish togive over the study of his doctrines, I cannot doso, and having exerted all my ability, there seems something to standright up before me; but though I wish to follow and layhold of it, I really find no way to do so.”

XI. 1. The Master being very ill,Tsze-loo wished the disciples to act as ministers to him.

2. During a remission of hisillness, he said, “Long has the conduct of Yew beendeceitful! By pretending to have ministers when I have them not, whomshould I impose upon? Should I impose upon Heaven?

3. “Moreover, thanthat I should die in the hands of ministers, is it not better that Ishould die in the hands of you, my disciples? And though I may not get agreat burial, shall I die upon the road?”

XII. Tsze-kung said,“There is a beautiful gem here. Should I lay it up in a caseand keep it? or should I seek for a goodprice and sell it?” The Master said, “Sell it!Sell it! But I would wait till the price was offered.”

XIII. 1. The Master was wishing to goand live among the nine wild tribes of the east.

2. Some one said,“They are rude. How can you do such a thing?” TheMaster said, “If a superior man dwelt among them, whatrudeness would there be?”

XIV. The Master said, “Ireturned from Wei to Loo, and then the music was reformed, and thepieces in the Correct Odes and Praise Songs found all their properplace.”

XV. The Mastersaid, “Abroad, to serve the high ministers and officers; athome, to serve one’s father and elder brother; in all dutiesto the dead, not to dare not to exert one’s-self; and not tobe overcome of wine:—what one of these things do I attainto?”

XVI. The Masterstanding by a stream, said, “It passes on just like this, notceasing day or night!”

XVII. The Master said, “I havenot seen one who loves virtue as he loves beauty.”

XVIII. The Master said, “ The prosecution of learning may be compared to whatmay happen in raising a mound. If there want but one basket of earth to complete the work, and I stop, thestopping is my own work. It may be compared to throwingdown the earth on the level ground. Though but one basketful is thrown at a time, the advancing with it is my own going forward.”

XIX. The Mastersaid, “Never flagging when I set forth anything tohim;—ah! that is Hwuy.”

XX. The Master said of Yen Yuen,“Alas! I saw his constant advance. I never saw him stop inhis progress.”

XXI. The Master said, “There are cases in which the blade springs,but the plant does not go on to flower! There are cases where itflowers, but no fruit is subsequently produced!”

XXII. The Master said,“A youth is to be regarded with respect. How do we know thathis future will not be equal to our present? If hereach the age of forty or fifty, and has not made himself heard of, thenindeed he will not be worth being regarded with respect.”

XXIII. The Master said, “Canmen refuse to assent to the words of strict admonition? But it isreforming the conduct because of them which is valuable. Can men refuse to be pleased with words of gentleadvice? But it is unfolding their aim which is valuable. If a man bepleased with these words, but does not unfold their aim, and assents tothose, but does not reform his conduct, I can really do nothing withhim.”

XXIV. The Master said,“Hold faithfulness and sincerity as first principles. Have nofriends not equal to yourself. When you have faults, do not fear toabandon them.”

XXV. The Mastersaid, “The commander of the forces of a large State may becarried off, but the will of even a common man cannot be taken fromhim.”

XXVI. 1. The Master said,“Dressed himself in a tattered robe quilted with hemp, yetstanding by the side of men dressed in furs, and notashamed;—ah! it is Yew who is equal to this.

2. “ ‘Hedislikes none, he covets nothing!—what does he do which isnot good?’ ”

3. Tsze-loo kept continuallyrepeating these words of the ode, when the Mastersaid, “Those ways are by no means sufficient to constituteperfect excellence.”

XXVII. TheMaster said, “When the year becomes cold, then we know howthe pine and the cypress are the last to lose theirleaves.”

XXVIII. The Master said,“The wise are free from perplexities; the virtuous fromanxiety; and the bold from fear.”

XXIX. The Master said,“There are some with whom we may study in common, but weshall find them unable to go along with us to principles. Perhaps we may go on with them to principles, butwe shall find them unable to get establishedin those along with us. Or if we may get so established along with them,we shall find them unable to weigh occurring events along with us.”

XXX. 1. How the flowers of theaspen-plum flutter and turn! Do I not think of you? But your house isdistant.

2. The Master said,“It is the want of thought about it. How is itdistant?”

BOOK X. [*]

CHAPTER [I] 1. Confucius, in his village,looked simple and sincere, and as if he were one who was not able tospeak.

2. When he was in the prince’s ancestorial temple, or in thecourt, he spoke minutely on every point, but cautiously.

II. 1. When he was waiting at court,in speaking with the officers of the lower grade, he spake freely, butin a straightforward manner; in speaking withthe officers of the higher grade, he did so blandly, but precisely.

2. When the prince was present,his manner displayed respectful uneasiness; it was grave, butself-possessed.

III. I. When the prince called him toemploy him in the reception of a visitor, his countenance appeared tochange, and his legs to bend beneath him.

2. He inclined himself to the other officers among whom he stood, moving his leftor right arm, as their position required, butkeeping the skirts of his robe before and behind evenly adjusted.

3. He hastened forward, with his arms like the wings of a bird.

4. When the guest had retired, hewould report to the prince, “The visitor is not turning roundany more.”

IV. 1. When he entered the palacegate, he seemed to bend his body, as if it were not sufficient to admithim.

2. When he was standing, he didnot occupy the middle of the gate-way; when he passed in or out, he didnot tread upon the threshold.

3. When he was passing the vacant place of the prince, his countenance appeared to change, and his legs to bend under him, andhis words came like those of one who hardly had breath to utterthem.

4. He ascended the dais, holdingup his robe with both his hands, and his body bent; holding in hisbreath also, as if he dared not breathe.

5. When he came out from the audience, as soon as he had descended onestep, he began to relax his countenance, and had a satisfied look. Whenhe had got to the bottom of the steps, he advanced rapidly to his place, with his arms like wings, and on occupying it,his manner still showed respectful uneasiness.

[V] 1. When he was carrying thesceptre of his prince, he seemed to bend his body,as if he were not able to bear its weight. He did not hold it higherthan the position of the hands in making a bow, nor lower than their position in giving anything to another. Hiscountenance seemed to change, and look apprehensive, and he dragged hisfeet along as if they were held by something to the ground.

2. In presenting the presents with which he was charged, he wore a placidappearance.

3. At his private audience, helooked highly pleased.

VI. 1. The superior man did not usea deep purple, or a puce colour, in the ornaments of his dress.

2. Even in his undress, he didnot wear anything of a red or reddish colour.

3. In warm weather, he had asingle garment either of coarse or fine texture, but he wore itdisplayed over an inner garment.

4. Over lamb’s fur hewore a garment of black; over fawn’s fur one of white; andover fox’s fur one of yellow.

5. The fur robe of his undresswas long, with the right sleeve short.

6. He required his sleeping dressto be half as long again as his body.

7. When staying at home, he usedthick furs of the fox or the badger.

8. When he put off mourning, hewore all the appendages of the girdle.

9. His under garment, except whenit was required to be of the curtain shape, was made of silk cut narrowabove and wide below.

10. He did not wearlamb’s fur, or a black cap, on a visit of condolence.

11. On the first day of themonth, he put on his court robes, and presented himself at court.

VII. 1. When fasting, he thought itnecessary to have his clothes brightly clean, and made of linencloth.

2. When fasting, he thought itnecessary to change his food, and also to change the place where hecommonly sat in the apartment.

VIII. 1. He did not dislike to havehis rice finely cleaned, nor to have his minced meat cut quitesmall.

2. He did not eat rice which hadbeen injured by heat or damp and turned sour, nor fish or flesh whichwas gone. He did not eat what was discoloured; nor what was of a badflavour; nor anything which was badly cooked; nor that which was not inseason.

3. He did not eat meat which wasnot cut properly, nor what was served without its proper sauce.

4. Though there might be a largequantity of meat, he would not allow what he took to exceed the dueproportion for the rice. It was only in wine that he laid down no limitfor himself, but he did not allow himself to be confused by it.

5. He did not partake of wine anddried meat bought in the market.

6. He was never without gingerwhen he ate.

7. He did not eat much.

8. When he had been assisting at the ducal sacrifice, he did not keepthe flesh which he received over night. The fleshof his family sacrifice he did not keep over threedays. If kept over three days, people could not eat it.

9. When eating, he did notconverse. When in bed, he did not speak.

10. Although his food might becoarse rice and vegetable soup, he would offer a littleof it in sacrifice with a grave respectful air.

IX. If his mat was notstraight, he did not sit on it.

[X] 1. When the villagers weredrinking together, on those who carried staves going out, he went outimmediately after.

2. When the villagers were goingthrough their ceremonies to drive awaypestilential influences, he put on his court robes and stood on theeastern steps.

XI. 1. When he was sendingcomplimentary inquiries to any one in another state, he bowed twice ashe escorted the messenger away.

2. Ke K‘ang having sent him a present ofphysic, he bowed and received it, saying, “I do not know it.I dare not taste it.”

XII. The stable being burned down,when he was at court, on his return he said, “Has any manbeen hurt?” He did not ask about the horses.

XIII. 1. When the prince sent him agift of cooked meat, he would adjust his mat, first taste it, and then give itaway to others. When the prince sent him a gift of undressedmeat, he would have it cooked, and offer it to thespirits of his ancestors. When the prince sent him a gift of aliving animal, he would keep it alive.

2. When he was in attendance onthe prince and joining in the entertainment, the prince only sacrificed;but he first tasted everything.

3. When he was sick and theprince came to visit him, he had his head to the east, made his courtrobes be spread over him, and drew his girdle across them.

4. When the prince’sorder called him, without waiting for his carriage to be yoked, he wentat once.

XIV. When he entered the ancestral temple ofthe state, he asked about everything.

XV. 1. When any of his friends died,if he had no relations who could be depended on for the necessaryoffices, he would say, “I will bury him.”

2. When a friend sent him apresent, though it might be a carriage and horses, he did not bow. Theonly present for which he bowed was that of the flesh of sacrifice.

XVI. 1. In bed, he did not lie like acorpse. At home, he did not put on any formal deportment.

2. When he saw any one in amourning dress, though it might be an acquaintance, he would changecountenance; when he saw any one wearing the cap of full dress, or ablind person, though he might be in his undress, he would salute them ina ceremonious manner.

3. To any person in mourning hebowed forward to the crossbar of his carriage; he bowed in the same wayto any one bearing the tables of population.

4. When he was at anentertainment where there was an abundance ofprovisions set before him, he would change countenance and rise up.

5. On a sudden clap of thunder,or a violent wind, he would change countenance.

XVII. 1. When he was about to mounthis carriage, he would stand straight, holding the cord.

2. When he was in the carriage,he did not turn his head quite round, he did not talk hastily, he didnot point with his hands.

XVIII. I. Seeing the countenance, it instantly rises. Itflies round, and by-and-by settles.

2. The Master said, “There is thehen-pheasant on the hill bridge. At its season! At itsseason!” Tsze-loo made a motion to it. Thrice it smelt himand then rose.

BOOK XI. [*]

CHAPTER [I] 1. The Master said,“The men of former times, in the matters of ceremonies andmusic, were rustics, it is said, while the men of these latter times, in ceremonies and music,are accomplished gentlemen.

2. “If I haveoccasion to use these things, I follow the men of formertimes.”

II. 1. The Master said,“Of those who were with me inCh‘in and Ts‘ae, there are none to be found toenter my door.”

2. Distinguished for theirvirtuous principles and practice, there were Yen Yuen, MinTsze-k‘een, Yen Pihnew, and Chung-kung; for their ability inspeech, Tsae Wo and Tsze-kung; for their administrative talents, Yen Yewand Ke Loo; for their literary acquirements, Tsze-yew and Tsze-hea.

III. TheMaster said, “Hwuy gives me no assistance. There is nothingthat I say in which he does not delight.”

IV. TheMaster said, “Filial indeed is Min Tsze-k‘een!Other people say nothing of him different from the report of his parentsand brothers.”

[V] Nan Yung wasfrequently repeating the lines about a whitesceptre-stone. Confucius gave him the daughter of his elder brother towife.

VI. Ke K‘ang asked which ofthe disciples loved to learn. Confucius replied to him,“There was Yen Hwuy; he loved to learn. Unfortunately hisappointed time was short, and he died. Now there is no one who loves to learn, as he did. ”

VII. 1. When Yen Yuen died, Yen Loobegged the carriage of the Master to get an outer shell for his son’s coffin.

2. The Master said,“Every one calls his son his son, whether he has talents orhas not talents. There was Le; when he died, he had a coffin, but noouter shell. I would not walk on foot to get a shell for him, because,following after the great officers, it was not proper that I should walkon foot.”

VIII. When Yen Yuen died, theMaster said, “Alas! Heaven is destroying me! Heaven isdestroying me!”

IX. 1. When Yen Yuen died, theMaster bewailed him exceedingly, and the disciples who were with himsaid, “Sir, your grief is excessive?”

2. “Is itexcessive?” said he.

3. “If I am not tomourn bitterly for this man, for whom should I mourn?”

[X] 1. When Yen Yuen died, thedisciples wished to give him a great funeral, and the Master said,“You may not do so.”

2. The disciples did bury him ingreat style.

3. The Master said,“Hwuy behaved towards me as his father. I have not been ableto treat him as my son. The fault is notmine; it belongs to you, O disciples.”

XI. Ke Loo asked about serving the spirits of the dead. The Master said, “Whileyou are not able to serve men, how can you serve their spirits?” Ke Loo added, “I venture to ask about death?” He was answered,“While you do not know life, how can you know aboutdeath?”

XII. 1. The disciple Min wasstanding by his side, looking bland and precise; Tsze-loo, looking boldand soldierly; Yen Yew and Tsze-kung, with a free and straight-forwardmanner. The Master was pleased.

2. He said, “Yewthere!—he will not die a natural death.”

XIII. 1. Some parties in Loo weregoing to take down and rebuild the Long treasury.

2. Min Tsze-k‘eensaid, “Suppose it were to be repaired after its oldstyle;—why must it be altered, and made anew?”

3. The Master said,“This man seldom speaks; when he does, he is sure to hit thepoint.”

XIV. 1. The Master said,“What has the harpsichord of Yew to do in mydoor?”

2. The other disciples began not to respect Tsze-loo. The Master said,“Yew has ascended to the hall, though he has not yet passedinto the inner apartments.”

XV. 1. Tsze-kung asked which of thetwo, Sze or Shang, was the superior. The Master said, “Szegoes beyond the due Mean, and Shang does not comeup to it.”

2. “Then,”said Tsze-kung, “the superiority is with Sze, Isuppose.”

3. The Master said,“To go beyond is as wrong as to fall short.”

XVI. 1. The head of the Ke familywas richer than the duke of Chow had been, and yet K‘ewcollected his imposts for him, and increased his wealth.

2. The Master said,“He is no disciple of mine. My little children, beat the drumand assail him.”

XVII. 1. Ch‘ae issimple.

2. Sin is dull.

3. Sze is specious.

4. Yew is coarse.

XVIII. 1. The Master said,“There is Hwuy! He has nearly attained toperfect virtue. He is often in want.”

2. “Tsze does notacquiesce in the appointments of Heaven, and hisgoods are increased by him. Yet his judgments are oftencorrect.”

XIX. Tsze-chang asked what were thecharacteristics of the GOOD man. The Master said,“He does not tread in the footsteps of others, but, moreover,he does not enter the chamber of thesage. ”

XX. The Master said, “If,because a man’s discourse appears solid and sincere, we allowhim to be a good man, is he really a superior man? or is his gravity only inappearance?”

XXI. 1. Tsze-loo asked whether heshould immediately carry into practice what he heard. The Master said,“There are your father and elder brothers tobe consulted; —why should you act on that principleof immediately carrying into practice what you hear?” Yen Yewasked the same, whether he should immediately carry into practice whathe heard, and the Master answered, “Immediately carry intopractice what you hear.” Kung-se Hwa said, “Yewasked whether he should carry immediately into practice what he heard,and you said, ‘There are your father and elder brothers to be consulted. ’ K‘ew askedwhether he should immediately carry into practice what he heard, and yousaid, ‘Carry it immediately into practice.’ I,Ch‘ih, am perplexed, and venture to ask you for anexplanation.” The Master said, “K‘ew isretiring and slow; therefore I urged him forward. Yew has more than hisown share of energy; therefore I kept him back.”

XXII. TheMaster was put in fear in K‘wang and Yen Yuen fell behind.The Master, on his rejoining him, said, “I thought you haddied.” Hwuy replied, “Whileyou were alive, how should I presume to die?”

XXIII. 1. Ke Tsze-jen asked whetherChung-yew and Yen K‘ew could be called great ministers.

2. The Master said,“I thought you would ask about some extraordinaryindividuals, and you only ask about Yew and K‘ew!

3. “What is called agreat minister, is one who serves his prince according to what is right,and when he finds he cannot do so, retires.”

4. “Now, as to Yewand K‘ew, they may be called ordinaryministers.”

5. Tsze-jen said,“Then they will always follow their chief;—willthey?”

6. The Master said,“In an act of parricide or regicide, they would not followhim.”

XXIV. 1. Tsze-loo got Tsze-kaouappointed governor of Pe.

2. The Master said,“You are injuring a man’s son.”

3. Tsze-loo said,“There are (there) common people and officers; there are thealtars of the spirits of the land and grain. Why must one read booksbefore he can be considered to have learned?”

4. The Master said,“It is on this account that I hate your glib-tonguedpeople.”

XXV. 1. Tsze-loo, TsăngSih, Yen Yew, and Kung-se Hwa, were sitting by theMaster.

2. He said to them, though I ama day or so older than you, don’t think of that.

3. “From day to dayyou are saying, ‘We are not known.’ If some prince were to know you, what would youdo?”

4. Tsze-loo hastily and lightlyreplied, “Suppose the case of a state of ten thousandchariots; let it be straitened between other largestates; let it be suffering from invading armies; and to this let therebe added a famine in corn and in all vegetables;—if I wereintrusted with the government of it, in three years’ time Icould make the people to be bold, and to recognize the rules ofrighteous conduct.” The Master smiled at him.

5. Turning to Yen Yew, he said, “K‘ew, what are your wishes?” K‘ew replied, “Suppose astate of sixty or seventy le square, or one offifty or sixty, and let me have the government of it;—inthree years’ time I could make plenty to abound among thepeople. As to teaching them the principles ofpropriety and music, I must wait for the rise of a superior man to do that. ”

6. “What are yourwishes, Ch‘ih, said the Master next toKung-se Hwa. Ch‘ih replied, I do not say that myability extends to these things, but I should wish to learn them. At theservices of the ancestral temple, and at the audiences of the princeswith the emperor, I should like, dressed in the dark square-made robeand the black linen cap, to act as a small assistant.”

7. Last of all, the Master askedT‘săng Sih, “Teen, what areyour wishes?” Teen, pausing as he wasplaying on his harpsichord, while it was yet twanging, laid theinstrument aside, and rose. “Mywishes,” he said, “are different from thecherished purposes of these three gentlemen.”“What harm is there in that?” said the Master;“do you also, as well as they, speak out yourwishes.” Teen then said, “In this, the last month of spring, with the dressof the season all complete, along with five or six young men who haveassumed the cap, and six or seven boys, I would wash in the E, enjoy thebreeze among the rain-altars, and return home singing.” TheMaster heaved a sigh and said, “I give my approval toTeen.”

8. The three others having goneout, Tsăng Sih remained behind, and said, “What doyou think of the words of these three friends?” The Masterreplied, “They simply told each one hiswishes.”

9. Teen pursued, “Master, why did you smileat Yew?”

10. He was answered,“The management of a state demands the rules of propriety.His words were not humble; therefore I smiled at him.”

11. Teen again said, “But was it not a statewhich K‘ew proposed for himself?” The reply was, “ Yes; did youever see a territory of sixty or seventy le, or oneof fifty or sixty, which was not a state?”

12. Once more Teen inquired, “And was it nota state which Ch‘ih proposed for himself?” The Master again replied, “ Yes; who but princes have to do with ancestraltemples, and audiences with the emperor? If Ch‘ih were to bea small assistant in these services, who could be a great one?”

BOOK XII. [*]

CHAPTER [I] 1. Yen Yuen asked about perfectvirtue. The Master said, “To subdue one’s self andreturn to propriety, is perfect virtue. If aman can for one day subdue himself and return to propriety, all underheaven will ascribe perfect virtue to him. Is the practice of perfectvirtue from a man himself, or is it from others?”

2. Yen Yuen said, “Ibeg to ask the steps of that process.” The Master replied,“Look not at what is contrary to propriety; listen not towhat is contrary to propriety; speak not what is contrary to propriety;make no movement which is contrary to propriety.” Yen Yuen then said, “Though I am deficient inintelligence and vigour, I will make it my business to practise thislesson.”

II. Chung-kung asked about perfectvirtue. The Master said, “ It is, whenyou go abroad, to behave to every one as if you were receiving a great guest; toemploy the people as if you were assisting at a great sacrifice; not todo to others as you would not wish done to yourself; to have nomurmuring against you in the country, and none in thefamily.” Chung-kung said, “Though I am deficientin intelligence and vigour, I will make it my business to practise thislesson.”

III. 1. Sze-ma New asked aboutperfect virtue.

2. The Master said,“The man of perfect virtue is cautious and slow in hisspeech.”

3. “Cautious and slowin his speech!” said New; —“is this what is meant by perfectvirtue?” The Master said, “When a man feels thedifficulty of doing, can he be other than cautious and slow inspeaking?”

IV. 1. Sze-ma New asked about thesuperior man. The Master said, “The superior man has neitheranxiety nor fear.”

2. “Being withoutanxiety or fear!” said New; —“does this constitute what we call thesuperior man?”

3. The Master said,“When internal examination discovers nothing wrong, what isthere to be anxious about, what is there to fear?”

[V] 1. Sze-ma New, full of anxiety,said, “ Other men all have theirbrothers, I only have not.”

2. Tsze-hea said to him,“There is the following saying which I haveheard:—

3. “‘Death and life have their determined appointment; riches andhonours depend upon Heaven.’

4. “Let the superiorman never fail reverentially to order his own conduct, and let him berespectful to others and observant of propriety:—then allwithin the four seas will be his brothers. What has the superior man todo with being distressed because he has no brothers?”

VI. Tsze-chang asked whatconstituted intelligence. The Master said, “He with whomneither slander that gradually soaks into the mind, nor statements that startle like a wound in the flesh, are successful,may be called intelligent indeed. Yea, he with whom neither soakingslander, nor startling statements, are successful, may be calledfar-seeing.”

VII. 1. Tsze-kung asked aboutgovernment. The Master said, “ The requisitesof government illegible that there be sufficiency offood, sufficiency of military equipment, and the confidence of thepeople in their ruler.”

2. Tsze-kung said,“If it cannot be helped, and one of these must be dispensed with, which of the three should be foregonefirst?” “The military equipment,” saidthe Master.

3. Tsze-kung again asked, “If it cannot be helped, and one ofthe remaining two must be dispensed with, which of them should beforegone?” The Master answered, “Part with thefood. From of old, death has been the lot of all men; but if the peoplehave no faith in their rulers, there is no standing for the State. ”

VIII. 1. Kih Tsze-shing said,“In a superior man it is only the substantial qualities whichare wanted;—why should we seek for ornamentalaccomplishments?”

2. Tsze-kung said,“Alas! Your words, sir, show you to be a superior man, butfour horses cannot overtake the tongue.

“Ornament is as substance; substance is as ornament. The hideof a tiger or leopard stript of its hair is like the hide of a dog orgoat stript of its hair.”

IX. 1. The Duke Gae inquired of YewJŏ, saying, “The year is one of scarcity, and the returns for expenditure are notsufficient;—what is to done?”

2. Yew Jŏ replied to him, “Whynot simply tithe the people.”

3. “With twotenths,” said the duke, “I find them notenough;—how could I do with that system of onetenth?”

4. Yew Jŏ answered,“If the people have plenty, their prince will not be left towant alone. If the people are in want, their prince cannot enjoy plentyalone.”

[X] 1. Tsze-chang having asked howvirtue was to be exalted, and delusions to be discovered, the Mastersaid, “Hold faithfulness and sincerity as first principles,and be moving continually to what is right;—this is the wayto exalt one’s virtue.

2. “You love a manand wish him to live; you hate him and wish him to die. Having wishedhim to live, you also wish him to die. This is a case of delusion.

3. “ ‘Itmay not be on account of his being rich, yet you come to make adifference.’ ”

XI. 1. The Duke King, ofTs‘e, asked Confucius about government.

2. Confucius replied,“ There is government, when the prince is prince, and the minister isminister; when the father is father, and the son is son.”

3. “Good!”said the duke; “if, indeed, the prince be not prince, theminister not minister, the father not father, and the son not son,although I have my revenue, can I enjoy it?”

XII. 1. The Master said,“Ah! it is Yew, who could with half a word settlelitigations!”

2. Tsze-loo never slept over apromise.

XIII. The Master said,“In hearing litigations, I am like any other body. What isnecessary, is to cause the people to have nolitigations.”

XIV. Tsze-changasked about government. The Master said, “ Theart of governing is to keep its affairs before the mind without weariness, and to practise them with undeviatingconsistency.”

XV. The Master said,“By extensively studying all learning, and keeping himselfunder the restraint of the rules of propriety, one may thus likewise not err from what is right.”

XVI. The Master said,“The superior man seeks to perfect theadmirable qualities of men, and does not seek toperfect their bad qualities. The mean man does the opposite ofthis.”

XVII. Ke K‘angasked Confucius about government. Confucius replied, “Togovern means to rectify. If you lead on the people with correctness, who will dare not to be correct?”

XVIII. Ke K‘ang distressedabout the number of thieves in the State, inquiredof Confucius about how to do away with them. Confucius said, “If you, sir, were not covetous, although youshould reward them to do it, they would not steal.

XIX. KeK‘ang asked Confucius about government, saying,“What do you say to killing the unprincipled for the good ofthe principled?” Confucius replied, “Sir, incarrying on your government, why should you use killing at all? Let your evinced desires be for what is good, and thepeople will be good. The relation between superiors and inferiors islike that between the wind and the grass. The grass must bend when thewind blows across it.”

XX. 1. Tsze-chang asked,“What must the officer be, who may be said to bedistinguished?”

2. The Master said,“What is it you call being distinguished?”

3. Tsze-chang replied,“It is to be heard of through the State, to be heard ofthrough the Family.”

4. The Master said,“That is notoriety, not distinction.

5. “Now, the man ofdistinction is solid and straightforward, and loves righteousness. Heexamines people’s words, and looks at their countenances. Heis anxious to humble himself to others. Such a man will be distinguishedin the country; he will be distinguished in the Family.

6. “As to the man ofnotoriety, he assumes the appearance of virtue, but his actions areopposed to it, and he rests in this character without any doubts about himself. Such a man will be heard of in thecountry; he will be heard of in the Family.”

XXI. 1. Fan-ch‘e ramblingwith the Master under the trees about the rain-altars, said,“I venture to ask how to exalt virtue, to correct cherishedevil, and to discover delusions.”

2. The Master said,“Truly a good question!

3. “If doing what isto be done be made the first business, and success a secondaryconsideration;—is not this the way to exalt virtue? To assailone’s own wickedness and not assail that ofothers;—is not this the way to correct cherished evil? For amorning’s anger, to disregard one’s own life, andinvolve that of one’s parents;—is not this a caseof delusion?”

XXII. 1. Fan Ch‘e askedabout benevolence. The Master said, “It is to love all men.” He asked about knowledge. TheMaster said, “It is to know all men.”

2. Fan Ch‘e did notimmediately understand these answers.

3. The Master said,“Employ the upright and put aside all thecrooked;—in this way, the crooked can be made to beupright.”

4. Fan Ch‘e retired,and seeing Tsze-hea, he said to him, “A little ago, I had aninterview with our Master, and asked him about knowledge. He said,‘Employ the upright, and put aside all thecrooked;—in this way, the crooked can be made to beupright.’ What did he mean?”

5. Tsze-hea said,“Truly rich is his saying!

6. “Shun, being inpossession of the empire, selected from among all the people, andemployed Kaou-yaou, on which all who were devoid of virtue disappeared.T‘ang being in possession of the empire, selected from amongall the people, and employed E-Yin, and all who were devoid of virtuedisappeared.”

XXIII. Tsze-kung asked about friendship. The Mastersaid, “Faithfully admonish your friend, and kindly try to lead him. If you find him impracticable, stop. Do notdisgrace yourself.”

XXIV. The philosopher Tsăngsaid, “The superior man on literary grounds meets with hisfriends, and by their friendship helps his virtue.”

BOOK XIII. [*]

CHAPTER [I] 1. Tsze-loo asked aboutgovernment. The Master said, “Go before the people with your example, and be laborious in theiraffairs.”

2. He requested furtherinstruction, and was answered, “be not weary in thesethings.”

II. 1. Chung-kung, being chiefminister to the head of the Ke family, asked about government. TheMaster said, “Employ first the services of your variousofficers, pardon small faults, and raise to office men of virtue andtalents.”

2. Chung-kung said, “How shall I know themen of virtue and talent, so that I may raise them tooffice?” He was answered,“Raise to office those whom you know. As to those whom you donot know, will others neglect them?”

III. 1. Tsze-loo said,“The prince of Wei has been waiting for you, in order withyou to administer the government. What will you consider the first thingto be done?”

2. The Master replied,“What is necessary is to rectify names.”

3. “So,indeed!” said Tsze-loo. “You are wide of the mark.Why must there be such rectification?”

4. The Master said,“How uncultivated you are, Yew! A superior man, in regard towhat he does not know, shows a cautious reserve.”

5. “If names be notcorrect, language is not in accordance with the truth of things. Iflanguage be not in accordance with the truth of things, affairs cannotbe carried on to success.

6. “When affairscannot be carried on to success, proprieties and music will notflourish. When proprieties and music do not flourish, punishments willnot be properly awarded. When punishments arenot properly awarded, the people do not know how to move hand orfoot.

7. “Therefore, asuperior man considers it necessary that the names he uses may be spoken appropriately, and also that what he speaks maybe carried out appropriately. What the superior manrequires, is just that in his words there may be nothingincorrect.”

IV. 1. Fan Ch‘erequested to be taught husbandry. The Master said, “I am notso good for that as an old husbandman.” He requested also to be taught gardening, and was answered,“I am not so good for that as an oldgardener.”

2. Fan Ch‘e havinggone out, the Master said, “A small man, indeed, is FanSeu!”

3. “If a superior manlove propriety, the people will not dare not to be reverent. If he loverighteousness, the people will not dare not to submit tohis example. If he love good faith, the people will not darenot to be sincere. Now, when these things obtain, the people from allquarters will come to him, bearing their children on their backs. Whatneed has he of a knowledge of husbandry?”

[V] TheMaster said, “Though a man may be able to recite the threehundred odes, yet if, when intrusted with a governmental charge, heknows not how to act, or if, when sent to any quarter on a mission, hecannot give his replies unassisted, notwithstanding the extent of his learning, of what practical use isit?”

VI. The Master said,“When a prince’s personal conduct is correct, hisgovernment is effective without the issuing of orders. If his personalconduct is not correct, he may issue orders, but they will not befollowed.”

VII. The Master said,“The governments of Loo and Wei are brothers.”

VIII. The Master said of King, a scion of theducal family of Wei, that he knew the economy of a family well. When hebegan to have means, he said, “Ha! here is acollection!” when they were a little increased, he said,“Ha! this is complete!” when he had become rich,he said, “Ha! this is admirable!”

IX. 1. When the Master went to Wei,Yen Yew acted as driver of his carriage.

2. The Master observed,“How numerous are the people!”

3. Yew said, “Sincethey are thus numerous, what more shall be done for them?”“Enrich them,” was the reply.

4. “And when theyhave been enriched, what more shall be done?” The Mastersaid, “Teach them.”

[X] TheMaster said, “If there were any of the princes who wouldemploy me, in the course of twelve months, I should have done somethingconsiderable. In three years, the government wouldbe perfected.”

XI. The Master said, “ ‘If good men were to govern acountry in succession for a hundred years, theywould be able to transform the violently bad,and dispense with capital punishments.’ True indeed is thissaying!”

XII. The Master said, “If a truly royal ruler were to arise, itwould still require a generation, and then virtuewould prevail.”

XIII. The Master said,“If a minister make his own conduct correct, what difficultywill he have in assisting in government? If he cannot rectify himself,what has he to do with rectifying others?”

XIV. The disciple Yen returning from thecourt, the Master said to him, “How are you solate?” He replied, “We had governmentbusiness.” The Master said, “It must have been Family affairs. If there had been governmentbusiness, though I am not now in office, I shouldhave been consulted about it.”

XV. 1. The Duke Ting asked whetherthere was a single sentence which could make a country prosperous.Confucius replied, “Such an effect cannot be expected fromone sentence.

2. “There is asaying, however, which people have—‘To be a princeis difficult; to be a minister is not easy.’

“If a ruler knows this,—thedifficulty of being a prince,—may there not be expected fromthis one sentence the prosperity of his country?”

4. The duke then said, “Is there a singlesentence which can ruin a country?” Confucius replied,“Such an effect as that cannot be expected from one sentence.There is, however, the saying which peoplehave—‘I have no pleasure in being a prince, onlyin that no one offer any opposition to what I say!’

5. “If a ruler’s words be good, is it not alsogood that no one oppose them? But if they are not good, and no oneopposes them, may there not be expected from this one sentence the ruinof his country?”

XVI. 1. The duke of Shĕasked about government.

2. The Master said,“ Good government obtains, when thosewho are near are made happy, and those who are far off areattracted.”

XVII. Tsze-hea, being governorof Keu-foo, asked about government. The Master said, “Do notbe desirous to have things done quickly; do not look at smalladvantages. Desire to have things done quickly prevents their being donethoroughly. Looking at small advantages prevents great affairs frombeing accomplished.”

XVIII. 1. The duke of Shĕinformed Confucius, saying, “Among us here there are thosewho may be styled upright in their conduct. If their father have stolena sheep, they will bear witness to the fact.”

2. Confucius said,“Among us, in our part of the country, those who are uprightare different from this. The father concealsthe misconduct of the son, and the son conceals the misconduct of thefather. Uprightness is to be found in this.”

XIX. FanCh‘e asked about perfect virtue. The Master said,“It is, in retirement, to be sedately grave; in themanagement of business, to be reverently attentive; in intercourse withothers, to be strictly sincere. Though a man go among rude uncultivatedtribes, these qualities may not beneglected.”

XX. 1. Tsze-kung asked, saying,“What qualities must a man possess to entitle him to becalled an officer?” The Master said, “He who inhis conduct of himself maintains a sense of shame, and when sent to anyquarter will not disgrace his prince’s commission, deservesto be called an officer.”

2. Tsze-kung pursued, “I venture to ask whomay be placed in the next lower rank?” and he was told,“He whom the circle of his relatives pronounce to be filial,whom his fellow-villagers and neighbours pronounce to befraternal.”

3. Again the disciple asked, “I venture toask about the class still next in order.” TheMaster said, “They are determined to be sincere inwhat they say, and to carry out what they do. They are obstinate littlemen. Yet perhaps they may make the next class.”

4. Tsze-kung finally inquired, “Of whatsort are those of the present day, who engage in government?”The Master said, “Pooh! they are so many pecks and hampers,not worth being taken into account.”

XXI. The Mastersaid, “Since I cannot get men pursuing the due medium, towhom I might communicate my instructions, I mustfind the ardent and the cautiously-decided. The ardent will advance andlay hold of truth; the cautiously-decided will keep themselvesfrom what is wrong.”

XXII. 1. The Master said,“The people of the south have asaying—‘A man without constancy cannot be either awizard or a doctor.’ Good!

2. “Inconstant in hisvirtue, he will be visited with disgrace.”

3. The Master said,“This arises simply from not prognosticating.”

XXIII. The Master said, “The superiorman is affable, but not adulatory; the mean is adulatory, but notaffable.”

XXIV. Tsze-kung asked saying,“What do you say of a man who is loved by all the people ofhis village?” The Master replied, “We may not forthat accord our approval of him.” “And what do yousay of him who is hated by all the people of his village?”The Master said, “We may not for that conclude that he isbad. It is better than either of these cases that the good in thevillage love him, and the bad hate him.”

XXV. The Master said, “Thesuperior man is easy to serve and difficult to please. If you try toplease him in any way which is not accordant with right, he will not bepleased. But in his employment of men, heuses them according to their capacity. The mean man is difficult toserve, and easy to please. If you try to please him, though it be in away which is not accordant with right, he may be pleased. But in hisemployment of men, he wishes them to be equal toeverything.”

XXVI. The Master said,“The superior man has a dignified ease without pride. Themean man has pride without a dignified ease.”

XXVII. The Master said,“The firm, the enduring, the simple, and the modest, are nearto virtue.”

XXVIII. Tsze-loo asked saying, “What qualities must a man possess toentitle him to be called a scholar?” The Master said,“He must be thus,—earnest, urgent, andbland:—among his friends, earnest and urgent; among hisbrethren, bland.”

XXIX. The Master said,“Let a good man teach the people seven years, and they maythen likewise be employed in war.”

XXX. The Master said, “To lead anuninstructed people to war is to throw them away.”

BOOK XIV. [*]

CHAPTER [I] Hëen askedwhat might be considered shameful. The Master said, “Whengood government prevails in a State, to be thinking onlyof his salary; and, when bad government prevails, to be thinking in the same way, only of his salary;—this is shameful.”

II. 1. “When the love ofsuperiority, boasting, resentments, and covetousness are repressed, maythis be deemed perfect virtue?”

2. The Master said,“This may be regarded as the achievement of what isdifficult. But I do not know that it is to be deemed perfectvirtue.”

III. TheMaster said, “The scholar who cherishes the love of comfort,is not fit to be deemed a scholar.”

IV. The Master said, “Whengood government prevails in a State, language may be lofty and bold, andactions the same. When bad government prevails, the actions may be loftyand bold, but the language may be with some reserve.”

[V] The Master said,“The virtuous will be sure to speak correctly, but those whose speech is good may not always bevirtuous. Men of principle are sure to be bold, but those who are boldmay not always be men of principle.”

VI. Nan-kung Kwŏh,submitting an inquiry to Confucius, said, “E was skilful atarchery, and Ngaou could move a boat along upon the land, but neither ofthem died a natural death. Yu and Tseih personally wrought at the toilsof husbandry, and they became possessors of the empire.” TheMaster made no reply, but when Nan-kung Kwŏh went out, hesaid, “A superior man indeed is this! An esteemer of virtueindeed is this!”

VII. The Master said,“Superior men, and yet not always virtuous, there have been, alas! But there never has been a mean man,and, at the same time, virtuous.”

VIII. The Mastersaid, “Can there be love which does not lead to strictnesswith its object? Can there be loyalty which does not lead to theinstruction of its object?”

IX. The Master said, “Inpreparing the governmental notifications, P‘e Shin first madethe rough draught; She-shuh examined and discussed its contents;Tsze-yu, the manager of Foreign intercourse, then improved and polishedit; and, finally, Tsze-ch‘an of Tungle gave it the propersoftness and finish.”

[X] 1. Some one asked aboutTsze-ch‘an. The Master said, “He was a kindman.”

2. He asked about Tsze-se. TheMaster said, “That man! That man!”

3. He asked about Kwan Chung.“For him,” said the Master, “the cityof Peen, with three hundred families, was taken from the chief of thePih family, who did not utter a murmuring word, though, till he wastoothless, he had only coarse rice to eat.”

XI. The Master said,“To be poor without murmuring is difficult. To be richwithout being proud is easy.”

XII. The Master said,“Măng Kung-ch‘ŏ is more thanfit to be chief officer in the Families of Chaou and Wei, but he is not fit to be minister to either of theStates T‘ăng orSëĕ.”

XIII. 1. Tsze-loo asked whatconstituted a COMPLETE man. The Master said,“Suppose a man with the knowledge of Tsang Woo-chung, thefreedom from covetousness of Kung-ch‘ŏ, thebravery of Chwang of Peen, and the varied talents of YenK‘ew; add to these the accomplishments of the rules ofpropriety and music:—such an one might be reckoned a COMPLETE man.”

2. He then added, “But what is thenecessity for a complete man of the present day to have all thesethings? The man, who in the view of gain thinks of righteousness; who inthe view of danger is prepared to give up his life; and who does notforget an old agreement, however far back it extends:—such aman may be reckoned a COMPLETE man.”

XIV. 1. The Master asked Kung-mingKea about Kung-shuh Wăn, saying, “Is it true thatyour master speaks not, laughs not, and takes not?”

2. Kung-ming Kea replied,“This has arisen from the reporters going beyond the truth. —My master speaks when it isthe time to speak, and so men do not get tired of his speaking. Helaughs when there is occasion to be joyful, and so men do not get tiredof his laughing. He takes when it is consistent with righteousness to doso, and so men do not get tired of histaking.” The Master said, “So! But is it so withhim?”

XV. The Master said,“Tsang Woo-chung, keeping possession of Fang, asked of the duke of Loo to appoint a successor to him in his Family. Although it may be said that he wasnot using force with his sovereign, I believe he was.”

XVI. The Master said,“The Duke Wăn of Tsin was crafty and not upright.The Duke Hwan of Ts‘e was upright and notcrafty.”

XVII. 1. Tsze-loo said,“The Duke Hwan caused his brother Kew to be killed, whenShaou Hwŭh died with his master, butKwan Chung did not do so. May not I say that he was wanting invirtue?”

2. The Master said,“The Duke Hwan assembled all the princes together, and thatnot with weapons of war andchariots:—it was all through the influence of Kwan Chung.Whose beneficence was like his? Whose beneficence was likehis?”

XVIII. 1. Tsze-kung said,“Kwan Chung, I apprehend, was wanting in virtue. When theDuke Hwan caused his brother Kew to be killed, Kwan Chung was not ableto die with him. Moreover, he became prime minister toHwan.”

2. The Master said,“Kwan Chung acted as prime minister to the Duke Hwan, madehim leader of all the princes, and united and rectified the wholeempire. Down to the present day, the people enjoy the gifts which heconferred. But for Kwan Chung, we should now be wearing our hairdishevelled, and the lappets of our coats buttoning on the leftside.

3. “Will you requirefrom him the small fidelity of common men and common women, who wouldcommit suicide in a stream or ditch, no one knowing anything aboutthem?”

XIX. 1. The officer,Sëen, who had been family -minister toKung-shuh Wăn, ascended to the prince’s court in company with Wăn.

2. The Master having heard ofit, said, “He deserves to be considered WĂN. ”

XX. 1. The Master was speakingabout the unprincipled course of the Duke Ling of Wei, when Ke K‘ang said, “Since he isof such a character, how is it he does not lose histhrone?”

2. Confucius said,“The Chung-shuh, Yu, has the superintendence of his guestsand of strangers; the litanist, T‘o, has the management ofhis ancestral temple; and Wang-sun Kea has the direction of the army andforces:—with such officers as these, how should he lose histhrone?”

XXI. The Master said, “Hewho speaks without modesty will find it difficult to make his wordsgood.”

XXII. 1. Ch‘inCh‘ing murdered the Duke Keen ofTs‘e.

2. Confucius bathed, went tocourt, and informed the Duke Gae, saying, “Ch‘inHăng has slain his sovereign. I beg that you will undertaketo punish him.”

3. The duke said,“Inform the chiefs of the three families ofit.”

4. Confucius retired, and said, “Following, as Ido, in the rear of the great officers, I did not dare not torepresent such a matter, and my prince says, ‘Inform thechiefs of the three families of it.’ ”

5. He went to the chiefs, andinformed them, but they would not act. Confucius then said, “Following in the rear of the greatofficers, I did not dare not to represent such a matter.”

XXIII. Tsze-loo asked how asovereign should be served. The Master said, “Do not imposeon him, and, moreover, withstand him to his face.”

XXIV. The Master said,“The progress of the superior man is upwards; the progress ofthe mean man is downwards.”

XXV. The Mastersaid, “In ancient times, men learned with a view to their ownimprovement. Now-a-days, men learn with a view to the approbation ofothers.”

XXVI. 1. Keu Pih-yuh sent a messenger with friendly inquiries to Confucius.

2. Confucius sat with him, andquestioned him. “What,” said he, “isyour master engaged in?” The messenger replied,“My master is anxious to make his faults few, but he has notyet succeeded.” He then went out, and the Master said,“A messenger indeed! A messenger indeed!”

XXVII. The Master said,“He who is not in any particular office has nothing to dowith plans for the administration of its duties.”

XXVIII. 1. The philosopherTsăng said, “The superior man, in his thoughts,does not go out of his place.”

XXIX. The Master said, “Thesuperior man is modest in his speech, but exceeds in hisactions.”

XXX. 1. The Master said,“The way of the superior man is threefold, but I am not equalto it. Virtuous, he is free from anxieties; wise, he is free fromperplexities; bold, he is free from fear.”

2. Tsze-kung said,“Master, that is what you yourself say.”

XXXI. Tsze-kung was in the habit of comparing men together. The Mastersaid, “Ts‘ze must have reached a high pitch ofexcellence! Now, I have not leisure forthis. ”

XXXII. The Master said,“I will not be concerned at men’s not knowing me;I will be concerned at my own want of ability.”

XXXIII. The Master said,“He who does not anticipate attempts to deceive him, northink beforehand of his not being believed,and yet apprehends these things readily when they occur;—ishe not a man of superior worth?”

XXXIV. 1. Wei-shang Mow said toConfucius, “K‘ew, how is it that you keep roostingabout? Is it not that you are an insinuating talker?”

2. Confucius said, “Ido not dare to play the part of such a talker, but I hateobstinacy.”

XXXV. TheMaster said, “A horse is called a k‘e, not because of its strength, but because ofits other good qualities.”

XXXVI. 1. Some one said,“What do you say concerning the principle that injury shouldbe recompensed with kindness?”

2. The Master said,“With what then will you recompense kindness?

3. “Recompense injurywith justice, and recompense kindness with kindness.”

XXXVII. 1. The Master said,“Alas! there is no one that knows me.”

2. Tsze-kung said,“What do you mean by thus saying—that no one knowsyou?” The Master replied, “I do not murmur againstHeaven. I do not grumble against men. My studies lie low, and mypenetration rises high. But there is Heaven;—that knowsme!”

XXXVIII. 1. The Kung-pih, Leaou, havingslandered Tsze-loo to Ke-sun, Tsze-fuh King-pih informed Confucius ofit, saying, “Our Master is certainly being led astray by theKung-pih, Leaou, but I have still power enough left to cut Leaou off, and expose his corpse in the market andin the court.”

2. The Master said,“If my principles are to advance, it isso ordered. If they are to fall to the ground, it is so ordered. Whatcan the Kung-pih, Leaou, do, where such ordering isconcerned?”

XXXIX. 1. The Master said,“ Some men of worth retire from theworld.

2. “Some retire from particular countries.

3. “Some retirebecause of disrespectful looks.

4. “Some retirebecause of contradictory language.”

XL. The Master said, “Those whohave done this are seven men.”

XLI. Tsze-loo happening to pass the nightin Shih-mun, the gate-keeper said to him, “Whom do you comefrom?” Tsze-loo said, “From MrK‘ung.” “It is he,—is itnot?”—said the other, “who knows theimpracticable nature of the times, and yet will be doing inthem.”

XLII. 1. The Master was playing, one day, on a musical stone in Wei, when a man,carrying a straw basket, passed the door of the house where Confuciuswas, and said, “His heart is full who so beats the musical stone.”

2. A little while after headded, “How contemptible is the one-idea obstinacy those sounds display! When one is taken no noticeof, he has simply at once to give over his wish forpublic employment. ‘Deep water must be crossed withthe clothes on; shallow water may be waded through with the clothesrolled up.’ ”

3. The Master said,“How determined is he in his purpose! But this is not difficult.”

XLIII. 1. Tsze-chang said,“What is meant when the SHOO says thatKaou-tsung, while observing the usual imperial mourning, was for threeyears without speaking?”

2. The Master said,“Why must Kaou-tsung be referred to as anexample of this? The ancients all did so. When the sovereigndied, the officers all attended to theirseveral duties, taking instructions from the prime minister for threeyears.”

XLIV. The Master said,“When rulers love to observe the rulesof propriety, the people respond readily to the calls on them forservice.”

XLV. Tsze-loo asked what constitutedthe superior man. The Master said, “The cultivation ofhimself in reverential carefulness.” “And is thisall?” said Tsze-loo. “Hecultivates himself so as to give rest to others,” was thereply. “And is this all?” again asked Tsze-loo. The Master said,“He cultivates himself so as to give rest to all the people.He cultivates himself so as to give rest to all thepeople:—even Yaou and Shun were still solicitous aboutthis.”

XLVI. Yuen Jang was squatting on his heels,and so waited the approach of the Master, who saidto him: “In youth, not humble as befits a junior; in manhood,doing nothing worthy of being handed down; and living on to oldage:—this is to be a pest.” With this he hit himon the shank with his staff.

XLVII. 1. A lad of the village ofK‘euĕh was employed by Confucius to carry the messages between him and his visitors.Some one asked about him, saying, “I suppose he has madegreat progress.”

2. The Master said,“I observe that he is fond of occupying the seat of a full-grown man; I observe that he walksshoulder to shoulder with his elders. He is not one who is seeking tomake progress in learning. He wishes quickly tobecome a man.”

BOOK XV. [*]

CHAPTER [I] 1. The Duke Ling of Wei askedConfucius about tactics. Confucius replied, “I have heard allabout sacrificial vessels, but I have not learned militarymatters.” On this, he took his departure the next day.

2. When he was inCh‘in, their provisions were exhausted, and his followersbecame so ill that they were unable to rise.

3. Tsze-loo, with evidentdissatisfaction, said, “Has the superior man likewise toendure in this way? ” The Master said, “The superior man mayindeed have to endure want, but the mean man, when he is in want, givesway to unbridled license.”

II. 1. The Master said,“Ts‘ze, you think, I suppose, that I am one wholearns many things and keeps them in memory?”

2. Tsze-kung replied,“Yes,—but perhaps it is not so?”

3. “No,”was the answer; “I seek a unityall-pervading.”

III. The Master said, “Yew,those who know virtue are few.”

IV. The Master said,“May not Shun be instanced as having governed efficientlywithout exertion? What did he do? He did nothing but gravely andreverently occupy his imperial seat.”

[V] 1. Tsze-chang asked how a manmight conduct himself, so as to be everywhereappreciated.

2. The Master said,“Let his words be sincere and truthful, and his actionshonourable and careful;—such conduct may be practised amongthe rude tribes of the South or the North. If his words be not sincereand truthful, and his actions not honourable and careful, will he, withsuch conduct, be appreciated, even in his neighbourhood?

3. “When he isstanding, let him see those two things, as it were fronting him. When heis in a carriage, let him see them attached to the yoke. Then may hesubsequently carry them into practice.”

4. Tsze-chang wrote thesecounsels on the end of his sash.

VI. 1. The Master said,“Truly straightforward was the historiographer Yu. When goodgovernment prevailed in his state, he was like an arrow. When badgovernment prevailed, he was like an arrow.

2. “A superior manindeed is Keu Pih-yuh! When good government prevails in his state, he isto be found in office. When bad government prevails, he can roll hisprinciples up, and keep them in his breast.”

VII. TheMaster said, “When a man may be spoken with, not to speak tohim is err in reference to the man. When a man may not be spoken with,to speak to him is to err in reference to our words. The wise errneither in regard to their man nor to their words.”

VIII. The Master said, “The determined scholar and the man ofvirtue will not seek to live at the expense of injuring their virtue. They will even sacrifice their lives topreserve their virtue complete.”

IX. Tsze-kung asked about thepractice of virtue. The Master said, “The mechanic, whowishes to do his work well, must first sharpen his tools. When you areliving in any state, take service with the most worthy among its greatofficers, and make friends of the most virtuous among itsscholars.”

[X] 1. Yen Yuen asked how thegovernment of a country should be administered.

2. The Master said,“Follow the seasons of Hea.

3. “Ride in the statecarriage of Yin.

4. “Wear theceremonial cap of Chow.

5. “Let the music bethe Shaou with its pantomimes.

6. “Banish the songsof Ch‘ing, and keep far from specious talkers. The songs ofCh‘ing are licentious; specious talkers aredangerous.”

XI. The Master said,“If a man take no thought about what is distant, he will findsorrow near at hand.”

XII. The Master said, “It is allover! I have not seen one who loves virtue as he lovesbeauty.”

XIII. The Master said, “Was notTsang Wăn like one who had stolen his situation? He knew thevirtue and the talents of Hwuy of Lew-hea, and yet did not procure that he should stand with him in court. ”

XIV. TheMaster said, “He who requires much from himself and littlefrom others, will keep himself from being the objectof resentment.”

XV. The Master said, “When a man isnot in the habit of saying—‘What shall I think of this? What shall Ithink of this?’ I can indeed do nothing withhim!”

XVI. TheMaster said, “When a number of people are together, for awhole day, without their conversation turning on righteousness, and whenthey are fond of carrying out the suggestions of asmall shrewdness,—theirs is indeed a hardcase.”

XVII. The Mastersaid, “The superior man in everything considers righteousness to be essential. He performs it according to therules of propriety. He brings it forth in humility. He completes it withsincerity. This is indeed a superior man.”

XVIII. The Mastersaid, “The superior man is distressed by his want of ability.He is not distressed by men’s not knowinghim.”

XIX. The Master said,“The superior man dislikes the thought of his name not beingmentioned after his death.”

XX. The Master said, “Whatthe superior man seeks, is in himself. What the mean man seeks, is inothers.”

XXI. The Master said,“The superior man is dignified, but does not wrangle. He issociable, but not a partizan.”

XXII. TheMaster said, “The superior man does not promote a man simply on account of his words, nor does he putaside good words because of theman.”

XXIII. Tsze-kung asked, saying, “Isthere one word which may serve as a rule of practice for allone’s life?” The Master said, “Is not RECIPROCITY such a word? What you do not wantdone to yourself, do not do to others.”

XXIV. 1. The Master said,“In my writing or speaking of men, whoseevil do I blame, whose goodness do I praise, beyond what is proper? If Ido sometimes exceed in praise, there must be ground for it in myexamination of the individual.

2. “This peoplesupplied the ground why the founders of the threedynasties pursued the path of straightforwardness.”

XXV. The Master said,“Even in my early days, ahistoriographer would leave a blank in his text, and he who had a horsewould lend him to another to ride. Now, alas! there are no suchthings.”

XXVI. The Master said,“Specious words confound virtue. Want of forbearance in smallmatters confounds great plans.”

XXVII. The Master said, “Whenthe multitude hate a man, it is necessary to examine into the case. Whenthe multitude like a man, it is necessary to examine into thecase.”

XXVIII. The Master said,“A man can enlarge the principles which hefollows; those principles do not enlarge theman.”

XXIX. The Master said,“To have faults and not to reform them,—this,indeed, should be pronounced having faults.”

XXX. The Mastersaid, “I have been the whole day without eating, and thewhole night without sleeping:—occupied with thinking. It wasof no use. The better plan is to learn.”

XXXI. The Master said,“The object of the superior man is truth. Food is not hisobject. There is ploughing;—even in that there is sometimes want. So withlearning;—emolument may be found in it. The superior man isanxious lest he should not get truth; he is not anxious lest povertyshould come upon him.”

XXXII. 1. The Master said,“When a man’s knowledge is sufficient to attain,and his virtue is not sufficient to enable him to hold, whatever he mayhave gained, he will lose again.

2. “When hisknowledge is sufficient to attain, and he has virtue enough to holdfast, if he cannot govern with dignity, the people will not respecthim.

3. “When hisknowledge is sufficient to attain, and he has virtue enough to holdfast; when he governs also with dignity, yet if he try to move thepeople contrary to the rules of propriety:—full excellence isnot reached.”

XXXIII. The Master said,“The superior man cannot be known in little matters; but hemay be intrusted with great concerns. The small man may not be intrustedwith great concerns, but he may be known in littlematters.”

XXXIV. The Master said,“Virtue is more to man than either water or fire. I have seenmen die from treading on water and fire, but I have never seen a man diefrom treading the course of virtue.”

XXXV. The Master said, “Letevery man consider virtue as what devolves on himself. He may not yieldthe performance of it even to histeacher.”

XXXVI. The Master said,“The superior man is correctly firm, and not firmmerely.”

XXXVII. The Mastersaid, “ A minister, in serving hisprince, reverently discharges his duties, and makes his emolument asecondary consideration.”

XXXVIII. The Master said,“There being instruction, there will be no distinction ofclasses.”

XXXIX. The Master said,“Those whose courses are different cannot lay plans for oneanother.”

XL. The Master said,“In language it is simply required that it convey themeaning.”

XLI. 1. The Music-master,Meën, having called upon him, when they came to the steps,The Master said, “Here are the steps.” When theycame to the mat for the guest to sit upon, he said,“Here is the mat.” When all were seated, theMaster informed him, saying, “So and so is here; so and so ishere.”

2. The Music-master, Meen,having gone out, Tsze-chang asked, saying, “Is it the rule totell those things to the Music-masters?”

3. The Master said,“Yes. This is certainly the rule for those who lead theblind.”

BOOK XVI. [*]

CHAPTER [I] 1. The head of the Ke familywas going to attack Chuen-vu.

2. Yen Yew and Ke Loo had aninterview with Confucius, and said, “ Ourchief, Ke, is going to commence operations againstChuen-yu.”

3. Confucius said,“K‘ew, is it not you who are in fault here?

4. “Now, in regard toChuen-yu, long ago, a former king appointed it to preside over the sacrifices to the eastern Mung; moreover, it isin the midst of the territory of our State; and its ruler is a ministerin direct connection with the emperor:—What has your chief to do with attacking it?”

5. Yen Yew said, “Ourmaster wishes the thing; neither of us two ministers wishesit.”

6. Confucius said,“K‘ew, there are the words of ChowJin,—‘When he can put forth his ability, he takeshis place in the ranks of office; when he findshimself unable to do so, he retires from it. How can he be used as aguide to a blind man, who does not support him when tottering, nor raisehim up when fallen?”

7. “And further, youspeak wrongly. When a tiger or wild bull escapes from his cage; when atortoise or gem is injured in its repository:—whose is thefault?”

8. Yen Yew said, “Butat present, Chuen-yu is strong and near to Pe; if ourchief do not now take it, it will hereafter be a sorrow to hisdescendants.”

9. Confucius said,“K‘ew, the superior man hates that declining tosay—‘I want such and such a thing,’ andframing explanations for the conduct.

10. “I have heardthat rulers of states and chiefs of families are not troubled lest theirpeople should be few, but are troubled lest they should not keep theirseveral places; that they are not troubled with fears of poverty, butare troubled with fears of a want of contented repose among the people in their several places. For when the peoplekeep their several places, there will be no poverty; when harmonyprevails, there will be no scarcity of people; and when there is such a contented repose, there will be no rebelliousupsettings.

11. “So it is.Therefore, if remoter people are not submissive, all the influences ofcivil culture and virtue are to be cultivated to attract them to be so;and when they have been so attracted, they must be made contented andtranquil.

12. “Now, here areyou, Yew and K‘ew, assisting your chief. Remoter people arenot submissive, and, even with your help, he cannotattract them to him. In his own territory there are divisions anddownfalls, leavings and separations, and, with yourhelp, he cannot preserve it.

13. “And yet he isplanning these hostile movements within our State.—I amafraid that the sorrow of the Ke-sun family willnot be on account of Chuen-yu, but will be found within the screen oftheir own court.”

II. 1. Confucius said,“When good government prevails in the empire, ceremonies,music, and punitive military expeditions, proceed from the emperor. Whenbad government prevails in the empire, ceremonies, music, and punitivemilitary expeditions proceed from the princes. When these things proceedfrom the princes, as a rule, the cases will be few in which they do notlose their power in ten generations. When they proceed from the greatofficers of the princes, as a rule, the cases willbe few in which they do not lose their power in five generations. Whenthe subsidiary ministers of the great officers holdin their grasp the orders of the kingdom, as arule, the cases will be few in which they do not lose theirpower in three generations.

2. “When rightprinciples prevail in the empire, government will not be in the hands ofthe great officers.

3. “When rightprinciples prevail in the empire, there will be no discussions among thecommon people.”

III. Confuciussaid, “The revenue of the State has leftthe ducal house, now for five generations. The government has been inthe hands of the great officers for four generations. On this account,the descendants of the three Hwan are much reduced.”

IV. Confucius said, “Thereare three friendships which are advantageous, and three which areinjurious. Friendship with the upright; friendship with the sincere; andfriendship with the man of much observation:—these areadvantageous. Friendship with the man of specious airs; friendship withthe insinuatingly soft; and friendship with theglib-tongued:—these are injurious.”

[V] Confucius said, “Thereare three things men find enjoyment in which are advantageous, and threethings they find enjoyment in which are injurious. To find enjoyment inthe discriminating study of ceremonies and music; to find enjoyment inspeaking of the goodness of others; to find enjoyment in having manyworthy friends:—these are advantageous. To find enjoyment inextravagant pleasures; to find enjoyment in idleness and sauntering; tofind enjoyment in the pleasures of feasting:—these areinjurious.”

VI. Confucius said,“There are three errors to which they who stand in thepresence of a man of virtue and station are liable. They may speak whenit does not come to them to speak,—this is called rashness.They may not speak when it comes to them tospeak;—this is called concealment. They may speak withoutlooking at the countenance of theirsuperior; —this is called blindness.”

VII. Confucius said,“There are three things which the superior man guardsagainst. In youth, when the physical powers are not yet settled, heguards against lust. When he is strong, and the physical powers are fullof vigour, he guards against quarrelsomeness. When he is old, and theanimal powers are decayed, he guards againstcovetousness.”

VIII. 1. Confucius said,“There are three things of which the superior man stands inawe. He stands in awe of the ordinances of Heaven. He stands in awe ofgreat men. He stands in awe of the words of sages.

2. “The mean man doesnot know the ordinances of Heaven, and consequently does not stand in awe of them. He is disrespectful to great men. Hemakes sport of the words of sages.”

IX. Confuciussaid, “Those who are born with the possession of knowledgeare the highest class of men. Those who learn, and so, readily, get possession of knowledge, are the next. Those who are dull and stupid, and yet compass thelearning, are another class next to these. As to those who are dull andstupid and yet do not learn;—they are the lowest of thepeople.”

[X] Confucius said,“The superior man has nine things which are subjects with himof thoughtful consideration. In regard to the use of his eyes, he isanxious to see clearly. In regard to the use of his ears, he is anxiousto hear distinctly. In regard to his countenance, he is anxious that itshould be benign. In regard to his demeanour, he is anxious that itshould be respectful. In regard to his speech, he is anxious that itshould be sincere. In regard to his doing of business, he is anxiousthat it should be reverently careful. In regard to what he doubts about,he is anxious to question others. When he is angry, he thinks of thedifficulties his anger may involve him in. When he sees gain to be got,he thinks of righteousness.”

XI. 1. Confucius said,“Contemplating good, and pursuing it, asif they could not reach it; contemplating evil, andshrinking from it, as they would from thrusting the hand intoboiling water:—I have seen such men, as I have heard suchwords.

2. “Living inretirement to study their aims, and practising righteousness to carryout their principles:—I have heard these words, but I havenot seen such men.”

XII. 1. The Duke King ofTs‘e had a thousand teams, each of four horses, but on theday of his death, the people did not praise him for a single virtue.P‘ih-e and Shuh-ts‘e died of hunger at the foot ofthe Show-yang mountain, and the people, down to the present time, praisethem.

2. “Is not thatsaying illustrated by this?”

XIII. 1. Ch‘inK‘ang asked Pih-yu, saying, “Have you heard anylessons from your father different from what we have all heard? ”

2. Pih-yu replied,“No. He was standing alone once, when I passed below the hallwith hasty steps, and said to me, ‘Have you learned theOdes?’ On my replying ‘Not yet,’ he added, ‘If you do not learn the Odes,you will not be fit to converse with.’ I retired and studiedthe Odes.

3. “Another day, hewas in the same way standing alone, when I passed by below the hall withhasty steps, and he said to me, ‘Have you learned the rulesof Propriety?’ On my replying ‘Notyet,’ he added, ‘If you donot learn the rules of Propriety, your character cannot beestablished.’ I then retired, and studied the rules ofPropriety.

4. “I have heard onlythese two things from him.”

5. Ch‘inK‘ang retired, and, quite delighted, said, “Iasked one thing, and I have got three things. I have heard about theOdes. I have heard about the rules of Propriety. I have also heard thatthe superior man maintains a distant reserve towards hisson.”

XIV. The wife of theprince of a State is called by him FOO-JIN. She callsherself SEAOU T‘UNG. The people of theState call her KEUN FOO-JIN, and, to the people ofother States, they call her K‘WA SEAOUKEUN. The people of other States also call her KEUN FOO-JIN.

BOOK XVII. [*]

CHAPTER [I] 1. Yang Ho wished to seeConfucius, but Confucius would not go to see him. Onthis, he sent a present of a pig to Confucius, who, havingchosen a time when Ho was not at home, went to pay his respects for the gift. He met him, however, on the way.

2. Ho said to Confucius, “Come, let mespeak with you.” He then asked, “Can he be calledbenevolent who keeps his jewel in his bosom, and leaves his country toconfusion?” Confucius replied,“No.” “Can he be called wise who is anxious to be engaged in publicemployment, and yet is constantly losing the opportunity of beingso?” Confucius again said,“No.” “The days and months are passingaway; the years do not wait for us.” Confucius said,“Right; I will go into office.”

II. The Mastersaid, “By nature, men are nearly alike; by practice, they getto be wide apart.”

III. The Master said, “There are onlythe wise of the highest class, and the stupid of the lowest class, whocannot be changed.”

IV. 1. The Master having come toWoo-shing, heard there the sound of stringedinstruments and singing.

2. Well-pleased and smiling, hesaid, “Why use an oxknife to kill a fowl?”

3. Tsze-yew replied,“Formerly, Master, I heard yousay,—“When the man of high station is wellinstructed, he loves men; when the man of low station is wellinstructed, he is easily ruled.’ ”

4. The Master said,“My disciples, Yen’s words are right. What I saidwas only in sport.”

[V] 1. Kung-shan Fuh-jaou, when hewas holding Pe, and in an attitude of rebellion, invited the Master tovisit him, who was rather inclined to go.

2. Tsze-loo was displeased, andsaid, “Indeed you cannot go! Why must you think of going tosee Kung-shan?”

3. The Master said,“Can it be without some reason that he has invited ME ? If any one employ me, may I not make an easternChow?”

VI. 1. Tsze-chang asked Confuciusabout perfect virtue. Confucius said, “To be able to practisefive things everywhere under heaven constitutes perfectvirtue.” He begged to ask what they were, and was told,“Gravity, generosity of soul, sincerity,earnestness, and kindness. If you are grave, you will not be treatedwith disrespect. If you are generous, you will win all. If you aresincere, people will repose trust in you. If you are earnest, you willaccomplish much. If you are kind, this will enable you to employ theservices of others.”

VII. 1. Peih Heih inviting him tovisit him, the Master was inclined to go.

2. Tsze-loo said,“Master, formerly I have heard you say, ‘When aman in his own person is guilty of doing evil, a superior man will notassociate with him.’ Peih Heih is in rebellion, holdingpossession of Chung-mow; if you go to him, what shall besaid?”

3. The Master said,“Yes, I did use these words. But is it not said, that, if athing be really hard, it may be ground without being made thin? Is itnot said, that, if a thing be really white, it may be steeped in a darkfluid without being made black?

4. “Am I a bittergourd! How can I be hung up out of the way of beingeaten?”

VIII. 1. The Master said,“Yew, have you heard the six words to which are attached sixbecloudings?” Yew replied, “I havenot.”

2. “Sit down, and Iwill tell them to you.

3. “There is the loveof being benevolent without the love of learning;—thebeclouding here leads to a foolish simplicity. There is the love ofknowing without the love of learning;—the beclouding hereleads to dissipation of mind. There is the love of being sincere withoutthe love of learning;—the beclouding here leads to aninjurious disregard of consequences. There is the love ofstraight-forwardness without the love oflearning;—the beclouding here leads to rudeness. There is thelove of boldness without the love of learning;—the becloudinghere leads to insubordination. There is the love of firmness without thelove of learning;—the beclouding here leads to extravagantconduct.”

IX. 1. The Master said,“My children, why do you not study the Book of Poetry?

2. “ The Odes serve to stimulate the mind.

3. “They may be usedfor purposes of self-contemplation.

4. “They teach theart of sociability.

5. “They show how toregulate feelings of resentment.

6. “From them youlearn the more immediate duty of serving one’s father, andthe remoter one of serving one’s prince.

7. “From them webecome largely acquainted with the names of birds, beasts, andplants.”

[X] TheMaster said to Pih-yu, “Do you give yourself to the Chow-nan,and the Shaou-nan. The man, who has not studied the Chow-nan and theShaou-nan, is like one who stands with his face right against a wall. Ishe not so?”

XI. The Master said, “‘It is according to the rules of propriety,’ theysay.—‘It is according to the rules ofpropriety,’ they say. Are gems and silk all that is meant by propriety? ‘It isMusic,’ they say. ‘It is Music,’ theysay. Are bells and drums all that is meant by Music?”

XII. The Master said,“He who puts on an appearance of stern firmness, whileinwardly he is weak, is like one of the small, meanpeople;—yea, is he not like the thief who breaks through orclimbs over a wall?”

XIII. The Master said, “Your goodcareful people of the villages are the thieves ofvirtue.”

XIV. TheMaster said, “To tell, as we go along, what we have heard onthe way, is to cast away our virtue.”

XV. 1. The Master said,“There are those mean creatures! How impossible it is alongwith them to serve one’s prince!

2. “While they havenot got their aims, their anxiety is how to get them. When they have gotthem, their anxiety is lest they should lose them.

3. “When they areanxious lest they should be lost, there is nothing to which they willnot proceed.”

XVI. 1. The Master said,“Anciently, men had three failings, which now perhaps are notto be found.

2. “Thehigh-mindedness of antiquity showed itself in a disregard of smallthings; the high-mindedness of the present day shows itself in wildlicense. The stern dignity of antiquity showed itself in grave reserve;the stern dignity of the present day shows itself in quarrelsomeperverseness. The stupidity of antiquity showed itself instraightforwardness; the stupidity of the present day shows itself insheer deceit.”

XVII. The Master said, “Finewords and an insinuating appearance are seldom associated withvirtue.”

XVIII. The Master said, “I hatethe manner in which purple takes away the lustre of vermilion. I hate the way in which the songs of Ch‘ingconfound the music of the Ya. I hate those who with their sharp mouthsoverthrow kingdoms and families.”

XIX. 1. The Master said,“I would prefer not speaking.”

2. Tsze-kung said,“If you, Master, do not speak, what shall we, your disciples,have to record?”

3. The Master said,“Does Heaven speak? The four seasons pursue their courses,and all things are continually being produced, but does Heaven say anything?”

XX. Joo Pei wished to seeConfucius, but Confucius declined, on the ground of being sick, to seehim. When the bearer of this message went out at the door, he took hisharpsichord, and sang to it, in order that Pei might hear him.

XXI. 1. Tsae Wo asked about thethree years’ mourning for parents,saying that one year was long enough.

2. “If the superiorman,” said he, “abstains for three years from theobservances of propriety, those observances will be quite lost. If forthree years he abstains from music, music will be ruined.

3. “ Within a year, the old grain is exhausted, and the new grainhas sprung up, and, in procuring fire by friction, we go through all thechanges of wood for that purpose. After a complete year the mourning maystop.”

4. The Master said,“If you were, after a year, to eat goodrice, and wear embroidered clothes, would you feel at ease?”“I should,” replied Wo.

5. The Master said,“If you can feel at ease, do it. But a superior man, duringthe whole period of mourning, does not enjoy pleasant food which he mayeat, nor derive pleasure from music which he may hear. He also does notfeel at ease, if he is comfortably lodged. Therefore he does not do what you propose. But now you feel at ease and maydo it.”

6. Tsae Wo then went out, andthe Master said, “This shows Yu’s want of virtue.It is not till a child is three years old that it is allowed to leavethe arms of its parents. And the three years’ mourning isuniversally observed throughout the empire. Did Yu enjoy the threeyears’ affection for his parents?”

XXII. The Master said,“Hard is the case of him, who will stuff himself with foodthe whole day, without applying his mind toanything good! Are there not gamesters andchess-players? To be one of these would still be better than doingnothing at all.”

XXIII. Tsze-loo said,“Does the superior man esteem valour?” The Mastersaid, “The superior man holds righteousness to be of highestimportance. A man in a superior situation, having valour withoutrighteousness, will be guilty of insubordination; one of the lowerpeople, having valour without righteousness, will commitrobbery.”

XXIV. 1. Tsze-kung said,“Has the superior man his hatreds also?” TheMaster said, “He has his hatreds. He hates those who proclaimthe evil of others. He hates the man who, being in low station, slandershis superiors. He hates those who have valour merely, and are unobservant of propriety. He hates those whoare forward and determined, and, at the same time, of contracted understanding.”

2. The Master then inquired,“Ts‘ze, have you also your hatreds?” Tsze-kung replied, “I hate those whopry out matters, and ascribe the knowledge to their wisdom. I hate those who are only not modest, and think that they are valorous. I hate those who makeknown secrets, and think that they are straightforward.”

XXV. TheMaster said, “Of all people, girls and servants are the mostdifficult to behave to. If you are familiar with them, they lose theirhumility. If you maintain a reserve towards them, they arediscontented.”

XXVI. The Master said, “Whena man at forty is the object of dislike, he will always continue what heis.”

BOOK XVIII. [*]

CHAPTER [I] 1. The viscount of Wei withdrew from the court. The viscount of Ke became aslave to Chow. Pekan remonstrated with him, anddied.

2. Confucius said,“The Yin dynasty possessed these threemen of virtue.”

II. Hwuy of Lew-hea being chiefcriminal judge, was thrice dismissed from his office. Some one said tohim, “Is it not yet time for you, Sir, to leavethis?” He replied, “Serving men in an upright way,where shall I go to, and not experience such a thrice-repeateddismissal? If I choose to serve men in a crooked way, what necessity isthere for me to leave the country of my parents?”

III. The Duke King ofTs‘e, with reference to the manner inwhich he should treat Confucius, said, “I cannottreat him as I would the chief of the Ke family. I will treat him in amanner between that accorded to the chief of the Ke, and that given tothe chief of the Măng family.” He also said, “I am old; I cannot use his doctrines. ” Confucius took his departure.

IV. The people ofTs‘e sent to Loo a present of female musicians, which Ke Hwan received, and forthree days no court was held. Confucius took his departure.

[V] 1. The madman ofTs‘oo, Tseĕ-yu, passed by Confucius, singing andsaying, “Oh FUNG ! Oh FUNG ! How is your virtue degenerated! As to the past, reproofis useless; but the future may be provided against. Give up your vain pursuit. Give up yourvain pursuit. Peril awaits those who now engage in affairs ofgovernment.”

2. Confucius alighted and wishedto converse with him, but Tseĕ-yu hastened away, so that he could not talk with him.

VI. 1. Ch‘ang-tseu andKëĕ-neih were at work in the field together, whenConfucius passed by them, and sent Tsze-loo to inquire for the ford.

2. Ch‘ang-tseu said,“Who is he that holds the reins in the carriagethere?” Tsze-loo told him, “It is K‘ungK‘ew.” “Is it not K‘ungK‘ew of Loo?” asked he.“Yes,” was the reply, to which the other rejoined,“He knows the ford.”

3. Tsze-loo then inquired ofKëĕ-neih, who said to him, “Who areyou, Sir?” He answered, “I am ChungYew.” “Are you not the disciple ofK‘ung K‘ew of Loo?” asked the other.“I am,” replied he; and then Keĕ-neihsaid to him, “Disorder, like a swelling flood, spreads overthe whole empire, and who is he that will change it foryou? Than follow one who merely withdraws from this one and that one, had you not better followthose who have withdrawn from the world altogether?” With this he fell to covering up the seed, and proceeded with his work, without stopping.

4. Tsze-loo went and reportedtheir remarks, when his master observed with a sigh, “It isimpossible to associate with birds and beasts, as if they were the samewith us. If I associate not with these people,—withmankind,—with whom shall I associate? If right principlesprevailed through the empire, there would be no use for me to change itsstate.”

VII. 1. Tsze-loo, following theMaster, happened to fall behind, when he met an old man, carrying,across his shoulder on a staff, a basket for weeds. Tsze-loo said tohim, “Have you seen my master, Sir!” The old manreplied, “Your four limbs are unaccustomed to toil; youcannot distinguish the five kinds of grain:—who is yourmaster?” With this, he planted his staff in the ground, andproceeded to weed.

2. Tsze-loo joined his handsacross his breast, and stood before him.

3. The old man kept Tsze-loo topass the night in his house, killed a fowl, prepared millet, and feastedhim. He also introduced to him his two sons.

4. Next day, Tsze-loo went onhis way, and reported his adventure. The Mastersaid, “He is a recluse,” and sent Tsze-loo back tosee him again, but when he got to the place, the old man was gone.

5. Tsze-loo then said to the family, “Not to take office isnot righteous. If the relations between old and young may not beneglected, how is it that he sets aside the duties that should beobserved between sovereign and minister? Wishing to maintain hispersonal purity, he allows that great relation to come to confusion. Asuperior man takes office, and performs the righteous duties belongingto it. As to the failure of right principles to make progress, he isaware of that.”

VIII. 1. The men who have retired toprivacy from the world have been Pih-e, Shŭh-ts‘e,Yu-chung, E-yih, Choo-chang, Hwuy of Lew-hea, and Shaou-leen.

2. The Master said,“Refusing to surrender their wills, or to submit to any taintin their persons;—such, I think, were Pih-e andShuh-ts‘e.

3. “It may be said ofHwuy of Lew-hea, and of Shaoulëĕn, that theysurrendered their wills, and submitted to taint in their persons, buttheir words corresponded with reason, and their actions were such as menare anxious to see. This is all that is to be remarked in them.

4. “It may be said ofYu-chung and E-yih, that, while they hid themselves in their seclusion,they gave a license to their words, but in their persons they succeededin preserving their purity, and in their retirement they acted accordingto the exigency of the times.

5. “I am differentfrom all these. I have no course for which I am predetermined, and nocourse against which I am predetermined.”

IX. 1. The grand music-master, Che,went to Ts‘e.

2. Kan, themaster of the band at the second meal, went toTs‘oo. Leaou, the band-master at thethird meal, went to Ts‘ae. Keuĕh, the band-master at the fourth meal, went toTs‘in.

3. Fang-shuh, the drum-master,withdrew to the north of the river.

4. Woo, the master of thehand-drum, withdrew to the Han.

5. Yang, the assistantmusic-master, and Sëang, master of the musical stone,withdrew to an island in the sea.

[X] Theduke of Chow addressed his son, the duke of Loo,saying, “The virtuous prince does not neglect his relations.He does not cause the great ministers to repine at his not employingthem. Without some great cause, he does notdismiss from their offices the members of old families. He does not seekin one man talents for every employment.”

XI. To Chow belonged the eight officers,Pih-tă, Pih-kwŏh, Chung-tŭh,Chung-hwŭh, Shuh-yay, Shuh-hea, Ke-suy, and Ke-kwa.

BOOK XIX. [*]

CHAPTER [I] Tsze-changsaid, “The scholar, trained for publicduty, seeing threatening danger, is prepared to sacrifice hislife. When the opportunity of gain is presented to him, he thinks ofrighteousness. In sacrificing, his thoughts are reverential. Inmourning, his thoughts are about the grief which heshould feel. Such a man commands our approbationindeed.”

II. Tsze-chang said, “When a manholds fast virtue, but without seeking to enlarge it, and believes rightprinciples, but without firm sincerity, whataccount can be made of his existence or non-existence?”

III. Thedisciples of Tsze-hea asked Tsze-chang about the principles ofintercourse. Tsze-chang asked, “What does Tsze-hea say on thesubject?” They replied, “Tsze-heasays:—‘Associate with those who can advantage you. Put away from you those who cannot do so. ” Tsze-chang observed,“This is different from what I have learned. The superior manhonours the talented and virtuous, and bears with all. He praises thegood, and pities the incompetent. Am I possessed of great talents andvirtue?—who is there among men whom I will not bear with? AmI devoid of talents and virtue?—men will put me away fromthem. What have we to do with the putting away ofothers?”

IV. Tsze-hea said, “Even in inferior studies and employmentsthere is something worth being looked at, but if it be attempted tocarry them out to what is remote, there is a danger of their provinginapplicable. Therefore, the superior man does not practisethem.”

[V] Tsze-hea said, “He, who fromday to day recognizes what he has not yet, and from month to month doesnot forget what he has attained to, may be said indeed to love tolearn.”

VI. Tsze-hea said,“There are learning extensively, and having a firm andsincere aim; inquiring with earnestness, and reflecting withself-application:—virtue is in such a course.”

VII. Tsze-hea said,“Mechanics have their shops to dwell in, in order toaccomplish their works. The superior man learns, in order to reach tothe utmost of his principles.”

VIII. Tsze-hea said, “Themean man is sure to gloss his faults.”

IX. Tsze-hea said,“The superior man undergoes three changes. Looked at from adistance, he appears stern; when approached, he is mild; when he isheard to speak, his language is firm and decided.”

[X] Tsze-hea said, “Thesuperior man, having obtained their confidence, may then impose labourson his people. If he have not gained their confidence, they will thinkthat he is oppressing them. Having obtained the confidence of his prince, he may then remonstrate with him. Ifhe have not gained his confidence, the prince willthink that he is vilifying him.”

XI. Tsze-hea said,“When a person does not transgressthe boundary-line in the great virtues, he may pass and repass it in thesmall virtues.”

XII. 1. Tsze-yew said,“The disciples and followers of Tsze-hea, in sprinkling andsweeping the ground, in answering and replying, in advancing andreceding, are sufficiently accomplished. But these are only the branches of learning, and they are left ignorant of whatis essential.—How can they be acknowledged as sufficientlytaught?”

2. Tsze-hea heard of the remarkand said, “Alas! Yen Yew is wrong. According to the way ofthe superior man in teaching, what departments arethere which he considers of prime importance, and therefore first delivers? what are there which he considersof secondary importance, and so allows himself to be idle about? But as in the case of plants, which are assortedaccording to their classes, so he deals with hisdisciples. How can the way of a superior man be such as to makefools of any of them? Is it not the sage alone, whocan unite in one the beginning and the consummation oflearning? ”

XIII. Tsze-hea said,“The officer, having discharged all hisduties, should devote his leisure to learning. The student,having completed his learning, should apply himself to be anofficer.”

XIV. Tsze-hea said,“Mourning, having been carried to the utmost degree of grief,should stop with that.”

XV. Tsze-hea said, “Myfriend Chang can do things which are hard to be done, but yet he is notperfectly virtuous.”

XVI. Tsăng the philosopher said, “How imposing is themanner of Chang! It is difficult along with him to practisevirtue.”

XVII. Tsăng the philosopher said, “I have heard thisfrom our Master:—‘Men may not have shown what isin them to the full extent, and yet they will be found to do so, onoccasion of mourning for their parents.’ ”

XVIII. Tsăng thephilosopher said, “I have heard this from ourMaster:—‘The filial piety of MăngChwang, in other matters, was what other men are competent to, but, asseen in his not changing the ministers of his father, nor hisfather’s mode of government, it is difficult to be attainedto.’ ”

XIX. Thechief of the Măng family having appointed Yang Foo to bechief criminal judge, the latter consulted the philosopherTsăng. Tsăng said, “The rulers havefailed in their duties, and the people have consequently beendisorganized, for a long time. When you have found out the truth of any accusation, begrieved for and pity them, and do not feel joy at yourown ability. ”

XX. Tsze-kung said,“Chow’s wickedness was not so great as that name implies. Therefore, the superior manhates to dwell in a low-lying situation, where all the evil of the worldwill flow in upon him.”

XXI. Tsze-kung said, “The faults of the superior man are like theeclipses of the sun and moon. He has his faults, and all men see them;he changes again, and all men look up to him.”

XXII. 1. Kung-sun Ch‘aouof Wei asked Tsze-kung, saying, “From whom did Chung-ne gethis learning?”

2. Tsze-kung replied,“The doctrines of Wăn and Woo have not yet fallento the earth. They are to be found among men. Men of talents and virtueremember the great principles of them, and others, not possessing suchtalents and virtue, remember the smaller. Thus, allpossess the doctrines of Wăn and Woo. From whom did ourMaster not learn them? And yet what necessity was there for his having aregular master?”

XXIII. 1. Shuh-sun Woo-shuh observedto the great officers in the court, saying, “Tsze-kung issuperior to Chung-ne.”

2. Tsze-fuh King-pih reportedthe observation to Tsze-kung, who said, “Let me use thecomparison of a house and its encompassing wall. Mywall only reaches to the shoulders. One may peepover it, and see whatever is valuable in the apartments.

3. “The wall of mymaster is several fathoms high. If one do not find the door and enter byit, he cannot see the ancestral temple with its beauties, nor all theofficers in their rich array.

4. “But I may assumethat they are few who find the door. Was not the observation of thechief only what might have been expected?”

XXIV. Shuh-sun Woo-shuh havingspoken revilingly of Chung-ne, Tsze-kung said, “It is of nouse doing so. Chung-ne cannot be reviled. The talents and virtue ofother men are hillocks and mounds, which may be stept over. Chung-ne isthe sun or moon, which it is not possible to step over. Although a manmay wish to cut himself off from the sage, whatharm can he do to the sun or moon? He only shows that he does not knowhis own capacity.”

XXV. 1. Tsze-k‘inaddressing Tsze-kung, said, “You are too modest. How canChung-ne be said to be superior to you?”

2. Tsze-kung said to him,“For one word a man is often deemed to be wise, and for one word he is often deemed to be foolish. We ought to be carefulindeed in what we say.

3. “Our Master cannotbe attained to, just in the same way as the heavens cannot be gone up toby the steps of a stair.

4. “Were our Masterin the position of the prince of a State or the chief of a Family, weshould find verified the description which has beengiven of a sage’s rule: —he would plantthe people, and forthwith they would be established; he would lead themon, and forthwith they would follow him; he would make them happy, andforthwith multitudes would resort to his dominions; he would stimulate them, andforthwith they would be harmonious. While he lived, he would beglorious. When he died, he would be bitterly lamented. How is itpossible for him to be attained to?”

BOOK XX. [*]

CHAPTER [I] 1. Yaou said, “Oh!you, Shun, the Heaven-determined order of succession now rests in yourperson. Sincerely hold fast the due Mean. If there shall be distress andwant within the four seas, your Heavenly revenuewill come to a perpetual end.”

2. Shun also used the samelanguage in giving charge to Yu.

3. T‘ang said, “I, the child Le,presume to use a dark-coloured victim, and presume to announce to Thee,O most great and sovereign God, that the sinner I dare not pardon, andthy ministers, O God, I do not keep in obscurity. The examination ofthem is by thy mind, O God. If, in my person, I commit offences, theyare not to be attributed to you, the people of themyriad regions. If you in the myriad regions commit offences, theseoffences must rest on my person.”

4. Chow conferred great gifts,and the good were enriched.

5. “Although he hashis near relatives, they are not equal to my virtuous men. The people are throwing blame upon me, the oneman.”

6. He carefully attended to theweights and measures, examined the body of the laws, restored thediscarded officers, and the good government of the empire took itscourse.

7. He revived States that hadbeen extinguished, restored families whose line of succession had beenbroken, and called to office those who had retired into obscurity, sothat throughout the empire the hearts of the people turned towardshim.

8. What he attached chiefimportance to, were the food of the people, the duties of mourning, andsacrifices.

9. By his generosity, he wonall. By his sincerity, he made the people repose trust in him. By hisearnest activity, his achievements were great. By his justice, all weredelighted.

II. 1. Tsze-chang asked Confucius,saying, “In what way should a person inauthority act, in order that he may conduct governmentproperly?” The Master replied, “Let him honour thefive excellent, and banish away the four bad, things;—thenmay be conduct government properly.” Tsze-chang said,“What are meant by the five excellent things?” TheMaster said, “When the person in authority is beneficentwithout great expenditure; when he lays tasks on thepeople without their repining; when he pursueswhat he desires without being covetous; when he maintains adignified ease without being proud; when he is majestic without beingfierce.”

2. Tsze-chang said,“What is meant by being beneficent without greatexpenditure?” The Master replied, “When the person in authority makes more beneficial tothe people the things from which they naturally derive benefit; is notthis being beneficent without great expenditure?When he chooses the labours which are proper, and makes them labour onthem, who will repine? When his desires are set on benevolent government, and he realizes it, who will accuse himof covetousness? Whether he has to do with many people or few, or withthings great or small, he does not dare to indicate anydisrespect;—is not this to maintain a dignified ease withoutany pride? He adjusts his clothes andcap, and throws a dignity into his looks, so that, thus dignified, he islooked at with awe; is not this to be majestic without beingfierce?”

3. Tsze-chang then asked,“What are meant by the four bad things?” TheMaster said, “To put the people to death without havinginstructed them;—this is called cruelty. To require fromthem, suddenly, the full tale of work, withouthaving given them warning;—this is called oppression. Toissue orders as if without urgency, at first, and,when the time comes, to insist on them withseverity; —this is called injury. And, generallyspeaking, to give pay or rewards to men, and yet todo it in a stingy way;—this is called acting the part of amere official.”

III. 1. The Master said,“Without recognizing the ordinances ofHeaven, it is impossible to be a superior man.

2. “Without anacquaintance with the rules of Propriety, it is impossible for thecharacter to be established.

3. “Without knowing the force of words, it is impossible to knowmen.”

THE GREAT LEARNING. [*] [**]

My master, the philosopher Ch‘ing,says:—“The Great Learning is a book left byConfucius, and forms the gate by which first learners enter intovirtue. That we can now perceive the order in which the ancientspursued their learning, is solely owing to the preservation of thiswork, the Analects and Mencius coming after it. Learners mustcommence their course with this, and then it may be hoped they willbe kept from error.”

THE TEXT OF CONFUCIUS. [***]

[1] WHAT the Great Learning teaches, is—toillustrate illustrious virtue; to renovate the people; and to rest inthe highest excellence.

[2] The point where to rest beingknown, the object of pursuit is then determined; and, that beingdetermined, a calm unperturbedness may be attained. To that calmnessthere will succeed a tranquil repose. In that repose there may becareful deliberation, and that deliberation will be followed by theattainment of the desired end.

[3] Things havetheir root and their completion. Affairs have their end and theirbeginning. To know what is first and what is last will lead near to whatis taught in the Great Learning.

[4] The ancients who wished toillustrate illustrious virtue throughout the empire, first ordered welltheir own States. Wishing to order well their States, they firstregulated their families. Wishing to regulate their families, they firstcultivated their persons. Wishing to cultivate their persons, they firstrectified their hearts. Wishing to rectify their hearts, they firstsought to be sincere in their thoughts. Wishing to be sincere in theirthoughts, they first extended to the utmost their knowledge. Suchextension of knowledge lay in the investigation of things.

[5] Things being investigated,knowledge became complete. Their knowledge being complete, theirthoughts were sincere. Their thoughts being sincere, their hearts werethen rectified. Their hearts being rectified, their persons werecultivated. Their persons being cultivated, their families wereregulated. Their families being regulated, their States were rightlygoverned. Their States being rightly governed, the whole empire was madetranquil and happy.

[6] From the emperor down to the massof the people, all must consider the cultivation of the person the rootof everything besides.

[7] It cannot be, when theroot is neglected, that what should spring from it will be well ordered.It never has been the case that what was of great importance has beenslightly cared for, and, at the same time, that what was of slightimportance has been greatly cared for.

The preceding chapter of classical text is in thewords of Confucius, handed down by the philosopherTsăng. The ten chapters of explanation which followcontain the views of Tsăng, and were recorded by hisdisciples. In the old copies of the work, there appearedconsiderable confusion in these, from the disarrangement of thetablets. But now, availing myself of the decisions of thephilosopher Ch‘ing, and having examined anew theclassical text, I have arranged it in order, asfollows: — [*]

COMMENTARY OF THE PHILOSOPHER TSANG.

CHAPTER [I] 1. In the Announcement toK‘ang it is said, “He was able to make his virtueillustrious.”

2. In the T‘aeKeă, it is said, “He contemplated and studied theillustrious decrees of Heaven.”

3. In the Canon of the EmperorYaou, it is said, “He was able to make illustrious his loftyvirtue.”

4. These passages all show how those sovereigns made themselves illustrious.

The above first chapter of commentary explains theillustration of illustrious virtue.

II. 1. On the bathing-tub ofT‘ang, the following words wereengraved:—“If you can one day renovate yourself,do so from day to day. Yea, let there be dailyrenovation.”

2. In the Announcement toK‘ang, it is said, “To stir up the newpeople.”

3. In the Book of Poetry, it issaid, “Although Chow was anancient State, the ordinance which lighted on it wasnew.”

4. Therefore, the superior manin everything uses his utmost endeavours.

The above second chapter of commentary explains therenovating of the people.

III. 1. In the Book of Poetry, it issaid, “The imperial domain of a thousand le is where thepeople rest.”

2. In the Book of Poetry, it issaid, “The twittering yellow bird rests on a corner of themound.” The Master said, “When it rests, it knowswhere to rest. Is it possible that a man should not be equal to thisbird?”

3. In the Book of Poetry, it issaid, “Profound was King Wăn. With how bright andunceasing a feeling of reverence did he regard hisresting-places!” As a sovereign, he rested in benevolence. Asa minister, he rested in reverence. As a son, he rested in filial piety.As a father, he rested in kindness. In communication with his subjects,he rested in good faith.

4. In the Book of Poetry, it issaid, “Look at that winding course of the K‘e,with the green bamboos so luxuriant! Here is our elegant andaccomplished prince! As we cut and then file;as we chisel and then grind: so has he cultivatedhimself. How grave is he and dignified! How majestic anddistinguished! Our elegant and accomplished prince never can beforgotten.” Thatexpression —“as we cut and thenfile,” indicates the work of learning. “As wechisel and then grind,” indicates that of self-culture.“How grave is he and dignified!” indicates thefeeling of cautious reverence. “How commanding anddistinguished,” indicates an awe-inspiring deportment.“Our elegant and accomplished prince never can beforgotten,” indicates how, when virtue is complete andexcellence extreme, the people cannot forget them.

5. In the Book of Poetry, it issaid, “Ah! the former kings are not forgotten.” Future princes deem worthy what they deemedworthy, and love what they loved. The common people delight in what theydelighted, and are benefited by their beneficial arrangements. It is onthis account that the former kings, after they have quitted the world,are not forgotten.

The above third chapter of commentary explainsresting in the highest excellence.

IV. The Master said, “Inhearing litigations, I am like any other body. What is necessary is tocause the people to have no litigations?” So, those who are devoid of principle find it impossible tocarry out their speeches, and a great awe would be struck intomen’s minds:—this is called knowing the root.

The above fourth chapter of commentary explains theroot and the issue.

[V] 1. This is called knowing theroot.

2. This is called the perfectingof knowledge.

The above fifth chapter of commentary explained themeaning of “ investigating thingsand carrying knowledge to the utmost extent, ” but it is now lost. I have ventured to take theviews of the scholar Ch‘ing to supply it, asfollows:—The meaning of the expression, “ The perfecting of knowledge dependson the investigation of things, ” is this:—If we wish to carry our knowledge to theutmost, we must investigate the principles of all things we comeinto contact with, for the intelligent mind of man is certainlyformed to know, and there is not a single thing in which itsprinciples do not inhere. But so long as all principles are notinvestigated, man’s knowledge is incomplete. On thisaccount, the Learning for Adults, at the outset of its lessons,instructs the learner, in regard to all things in the world, toproceed from what knowledge he has of their principles, andpursue his investigation of them, till he reaches the extremepoint. After exerting himself in this way for a long time, hewill suddenly find himself possessed of a wide and far-reachingpenetration. Then, the qualities of all things, whether externalor internal, the subtle or the coarse, will all be apprehended,and the mind, in its entire substance and its relations tothings, will be perfectly intelligent. This is called theinvestigation of things. This is called the perfection ofknowledge.

VI. 1. What is meant by“making the thoughts sincere,” is the allowing no self-deception, as when we hate a bad smell, and as when welove what is beautiful. This is called self-enjoyment. Therefore, thesuperior man must be watchful over himself when he is alone.

2. There is no evil to which themean man, dwelling retired, will not proceed, but when he sees asuperior man, he instantly tries to disguise himself, concealing hisevil, and displaying what is good. The other beholds him, as if he sawhis heart and reins;—of what use is hisdisguise? This is an instance of thesaying—“What truly is within will be manifestedwithout.” Therefore, the superior man must be watchful overhimself when he is alone.

3. Tsăng thephilosopher said, “What ten eyes behold, what ten hands pointto, is to be regarded with reverence!”

4. Riches adorn a house, andvirtue adorns the person. The mind is expanded, and the body is at ease.Therefore, the superior man must make his thoughts sincere.

The above sixth chapter of commentary explainsmaking the thoughts sincere.

VII. 1. What is meant by“The cultivation of the person depends on rectifying themind,” may be thusillustrated: —If a man be under the influence of passion,he will be incorrect in his conduct. He will be the same, if he is underthe influence of terror, or under the influence of fond regard, or underthat of sorrow and distress.

2. When the mind is not present,we look and do not see; we hear and do not understand; we eat and do notknow the taste of what we eat.

3. This is what is meant bysaying that the cultivation of the person depends on the rectifying ofthe mind.

The above seventh chapter of commentary explainsrectifying the mind and cultivating the person.

VIII. 1. What is meant by“The regulation of one’s family depends on thecultivation of his person,” is this:—Men arepartial where they feel affection and love; partial where they despiseand dislike; partial where they stand in awe and reverence; partialwhere they feel sorrow and compassion; partial where they are arrogantand rude. Thus it is that there are few men in the world who love, andat the same time know the bad qualities of the object oftheir love, or who hate, and yet know the excellences of the object of their hatred.

2. Hence it is said, in thecommon adage, “A man does not know the wickedness of his son;he does not know the richness of his growing corn.”

3. This is what is meant bysaying that if the person be not cultivated, a man cannot regulate hisfamily.

The above eighth chapter of commentary explainscultivating the person and regulating the family.

IX. 1. What is meant by“In order rightly to govern hisState, it is necessary first to regulate his family,” isthis:—It is not possible for one to teach others, while hecannot teach his own family. Therefore, the ruler, without going beyondhis family, completes the lessons for the State. There is filialpiety:—therewith the sovereign should be served. There isfraternal submission:—therewith elders and superiors shouldbe served. There is kindness:—therewith the multitude shouldbe treated.

2. In the Announcement toK‘ang, it is said, “ Act as ifyou were watching over an infant.” If a mother is reallyanxious about it, though she may not hit exactly thewants of her infant, she will not be far from doing so. Therenever has been a girl who learned to bring up achild, that she might afterwards marry.

3. From the loving example of one family, a whole State becomesloving, and from its courtesies, the whole State becomes courteous,while, from the ambition and perverseness of the one man, the wholeState may be led to rebellious disorder;—such is the natureof the influence. This verifies the saying, “Affairs may beruined by a single sentence; a kingdom may be settled by its oneman.”

4. Yaou and Shun led on theempire with benevolence, and the people followed them.Këĕ and Chow led on the empire with violence, andthe people followed them. The orders which these issued were contrary tothe practices which they loved, and so the people did not follow them.On this account, the ruler must himself be possessed of the good qualities, and then he may require them in the people. He must not have the bad qualities in himself, and then he mayrequire that they shall not be in the people. Never has there been aman, who, not having reference to his own character and wishes indealing with others, was able effectually to instruct them.

5. Thus we see how thegovernment of the State depends on the regulation of the family.

6. In the Book of Poetry, it issaid, “That peach tree, so delicate and elegant! Howluxuriant is its foliage! This girl is going to her husband’shouse. She will rightly order her household.” Let thehousehold be rightly ordered, and then the people of the State may betaught.

7. In the Book of Poetry, it issaid, “They can discharge their duties to their elderbrothers. They can discharge their duties to their youngerbrothers.” Let the ruler discharge his duties to his elderand younger brothers, and then he may teach the people of the State.

8. In the Book of Poetry, it issaid, “In his deportment there is nothing wrong; he rectifiesall the people of the State.” Yes; whenthe ruler, as a father, a son, and a brother, is a model, then thepeople imitate him.

9. This is what is meant bysaying, “The government of his kingdom depends on hisregulation of the family.”

The above ninth chapter of commentary explainsregulating the family, and governing the kingdom.

[X] 1. What is meant by“The making the whole empire peaceful and happy depends onthe government of his State,” isthis:—When the sovereign behaves to his aged, as the agedshould be behaved to, the people become filial; when the sovereignbehaves to his elders, as elders should be behaved to, the people learnbrotherly submission; when the sovereign treats compassionately theyoung and helpless, the people do the same. Thus the ruler has aprinciple with which, as with a measuring square, he may regulate hisconduct.

2. What a man dislikes in hissuperiors, let him not display in the treatment of his inferiors; whathe dislikes in inferiors, let him not display in the service of hissuperiors; what he hates in those who are before him, let him nottherewith precede those who are behind him; what he hates in those whoare behind him, let him not therewith follow those who are before him;what he hates to receive on the right, let him not bestow on the left;what he hates to receive on the left, let him not bestow on theright:—this is what is called “The principle, withwhich, as with a measuring square, to regulate one’sconduct.”

3. In the Book of Poetry, it issaid, “How much to be rejoiced in are these princes, theparents of the people!” When a prince loves what the people love, and hates what the people hate, then is hewhat is called the parent of the people.

4. In the Book of Poetry, it issaid, “Lofty is that southern hill, with its rugged masses ofrocks! Full of majesty are you, O grand -teacherYin, the people all look up to you.” Rulers of kingdoms maynot neglect to be careful. If they deviate to a meanselfishness, they will be a disgrace in the empire.

5. In the Book of Poetry, it issaid, “Before the sovereigns of the Yin dynasty had lost the hearts of the people, they were the mates of God. Take warning from the house of Yin. The great decree is not easily preserved. ” This shows that, by gainingthe people, the kingdom is gained, and, by losing the people, thekingdom is lost.

6. On this account, the rulerwill first take pains about his own virtue.Possessing virtue will give him the people. Possessing the people willgive him the territory. Possessing theterritory will give him its wealth. Possessing the wealth, he will haveresources for expenditure.

7. Virtue is the root; wealth isthe result.

8. If he make the root hissecondary object, and the result his primary, he will only wrangle with his people, and teach them rapine.

9. Hence, the accumulation ofwealth is the way to scatter the people; and the letting it be scatteredamong them is the way to collect the people.

10. And hence, theruler’s words going forth contrary to right, will come backto him in the same way, and wealth, gotten by improper ways, will takeits departure by the same.

11. In the Announcement toK‘ang, it is said, “The decree indeed may notalways rest on us; ” that is, goodnessobtains the decree, and the want of goodness loses it.

12. In the Book ofTs‘oo, it is said, “The kingdom ofTs‘oo does not consider that to be valuable. It values, instead, its good men.”

13. Duke Wăn’s uncle, Fan, said,“Our fugitive does not account that to be precious. What heconsiders precious, is the affection due to his parent.”

14. In the Declaration of the duke of Ts‘in, it is said,“Let me have but one minister, plain and sincere, not pretending to other abilities, but with a simple,upright mind; and possessed of generosity, regarding the talents of others asthough he himself possessed them, and, where he finds accomplished andperspicacious men, loving them in his heart more than his mouthexpresses, and really showing himself able to bear andemploy them: —such a minister will be able topreserve my sons and grandsons, and black-haired people, and benefitslikewise to the kingdom may well be looked for from him. But if it be his character, when he finds men ofability, to be jealous and hate them; and, when he finds accomplishedand perspicacious men, to oppose them and not allow their advancement,showing himself really not able to bear them:—such a ministerwill not be able to protect my sons and grandsons, and black-hairedpeople; and may he not also be pronounced dangerous tothe State? ”

15. It is only the trulyvirtuous man who can send away such a man and banish him, driving himout among the barbarous tribes around, determined not to dwell alongwith him in the Middle kingdom. This is in accordance with the saying,“It is only the truly virtuous man who can love or who canhate others.”

16. To see men of worth and notbe able to raise them to office; to raise them to office, but not to doso quickly:—this is disrespectful. To see bad men and not beable to remove them; to remove them, but not to do so to adistance:—This is weakness.

17. To love those whom men hate,and to hate those whom men love; this is to outrage the natural feelingof men. Calamities cannot fail to come down on him who does so.

18. Thus wesee that the sovereign has a great course topursue. He must show entire self-devotion and sincerity to attain it, and by pride and extravagancehe will fail of it.

19. There is a great course also for the production of wealth. Let theproducers be many and the consumers few. Let there be activity in theproduction, and economy in the expenditure. Then the wealth will alwaysbe sufficient.

20. The virtuous ruler, by means of his wealth, makes himself moredistinguished. The vicious ruler accumulates wealth, at the expense ofhis life.

21. Never has there been a caseof the sovereign loving benevolence, and the people not lovingrighteousness. Never has there been a case where the people have lovedrighteousness, and the affairs of the sovereign have not been carried tocompletion. And never has there been a case where the wealth in such aState, collected in the treasuries and arsenals, did not continue in thesovereign’s possession.

22. The officer MăngHeen said, “He who keeps horses and a carriage does not lookafter fowls and pigs. The family which keeps its stores of ice does notrear cattle or sheep. So, the house which possessesa hundred chariots should not keep a minister to look out for impoststhat he may lay them on the people. Than to have such a minister, itwere better for that house to have one who should rob it of its revenues. ” This is in accordance with thesaying.—“In a State, pecuniary gain is not to be considered to be prosperity, butits prosperity will be found inrighteousness.”

23. When he who presides over aState or a family makes his revenues his chief business, he must beunder the influence of some small, mean man. He may consider this man tobe good; but when such a person is employed in the administration of aState or family, calamities from Hearen, andinjuries from men, will befall it together, and,though a good man may take his place, he will not be able to remedy theevil. This illustrates again the saying,“In a State, gain is not to be considered prosperity, but itsprosperity will be found in righteousness.”

The above tenth chapter of commentary explains thegovernment of the State, and the making the empire peaceful andhappy.

There are thus, in all, ten chapters of commentary,the first four of which discuss, in a general manner, the scopeof the principal topic of the Work; while the other six goparticularly into an exhibition of the work required in itssubordinate branches. The fifth chapter contains the importantsubject of comprehending true excellence, and the sixth, what isthe foundation of the attainment of true sincerity. Those twochapters demand the especial attention of the learner. Let notthe reader despise them because of their simplicity.

THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. [*]

My master, the philosopher Ch‘ing, says,“Being without inclination to either side is called CHUNG; admitting of no change is called YUNG. ” By CHUNG is denoted the correct course to be pursued by all underheaven; by YUNG is denoted the fixed principle regulating all underheaven. This work contains the law of the mind, which was handeddown from one to another, in the Confucian school, till Tsze-sze,fearing lest in the course of time errors should arise about it,committed it to writing, and delivered it to Mencius. The book firstspeaks of one principle; it next spreads this out, and embraces allthings; finally, it returns and gathers them all up under the oneprinciple. Unroll it, and it fills the universe; roll it up, and itretires and lies hid in mysteriousness. The relish of it isinexhaustible. The whole of it is solid learning. When the skilfulreader has explored it with delight till he has apprehended it, hemay carry it into practice all his life, and will find that itcannot be exhausted.

CHAPTER [I] [1] What Heaven hasconferred is called THE NATURE; an accordance with thisnature is called THE PATH of duty; the regulation of this path is called INSTRUCTION.

[2] The path may notbe left for an instant. If it could be left, it would not be the path. Onthis account, the superior man does not wait till he sees things, to becautious, nor till he hears things, to be apprehensive.

[3] There is nothingmore visible than what is secret, and nothing more manifest than what isminute. Therefore, the superior man is watchful over himself, when he isalone.

[4] While there are no stirrings of pleasure, anger, sorrow, or joy, the mindmay be said to be in the state of EQUILIBRIUM. When thosefeelings have been stirred, and they act in their due degree, there ensueswhat may be called the state of HARMONY. This EQUILIBRIUM is the great root from which grow all the human actings in the world, andthis HARMONY is the universal path whichthey all should pursue.

[5] Let the states of equilibrium and harmony existin perfection, and a happy order will prevail throughout heaven and earth,and all things will be nourished and flourish.

In the first chapter which is given above, Tsze-szestates the views which had been handed down to him, as the basis ofhis discourse. First, it shows clearly how the path of duty is to betraced to its origin in Heaven, and is unchangeable, while thesubstance of it is provided in ourselves, and may not be departedfrom. Next, it speaks of the importance of preserving and nourishingthis, and of exercising a watchful self-scrutiny with reference toit. Finally, it speaks of the meritorious achievements andtransforming influence of sage and spiritual men in their highestextent. The wish of Tsze-sze was that hereby the learner shoulddirect his thoughts inwards, and by searching in himself, there findthese truths, so that he might put aside all outward temptations appealing to his selfishness, and fill upthe measure of the goodness which is natural to him. This chapter iswhat the writer Yang called it,—“The sum ofthe whole work.” In the ten chapters which follow,Tsze-sze quotes the words of the Master to complete the meaning ofthis. [**]

II. 1. Chung-ne said, “Thesuperior man embodies the course of the Mean; the meanman acts contrary to the course of the Mean.

2. “The superiorman’s embodying the course of the Mean is because he is asuperior man, and so always maintains the Mean. The mean man’sacting contrary to the course of the Mean is because he is a mean man, andhas no caution.”

III. The Master said, “Perfect isthe virtue which is according to the Mean! Rare have they long been amongthe people, who could practise it!”

IV. I. The Master said, “Iknow how it is that the path of the Mean is not walkedin:—The knowing go beyond it, and the stupid do not come up toit. I know how it is that the path of the Mean is notunderstood:—The men of talents and virtue go beyond it, and theworthless do not come up to it.

2. “There is no body buteats and drinks. But they are few who can distinguishflavours.”

[V] The Master said,“Alas! How is the path of the Mean untrodden!”

VI. TheMaster said, “There was Shun:—He indeed was greatlywise! Shun loved to question others, and to study theirwords, though they might be shallow. He concealed what was bad in them, and displayed what was good. He took hold oftheir two extremes, determined the Mean, and employedit in his government of the people. It was by this thathe was Shun!”

VII. The Master said,“Men all say, ‘We are wise;’ but beingdriven forward and taken in a net, a trap, or a pitfall, they know not howto escape. Men all say, ‘We are wise;’ but happeningto choose the course of the Mean, they are not able to keep it for a roundmonth.”

VIII. The Master said, “This was the mannerof Hwuy:—he made choice of the Mean,and whenever he got hold of what was good, he clasped it firmly, as ifwearing it on his breast, and did not lose it.”

IX. The Master said, “The empire, its States, and its families may beperfectly ruled; dignities and emoluments may be declined; naked weapons maybe trampled under the feet; but the course of the Mean cannot be attainedto.”

[X] 1. Tsze-loo asked aboutforcefulness.

2. The Master said, “Doyou mean the forcefulness of the South, the forcefulness of the North, orthe forcefulness which you should cultivate yourself?

3. “To show forbearanceand gentleness in teaching others; and not to revenge unreasonableconduct:—this is the forcefulness of Southern regions, and thegood man makes it his study.

4. “To lie under arms;and meet death without regret:—this is the forcefulness ofNorthern regions, and the forceful make it their study.

5. “Therefore, thesuperior man cultivates a friendly harmony, withoutbeing weak. How firm is he in his forcefulness! He stands erect in themiddle, without inclining to either side.—How firm is he in hisforcefulness! When good principles prevail in the government of his country,he does not change from what he was in retirement.—How firm is hein his forcefulness!” When bad principles prevail in the country,he maintains his course to death without changing.—How firm is hein his forcefulness!”

XI. 1. The Master said, “Tolive in obscurity, and yet practise wonders, in order to be mentioned withhonour in future ages;—this is what I do not do.

2. “The good man tries toproceed according to the right path, but when he has gone half-way, heabandons it;—I am not able so to stop.

3. “The superior manaccords with the course of the Mean. Though he may be all unknown,unregarded by the world, he feels no regret.—It is only the sagewho is able for this.”

XII. 1. The way which the superior manpursues, reaches wide and far, and yet is secret.

2. Common men and women, howeverignorant, may intermeddle with the knowledge of it; yet in its utmostreaches, there is that which even the sage does not know. Common men andwomen, however much below the ordinary standard of character, can carry itinto practice; yet in its utmost reaches, there is that which even the sageis not able to carry into practice. Great as heaven and earth are, men stillfind some things in them with which to be dissatisfied. Thus it is, thatwere the superior man to speak of his way in all its greatness, nothing inthe world would be found able to embrace it; and were he to speak of it inits minuteness, nothing in the world would be found able to split it.

3. It is said in the Book of Poetry,“The hawk flies up to heaven; the fishes leap in thedeep.” This expresses how this way is seenabove and below.

4. The way of the superior man maybe found, in its simple elements, in the intercourse of common men andwomen; but in its utmost reaches, it shines brightly through heaven andearth.

The twelfth chapter above contains the words ofTsze-sze, and is designed to illustrate what is said in the firstchapter, that “The pathmay not be left.” In the eight chapters which follow, hequotes, in a miscellaneous way, the words of Confucius to illustrateit.

XIII. 1. The Master said, “Thepath is not far from man. When men try to pursue a course, which is far fromthe common indications of consciousness, this course cannot be considered THE PATH.

2. “In the Book ofPoetry, it is said, ‘In hewing an axe-handle, in hewing anaxe-handle, the pattern is not far off.’ We grasp one axe-handleto hew the other, and yet, if we look askance from the one to the other, wemay consider them as apart. Therefore, the superior man governs men,according to their nature, with what is proper to them, and as soon as theychange what is wrong, he stops.

3. “When one cultivatesto the utmost the principles of his nature, and exercises them on theprinciple of reciprocity, he is not far from the path. What you do not like,when done to yourself, do not do to others.

4. “In the way of thesuperior man there are four things, to not one of which have I as yetattained.—To serve my father as I would require my son to serveme: to this I have not attained; to serve my prince as I would require myminister to serve me: to this I have not attained; to serve my elder brotheras I would require my younger brother to serve me: to this I have notattained; to set the example in behaving to a friend as I would require himto behave to me: to this I have not attained. Earnest in practising theordinary virtues, and careful in speaking about them, if, in his practice,he has anything defective, the superior man daresnot but exert himself; and if, in his words, he has any excess, he dares notallow himself such license. Thus his words have respect to his actions, andhis actions have respect to his words; is it not just an entire sinceritywhich marks the superior man?”

XIV. 1. The superior man does what isproper to the station in which he is: he does not desire to go beyondthis.

2. In a position of wealth andhonour, he does what is proper to a position of wealth and honour. In a poorand low position, he does what is proper to a poor and low position.Situated among barbarous tribes, he does what is proper to a situation amongbarbarous tribes. In a position of sorrow and difficulty, he does what isproper to a position of sorrow and difficulty. The superior man can findhimself in no situation in which he is not himself.

3. In a high situation, he does nottreat with contempt his inferiors. In a low situation, he does not court thefavour of his superiors. He rectifies himself, and seeks for nothing fromothers, so that he has no dissatisfactions. He does not murmur againstheaven, nor grumble against men.

4. Thus it is that the superior manis quiet and calm, waiting for the appointments ofHeaven, while the mean man walks in dangerous paths, looking forlucky occurrences.

5. The Master said, “Inarchery we have something like the way of the superior man. When the archermisses the centre of the target, he turns round and seeks for the cause ofhis failure in himself.”

XV. 1. The way of the superior man maybe compared to what takes place in travelling,when to go to a distance we must first traverse the space that is near, andin ascending a height, when we must begin from the lower ground.

2. It is said in the Book of Poetry,“Happy union with wife and children is like the music of lutesand harps. When there is concord among brethren, the harmony is delightfuland enduring. Thus may you regulate your family, andenjoy the pleasure of your wife and children.”

3. The Master said, “Insuch a state of things, parents have entire complacence!”

XVI. 1. The Master said, “Howabundantly do spiritual beings display the powers that belong to them!

2. “We look for them, butdo not see them; we listen to, but do not hear them; yet they enter into allthings, and there is nothing without them.

3. “They cause all thepeople in the empire to fast and purify themselves, and array themselves intheir richest dresses, in order to attend at their sacrifices. Then, likeoverflowing water, they seem to be over the heads, and on the right and left of their worshippers.

4. “It is said in theBook of Poetry, ‘The approaches of the spirits, you cannotsurmise;—and can you treat them withindifference?’

5. “Such is themanifestness of what is minute! Such is the impossibility of repressing theoutgoings of sincerity!”

XVII. 1. The Master said, “Howgreatly filial was Shun! His virtue was that of a sage; his dignity was theimperial throne; his riches were all within the four seas. He offered hissacrifices in his ancestral temple, and his descendants preserved thesacrifices to himself.

2. “Therefore having suchgreat virtue, it could not but be that he should obtain the throne, that heshould obtain those riches, that he should obtain his fame, that he shouldattain to his long life.

3. “Thus it is thatHeaven, in the production of things, is surely bountiful to them, accordingto their qualities. Hence the tree that is flourishing, it nourishes, whilethat which is ready to fall, it overthrows.

4. “In the Book ofPoetry, it is said, ‘The admirable, amiable, prince, Displayedconspicuously his excelling virtue, Adjusting his people, and Adjusting hisofficers. Therefore, he received from Heaven theemoluments of dignity. It protected him, assisted him, decreed him thethrone; Sending from heaven these favours, as it were repeatedly.’

5. “ Wemay say therefore that he who is greatly virtuous will be sure toreceive the appointment of Heaven.”

XVIII. 1. The Master said, “Itis only king Wăn of whom it can be said that he had no cause forgrief! His father was king Ke, and his son was king Woo. His father laid thefoundations of his dignity, and his son transmitted it.

2. “King Woo continuedthe enterprise of king T‘ae, king Ke, and king Wăn. He only once buckled on his armour, and got possessionof the empire. He did not lose the distinguished personal reputation whichhe had throughout the empire. His dignity was the imperial throne. Hisriches were the possession of all within the four seas. He offered hissacrifices in his ancestral temple, and his descendants maintained thesacrifices to himself.

3. “It was in his old agethat king Woo received the appointment to the throne, and the duke of Chow completed the virtuous course of Wăn andWoo. He carried up the title of king to T‘ae and Ke, andsacrificed to all the former dukes above them with the imperial ceremonies.And this rule he extended to the princes of the empire, the great officers,the scholars, and the common people. Was the father a great officer, and theson a scholar, then the burial was that due to a great officer, and the sacrifice that due to a scholar. Was thefather a scholar, and the son a great officer, then the burial was that dueto a scholar, and the sacrifice that due to a great officer. The oneyear’s mourning was made to extend only tothe great officers, but the three years’ mourning extended to theemperor. In the mourning for a father or mother, he allowed no differencebetween the noble and the mean.”

XIX. 1. The Master said, “Howfar extending was the filial piety of king Woo and the duke of Chow!

2. “Now filial piety isseen in the skilful carrying out of the wishes of our forefathers, and theskilful carrying forward of their undertakings.

3. “In spring and autumn,they repaired and beautified the temple-halls of their fathers, set forththeir ancestral vessels, displayed their variousrobes, and presented the offerings of the several seasons.

4. “By means of theceremonies of the ancestral temple, they distinguished the imperial kindredaccording to their order of descent. By ordering the parties presentaccording to their rank, they distinguished the more noble and the less. Bythe arrangement of the services, they made a distinction of talents andworth. In the ceremony of general pledging, the inferiors presented the cupto their superiors, and thus something was given the lowest to do. At the concluding feast, places were given according tothe hair, and thus was made the distinction of years.

5. “They occupied theplaces of their forefathers, practised their ceremonies, and performed theirmusic. They reverenced those whom they honoured, and loved those whom theyregarded with affection. Thus they served the dead as they would have servedthem alive; they served the departed as they would have served them had theybeen continued among them.

6. “By the ceremonies ofthe sacrifices to Heaven and Earth they served God, and by the ceremonies ofthe ancestral temple they sacrificed to their ancestors. He who understandsthe ceremonies of the sacrifices to Heaven and Earth, and the meaning of theseveral sacrifices to ancestors, would find the government of a kingdom aseasy as to look into his palm!”

XX. 1. The duke Gae asked aboutgovernment.

2. The Master said, “Thegovernment of Wăn and Woo is displayed in therecords, —the tablets of wood and bamboo. Let there bethe men, and the government will flourish; but without the men, thegovernment decays and ceases.

3. “With the right men the growth of government is rapid, just asvegetation is rapid in the earth; and moreover their government might be called an easily-growing rush.

4. “Therefore theadministration of government lies in getting proper men. Such men are to be got by means of theruler’s own character. That character is to becultivated by his treading in the ways of duty. And thetreading those ways of duty is to be cultivated by the cherishing ofbenevolence.

5. “Benevolence is the characteristic element of humanity, and the greatexercise of it is in loving relatives. Righteousness is theaccordance of actions with what is right, and the great exercise ofit is in honouring the worthy. The decreasing measures of the love due torelatives, and the steps in the honour due to the worthy, are produced by the principle of propriety.

6. “When those ininferior situations do not possess the confidence of their superiors, theycannot retain the government of the people.

7. “Hence the sovereignmay not neglect the cultivation of his own character. Wishing to cultivatehis character, he may not neglect to serve his parents. In order to servehis parents, he may not neglect to acquire a knowledge of men. In order toknow men, he may not dispense with a knowledge of Heaven.

8. “The duties ofuniversal obligation are five, and the virtues wherewith they are practisedare three. The duties are those between sovereign and minister, betweenfather and son, between husband and wife, between elder brother and younger,and those belonging to the intercourse of friends. Those five are the dutiesof universal obligation. Knowledge, magnanimity, and energy, these three,are the virtues universally binding. And the means by which they carry the duties into practice is singleness.

9. “Some are born withthe knowledge of those duties; some know them by study;and some acquire the knowledge after a painful feeling of their ignorance.But the knowledge being possessed, it comes to the same thing. Some practisethem with a natural ease; some from a desire for their advantages; and someby strenuous effort. But the achievement being made, it comes to the samething.”

10. The Master said, “Tobe fond of learning is to be near to knowledge.To practise with vigour is to be near to magnanimity. To possess the feelingof shame is to be near to energy.

11. “He who knows thesethree things knows how to cultivate his own character. Knowing how tocultivate his own character, he knows how to govern other men. Knowing howto govern other men, he knows how to govern the empire with all its Statesand families.

12. “All who have thegovernment of the empire with its States and families have nine standardrules to follow;—viz. the cultivation of their own characters;the honouring of men of virtue and talents; affection towards theirrelatives; respect towards the great ministers; kind and consideratetreatment of the whole body of officers; dealing with the mass of the peopleas children; encouraging the resort of all classes of artisans; indulgenttreatment of men from a distance; and the kindly cherishing of the princesof the States.

13. “By theruler’s cultivation of his own character, the duties of universal obligation are setup. By honouring men of virtue and talents, he is preserved from errors ofjudgment. By showing affection to his relatives, there is no grumbling norresentment among his uncles and brethren. By respecting the great ministers,he is kept from errors in the practice of government. By kind andconsiderate treatment of the whole body of officers, they are led to makethe most grateful return for his courtesies. By dealing with the mass of thepeople as his children, they are led to exhort one another to what is good.By encouraging the resort of all classes of artisans, his resources forexpenditure are rendered ample. By indulgent treatment of men from adistance, they are brought to resort to him from all quarters. And by kindlycherishing the princes of the States, the whole empire is brought to reverehim.

14. “Self-adjustment andpurification, with careful regulation of his dress, and the not making amovement contrary to the rules of propriety:—this is the way forthe ruler to cultivate his person. Discarding slanderers, and keepinghimself from the seductions of beauty; making light ofriches, and giving honour to virtue:—this is the way for him toencourage men of worth and talents. Giving them places ofhonour and emolument, and sharing with them in their likes anddislikes: this is the way for him to encourage his relatives to love him.Giving them numerous officers to discharge their orders andcommissions:—this is the way for himto encourage the great ministers. According to them a generous confidence,and making their emoluments large:—this is the way to encouragethe body of officers. Employing them only at the proper times, and makingthe imposts light:—this is the way to encourage the people. Bydaily examinations and monthly trials, and by making their rations inaccordance with their labours:—this is the way to encourage theclasses of artisans. To escort them on their departure and meet them ontheir coming; to commend the good among them, and show compassion to theincompetent:—this is the way to treat indulgently men from adistance. To restore families whose line of succession has been broken, andto revive States that have been extinguished; to reduce to order States thatare in confusion, and support those which are in peril; to have fixed timesfor their own reception at court, and the reception of their envoys; to sendthem away after liberal treatment, and welcome their coming with smallcontributions:—this is the way to cherish the princes of theStates.

15. “All who have thegovernment of the empire with its States and families have the above ninestandard rules. And the means by which they are carried into practice issingleness.

16. “In all thingssuccess depends on previous preparation, and without such previouspreparation there is sure to be failure. If what is to be spoken bepreviously determined, there will be no stumbling. If affairs be previouslydetermined, there will be no difficulty with them. If one’sactions have been previously determined, there will be no sorrow inconnection with them. If principles of conducthave been previously determined, the practice of them will beinexhaustible.

17. “When those ininferior situations do not obtain the confidence of the sovereign, theycannot succeed in governing the people. There is a way to obtain theconfidence of the sovereign;—if one is not trusted by hisfriends, he will not get the confidence of his sovereign. There is a way tobeing trusted by one’s friends;—if one is not obedientto his parents, he will not be true to friends. There is a way to beingobedient to one’s parents;—if one, on turning histhoughts in upon himself, finds a want of sincerity, he will not be obedientto his parents. There is a way to the attainment of sincerity inone’s-self;—if a man do not understand what is good,he will not attain sincerity in himself.

18. “Sincerity is the wayof Heaven. The attainment of sincerity is the way of men. He who possessessincerity, is he who, without an effort, hits what is right, and apprehends,without the exercise of thought;—he is the sage who naturally andeasily embodies the right way. He who attains tosincerity, is he who chooses what is good, and firmly holds it fast.

19. “To this attainmentthere are requisite the extensive study of what is good, accurate inquiryabout it, careful reflection on it, the clear discrimination of it, and theearnest practice of it.

20. “The superior man,while there is anything he has not studied, or while in what he has studiedthere is anything he cannot understand, will not intermit his labour. Whilethere is anything he has not inquired about, oranything in what he has inquired about which he does not know, he will notintermit his labour. While there is anything which he has not reflected on,or anything in what he has reflected on which he does not apprehend, he willnot intermit his labour. While there is anything which he has notdiscriminated, or while his discrimination is not clear, he will notintermit his labour. If there be anything which he has not practised, or ifhis practice fails in earnestness, he will not intermit his labour. Ifanother man succeed by one effort, he will use a hundred efforts. If anotherman succeed by ten efforts, he will use a thousand.

21. “Let a man proceed inthis way, and, though dull, he will surely become intelligent; though weak,he will surely become strong.”

XXI. When we haveintelligence resulting from sincerity, this condition is to be ascribed tonature; when we have sincerity resulting from intelligence, this conditionis to be ascribed to instruction. But given the sincerity, and there shallbe the intelligence, given the intelligence, and there shall be thesincerity.

The above is the twenty-first chapter. Tsze-sze takes upin it, and discourses from, the subjects of “ the way ofHeaven ” and “ the way of men, ” mentioned in the preceding chapter. The twelve chapters that followare all from Tsze-sze, repeating and illustrating the meaning ofthis one.

XXII. It is only he who is possessedof the most complete sincerity that can exist under heaven, who can give itsfull development to his nature. Able to give its full development to his ownnature, he can do the same to the nature of other men. Able to give its fulldevelopment to the nature of other men, he can give their full development to the natures of animals and things.Able to give their full development to the natures of creatures and things,he can assist the transforming and nourishing powers of Heaven and Earth.Able to assist the transforming and nourishing powers of Heaven and Earth,he may with Heaven and Earth form a ternion.

XXIII. Nextto the above is he who cultivates to the utmost the shoots of goodness in him. From those he can attain to the possession ofsincerity. This sincerity becomes apparent. From being apparent, it becomesmanifest. From being manifest, it becomes brilliant. Brilliant, it affectsothers. Affecting others, they are changed by it. Changed by it, they aretransformed. It is only he who is possessed of the most complete sinceritythat can exist under heaven, who can transform.

XXIV. It is characteristic of the most entiresincerity to be able to foreknow. When a nation or family is about toflourish, there are sure to be happy omens; and when it is about to perish,there are sure to be unlucky omens. Such events are seen in the milfoil and tortoise, and affect the movements of the fourlimbs. When calamity or happiness is about to come, the good shall certainlybe foreknown by him, and the evil also. Therefore the individual possessedof the most complete sincerity is like a spirit.

XXV. 1. Sincerity is that wherebyself-completion is effected, and its way is that bywhich man must direct himself.

2. Sincerity is the end andbeginning of things; without sincerity there would be nothing. On thisaccount, the superior man regards the attainment of sincerity as the mostexcellent thing.

3. The possessor of sincerity doesnot merely accomplish the self-completion of himself. With this quality he completes other men and things also. The completing himself shows his perfect virtue. The completing other menand things shows his knowledge. Both these are virtues belonging to the nature, and this is the way by which a union is effected of theexternal and internal. Therefore, whenever he— theentirely sincere man —employs them,— that is, these virtues,—their action will be right.

XXVI. 1. Hence to entire sincerity therebelongs ceaselessness.

2. Not ceasing, it continues long.Continuing long, it evidences itself.

3. Evidencing itself, it reachesfar. Reaching far, it becomes large and substantial. Large and substantial,it becomes high and brilliant.

4. Large andsubstantial;—this is how it contains all things. High and brilliant;—this is how it overspreads all things. Reaching far and continuinglong;—this is how it perfects all things.

5. So large and substantial, the individual possessing it is the co-equal of Earth.So high and brilliant, it makes him the co-equalof Heaven. So far-reaching and long-continuing, it makes him infinite.

6. Such being its nature, withoutany display, it becomes manifested; without any movement, it produceschanges; and without any effort, it accomplishes its ends.

7. The way of Heaven and Earth maybe completely declared in one sentence.—They are without anydoubleness, and so they produce things in a manner that is unfathomable.

8. The way of Heaven and Earth islarge and substantial, high and brilliant, far-reaching andlong-enduring.

9. The heaven now before us is onlythis bright shining spot; but when viewed in its inexhaustible extent, thesun, moon, stars, and constellations of the zodiac are suspended in it, andall things are overspread by it. The earth before us is but a handful ofsoil; but when regarded in its breadth and thickness, it sustains mountainslike the Hwa and the Yoh, without feeling their weight, and contains therivers and seas, without their leaking away. The mountain now before usappears only a stone; but when contemplated in all the vastness of its size,we see how the grass and trees are produced on it, and birds and beastsdwell on it, and precious things which men treasure up are found on it. Thewater now before us appears but a ladleful; yet extending our view to itsunfathomable depths, the largest tortoises, iguanas, iguanadons, dragons,fishes, and turtles, are produced in them; articles of value and sources ofwealth abound in them.

10. It is said in the Book ofPoetry, “The ordinances of Heaven, how profound are they andunceasing!” The meaning is, that it is thus that Heaven isHeaven. And again, “How illustrious was it,the singleness of the virtue of King Wăn!” indicatingthat it was thus that King Wăn was what he was. Singlenesslikewise is unceasing.

XXVII. 1. How great is the path proper tothe sage!

2. Like overflowing water, it sendsforth and nourishes all things, and rises up to the height of heaven.

3. All complete is its greatness! Itembraces the three hundred rules of ceremony, and the three thousand rulesof demeanour.

4. It waits for the proper man, andthen it is trodden.

5. Hence it is said,“Only by perfect virtue can the perfect path, in all its courses,be made a fact.”

6. Therefore, the superior manhonours his virtuous nature, and maintains constant inquiry and study,seeking to carry it out to its breadth and greatness, so as to omit none ofthe more exquisite and minute points which it embraces, and to raise it toits greatest height and brilliancy, so as to pursue the course of the Mean.He cherishes his old knowledge, and is continually acquiring new. He exertsan honest, generous earnestness, in the esteem and practice of allpropriety.

7. Thus, when occupying a highsituation, he is not proud, and in a low situation, he is not insubordinate.When the kingdom is well-governed, he is sure by his words to rise; and whenit is ill-governed, he is sure by his silence to command forbearance tohimself. Is not this what we find in the Book ofPoetry,—“Intelligent is he and prudent, and sopreserves his person?”

XXVIII. 1. The Master said, “Leta man who is ignorant be fond of using his own judgment; let a man withoutrank be fond of assuming a directing power to himself; let a man who isliving in the present age go back to the ways of antiquity;—onthe persons of all who act thus calamities will be sure tocome.”

2. To no one but the emperor does itbelong to order ceremonies, to fix the measures, and to determine thecharacters.

3. Now, over the empire, carriageshave all wheels of the same size; all writing is with the same characters;and for conduct there are the same rules.

4. One may occupy the throne, but ifhe have not the proper virtue, he may not dare to make ceremonies or music.One may have the virtue, but if he do not occupy the throne, he may notpresume to make ceremonies or music.

5. The Master said, “Imay describe the ceremonies of the Hea dynasty, but Ke cannot sufficientlyattest my words. I have learned the ceremonies of the Yin dynasty, and inSung they still continue. I have learned the ceremonies of Chow, which arenow used, and I follow Chow.”

XXIX. 1. He who attains to thesovereignty of the empire, having those three importantthings, shall be able to effect that there shall be few errors under his government.

2. However excellent may have beenthe regulations of those of former times, they cannot be attested. Not beingattested, they cannot command credence, and not being credited, the peoplewould not follow them. However excellent might be the regulations made byone in an inferior situation, he is not in a position to be honoured.Unhonoured, he cannot command credence, and not being credited, the peoplewould not follow his rules.

3. Therefore, the institutions ofthe Ruler are rooted in his own character and conduct, and sufficientattestation of them is given by the masses of the people. He examines them by comparison with those of the three kings, andfinds them without mistake. He sets them up before heaven and earth, andfinds nothing in them contrary to their mode of operation. He presentshimself with them before spiritual beings, and no doubts about them arise.He is prepared to wait for the rise of a sage, a hundred ages after, and hasno misgivings.

4. His presenting himself with his institutions before spiritual beings, withoutany doubts about them arising, shows that he knows Heaven. His beingprepared, without any misgivings, to wait for the rise of a sage, a hundredages after, shows that he knows men.

5. Such being the case, themovements of such a ruler, illustrating hisinstitutions, constitute an example to the empire for ages. Hisacts are for ages a law to the empire. His words are for ages a lesson tothe empire. Those who are far from him, look longingly for him; and thosewho are near him, are never wearied with him.

6. It is said in the Book ofPoetry,—“Not dislikedthere, not tired of here, from day to day and night to night, will theyperpetuate their praise.” Never has there been a ruler, who didnot realize this description, that obtained an early renown throughout theempire.

XXX. 1. Chung-ne handed down thedoctrines of Yaou and Shun, as if they had been his ancestors, and elegantlydisplayed the regulations of Wăn and Woo, taking them as hismodel. Above, he harmonized with the times of heaven, and below, he wasconformed to the water and land.

2. He may be compared to heaven andearth, in their supporting and containing, their overshadowing andcurtaining, all things. He may be compared to the four seasons in theiralternating progress, and to the sun and moon in their successiveshining.

3. All things are nourished togetherwithout their injuring one another. The courses of theseasons, and of the sun and moon, are pursued without any collisionamong them. The smaller energies are like river currents; the greaterenergies are seen in mighty transformations. It is this which makes heavenand earth so great.

XXXI. 1. It is only he, possessed of allsagely qualities, that can exist under heaven,who shows himself quick in apprehension, clear in discernment, offar-reaching intelligence and all-embracing knowledge, fitted to exerciserule; magnanimous, generous, benign, and mild, fitted to exerciseforbearance; impulsive, energetic, firm, and enduring, fitted to maintain afirm hold; self-adjusted, grave, never swerving from the Mean, and correct,fitted to command reverence; accomplished, distinctive, concentrative, andsearching, fitted to exercise discrimination.

2. All-embracing is he and vast,deep and active as a fountain, sending forth in their due seasons hisvirtues.

3. All-embracing and vast, he islike heaven. Deep and active as a fountain, he is like the abyss. He isseen, and the people all reverence him; he speaks, and the people allbelieve him; he acts, and the people are all pleased with him.

4. Therefore, his fame overspreadsthe Middle kingdom, and extends to all barbarous tribes. Wherever ships andcarriages reach; wherever the strength of man penetrates; wherever theheavens and the earth sustains; wherever the sunand moon shine; wherever frosts and dews fall:—all who have bloodand breath unfeignedly honour and love him. Hence it issaid,—“He is the equal of Heaven.”

XXXII. 1. It is only the individualpossessed of the most entire sincerity that can exist under heaven, who canadjust the great invariable relations of mankind, establish the greatfundamental virtues of humanity, and know the transforming and nurturingoperations of Heaven and Earth;—shall this individual have anybeing or anything beyond himself on which he depends?

2. Call him man in his ideal, howearnest is he! Call him an abyss, how deep is he! Call him Heaven, how vastis he!

3. Who can know him, but he who isindeed quick in apprehension, clear indiscernment, of far-reaching intelligence, and all-embracing knowledge,possessing all heavenly virtue?

XXXIII. 1. It is said in the Book ofPoetry, “Over her embroidered robe she puts a plain, singlegarment,” intimating a dislike to the display of the elegance ofthe former. Just so, it is the way of the superior man to prefer theconcealment of his virtue, while it daily becomes moreillustrious, and it is the way of the mean man to seek notoriety, while hedaily goes more and more to ruin. It is characteristic of the superior man,appearing insipid, yet never to produce satiety; while showing a simplenegligence, yet to have his accomplishments recognized; while seeminglyplain, yet to be discriminating. He knows how what is distant lies in whatis near. He knows where the wind proceeds from. He knows how what is minutebecomes manifested. Such an one, we may be sure, will enter into virtue.

2. It is said in the Book of Poetry,“Although the fish sinks and lies at thebottom, it is still quite clearly seen.” Therefore, the superior man examines his heart, that there may be nothingwrong there, and that he may have no cause for dissatisfaction with himself.That wherein the superior man cannot be equalled is simplythis,—his work which other men cannotsee.

3. It is said in the Book of Poetry,“Looked at in your apartment, be there free from shame, where youare exposed to the light of heaven.” Therefore, the superior man,even when he is not moving, has a feeling of reverence,and while he speaks not, he has the feeling of truthfulness.

4. It is said in the Book of Poetry,“In silence is the offering presented, and thespirit approached to; there is not the slightestcontention.” Therefore, the superior man does not use rewards,and the people are stimulated to virtue. He does notshow anger, and the people are awed more than by hatchets andbattle-axes.

5. It is said in the Book of Poetry,“What needs no display is virtue. All the princes imitate it.Therefore, the superior man being sincere and reverential, the whole worldis conducted to a state of happy tranquillity.

6. It is said in the Book of Poetry,“I regard with pleasure your brilliant virtue, making no greatdisplay of itself in sounds and appearances.” The Master said,“Among the appliances to transform the people, sounds andappearances are but trivial influences. It is said in another ode,‘Virtue is light as a hair.’ Still, a hair will admitof comparison as to its size. ‘The doings ofthe supreme Heaven have neither sound nor smell.’—Thatis perfect virtue.”

The above is the thirty-third chapter. Tsze-sze havingcarried his descriptions to the extremest point in the precedingchapters, turns back in this, and examines the source of hissubject; and then again from the work of the learner, free from allselfishness, and watchful over himself when he is alone, he carriesout his description, till by easy steps he brings it to theconsummation of the whole empire tranquillized by simple and sincerereverentialness. He farther eulogizes its mysteriousness, till hespeaks of it at last as without sound or smell. He here takes up thesum of his whole Work, and speaks of it in a compendious manner.Most deep and earnest was he in thus going again over his ground,admonishing and instructing men:—shall the learner not dohis utmost in the study of the Work?

JOHN CHILDS AND SON, PRINTERS.

1

For the statements in thetwo last paragraphs, see the works of Se-ho on “TheText of the Great Learning,” Bk. I.

2

Slips and tablets onbamboo, which supplied in those days the place ofpaper.

1

How much of the whole Workwas contained in each “collection” or p‘een, it is impossible for usto ascertain. P. Regis says:—“ Pien, quemadmodum Gallice dicimus‘des pièces d’eloquence, depoesie. ’ ”

2

The collections of theShe-king are mentioned under the name of keuen, “sections,”“portions.” Had p‘een been used, it might have beenunderstood of individual odes. This change of terms shows thatby p‘een in the other summaries,we are not to understand single blocks or chapters.

1

I have thought it well toendeavour to translate the whole of the passages. Father deMailla merely constructs from them a narrative of his own; see L’HistoireGénérale de La Chine, tome II.,pp. 399—402. The common histories current in Chinaavoid the difficulties of the original by giving an abridgmentof it.

2

These were not only“great scholars,” but had an officialrank. There was what we may call a college of them, consistingof seventy members.

1

The T‘ëen family grew up in theState of Ts‘e, and in the early part of the 4thcentury BC supplanted the ruling House.The dismemberment of Ts‘in was stillearlier.

1

See Mencius, V. Pt. II.ii. 2.

1

Called “tadpolecharacters.” They were, it is said, the originalforms devised by Ts‘ang Këĕ,with large heads and fine tails, like the creature from whichthey were named. See the notes to the preface to the Shoo-kingin “The thirteen Classics.”

2

See the preface to the Lun Yu in “Thethirteen King.” It has been my principal authority inthis Section.

1

In the continuation of the “GeneralExamination of Records and Scholars,” Bk cxcviii p.17, it is said, indeed, on the authority of WangCh‘ung, a scholar of the 1st century, that when theWork came out of the wall it was named a Ch‘uen orRecord, and that it was when K‘ung Gan-kwŏinstructed a native of Tsin, named Foo-k‘ing, in it,that it first got the name of Lun Yu. If it were so, it isstrange the circumstance is not mentioned in Ho An’spreface.

1

In Mih’schapter against the Literati, he mentions some of thecharacteristics of Confucius, in the very words of the 10th Bookof the Analects.

1

Le Ta Hëo, ou La Grande Etude. Paris,1837.

2

Chinese Repository, vol. iii. p. 98.

1

This K‘ung Foo was that descendant ofConfucius, who hid several books in the wall of his house, onthe issuing of the imperial edict for their burning. He was awriter himself, and his Works are referred to under the title ofK‘ung Ts‘ung-tsze.

1

Mencius, V. Pt. II. vi. 4.

2

82 and 62 may more easily be confounded as written inChinese than with the Roman figures.

3

Le himself was born in Confucius’ 21styear, and if Tsze-sze had been born in Le’s 21styear, he must have been 103 at the time of Duke Muh’saccession. But the tradition is that Tsze-sze was a pupil ofTsăng Sin, who was born BC 504. We must place his birth therefore considerably later, andsuppose him to have been quite young when his father died. I wastalking once about the question with a Chinese friend, whoobserved:—“Le was 50 when he died, and hiswife married again into a family of Wei. We can hardly think,therefore, that she was anything like that age. Le could nothave married so soon as his father did. Perhaps he was about 40when Keih was born.”

1

For this incident we are indebted to K‘ungFoo; see note 1, p. 36.

2

Le Ke, II. Pt. I. ii.7.

1

See the Le Ke, II. Pt. II.iii. 15.

2

This was the designation of Tsze-sze’sson.

3

This wasTsze-shang’s name.

4

See the Le Ke, II. Pt. I.i. 4.

1

See the Biographical Dictionary; Art.K‘ung Keih.

1

See the“Sacrificial Canon,” onTsze-sze.

1

This conversation is given in the Le Ke, II. Pt. II.ii. 1.

1

Ch. ix.

2

Ch. iv.

3

Ch. iv.

4

Ch. viii.

5

Ch. x.

6

Ch. xi.

1

Ana. VII. xix.

1

See Mémoires eoncernant les Chinois, TomeXII. p. 447, et seq. Father Amiot states,p. 501, that he had seen the representative of the family, whosucceeded to the dignity of the “Duke, Continuator ofthe Sage’s line,” in the 9th year ofK‘een-lung, AD 1744. It ishardly necessary that I should say here, that the name Confuciusis merely the Chinese characters, K‘ung Foo-tsze,“The master, K‘ung,”latinized.

1

See, on the length of the ancient foot, Ana. VIII.vi., but the point needs a more sifting investigation than ithas yet received.

1

The legends say thatChing-tsae, fearing lest she should not have a son, inconsequence of her husband’s age, privately ascendedthe Ne-k‘ew hill to pray for the boon, and that whenshe had obtained it, she commemorated the fact in thenames—K‘ew and Chung-ne. But the cripple,Măng-p‘e, had previously been styledPih-ne. There was some reason, previous to Confucius’birth, for using the term ne in the family.As might be expected, the birth of the sage is surrounded withmany prodigious occurrences. One account is, that the husbandand wife prayed together for a son in a dell of mount Ne. AsChing-tsae went up the hill, the leaves of the trees and plantsall erected themselves, and bent downwards on her return. Thatnight she dreamt the Black Te appeared, andsaid to her, “You shall have a son, a sage, and youmust bring him forth in a hollow mulberry tree.” Oneday during her pregnancy, she fell into a dreamy state, and sawfive old men in the hall, who called themselves the essences ofthe five planets, and led an animal which looked like a smallcow with one horn, and was covered with scales like a dragon.This creature knelt before Ching-tsae, and cast forth from itsmouth a slip of gem, on which was theinscription,—“The son of the essence ofwater shall succeed to the withering Chow, and be a thronelessking.” Ching-tsae tied a piece of embroidered ribbonabout its horn, and the vision disappeared. When Heih was toldof it, he said, “The creature must be theK‘e-lin.” As her time drew near,Ching-tsae asked her husband if there was any place in theneighbourhood called “The hollow mulberrytree.” He told her there was a dry cave in the southhill, which went by that name. Then she said, “I willgo and be confined there.” Her husband was surprised,but when made acquainted with her former dream, he made thenecessary arrangements. On the night when the child was born,two dragons came and kept watch on the left and right of thehill, and two spirit-ladies appeared in the air, pouring outfragrant odours, as if to bathe Ching-tsae; and as soon as thebirth took place, a spring of clear warm water bubbled up fromthe floor of the cave, which dried up again when the child hadbeen washed in it. The child was of an extraordinary appearance,with a mouth like the sea, ox lips, a dragon’s back,c., c. On the top of his head was a remarkableformation, in consequence of which he was named K‘ew,c. Sze-ma Ts‘een seems to make Confucius tohave been illegitimate, saying that Heih and Miss Yen cohabitedin the wilderness. Keang Yung says that the phrase has referencesimply to the disparity of their ages.

2

Sze-ma Ts‘een says that Confucius was bornin the 22nd year of Duke Seang, BC 550.He is followed by Choo He in the short sketch ofConfucius’ life prefixed to the Lun Yu, and by“The Annals of the Empire,” published withimperial sanction in the reign Kea-k‘ing. (To thiswork I have generally referred for my dates.) The year assignedin the text above rests on the authority of Kuh-Jeang andKung-yang, the two commentators on the Ch‘unTs‘ew. With regard to the month, however, the 10th isthat assigned by Kuh-leang, while Kung-yang names the11th.

1

Ana. II. iv.

2

Ana. IX. vi.

1

Mencius, V. Pt. II. v. 4.

2

Ana. VII. vii.

3

Ana. VII. viii.

1

Le Ke, II. Pt. I. i. 10; Pt. II. iii. 30; Pt. I. i.6. See also the discussion of those passages in KeangYung’s “Life ofConfucius.”

2

Le Ke, II. Pt. I. i. 22.

1

See the Ch‘un Ts‘ew, under the7th year of Duke Ch‘aou.

2

This rests on the respectable authority ofTso-k‘ew Ming’s annotations on theCh‘un Ts‘ew, but I must consider itapocryphal. The legend-writers have fashioned a journey toT‘an. The slightest historical intimation becomes atext with them, on which they enlarge to the glory of the sage.Amiot has reproduced and expanded their romancings, and others,such as Pauthier (Chine, pp. 121—183) and Thornton(History of China, vol. i. pp. 151—215) have followedin his wake.

3

Ana. II. iv.

4

The journey to Chow is placed by Sze-maTs‘een before Confucius’ holding of hisfirst official employments, and Choo He and most other writersfollow him. It is a great error, and has arisen from amisunderstanding of the passages from Tso-K‘ew Mingupon the subject.

1

Ana. II. v.

1

See Analects, III. i. ii. et al.

2

Ana. XVI. xii.

1

I have translated, however, from the Le Ke, II. Pt.II. iii. 10, where the same incident is given, with somevariations, and without saying when or where itoccurred.

2

Ana VII. xiii.

3

Some of these are related in the FamilySayings;—about the burning of the ancestral shrine ofthe Emperor Le, and a one-footed bird which appeared hopping andflapping its wings in Ts‘e. They are plainlyfabulous, though quoted in proof of Confucius’ sagewisdom. This reference to them is more than enough.

1

Ana. XII. xi.

2

Ana. XIII. iii.

3

See in Sze-ma’s History ofConfucius.

1

Ana. XVIII. iii.

2

Sze-ma Ts‘een makes the first observationto have been addressed directly to Confucius.

3

According to the above account Confucius was onlyonce, and for a portion of two years, in Ts‘e. Forthe retutation of contrary accounts, see Keang Yung’sLife of the sage.

1

Ana. XVI. xiii.

1

See the Le Ke, II. Pt. I.i. 27.

2

Ana. XI. ix.

3

Amiot says this was“la ville meme ou le Souverain tenoit saCour” (Vie de Confucius, p. 147). He is followed ofcourse by Thornton and Pauthier. My reading has not shown methat such was the case. In the notes toK‘ang-he’s edition of the “FiveKing,” Le Ke, II. Pt. I. iii. 4, it is simplysaid—“Chung-too,—the name of atown of Loo. It afterwards belonged to Ts‘e, when itwas called P‘ing-luh.”

1

Ana. XVII. v.

2

This office, however, was held by the chief of theMăng family. We must understand that Confucius wasonly an assistant to him, or perhaps acted for him.

1

This meeting at Keă-kuh is related inSze-ma Ts‘een, the Family Sayings, and Kuh-leang,with many exaggerations.

1

In connection with theseevents, the Family Sayings and Sze-ma Ts‘een mentionthe summary punishment inflicted by Confucius on an able butunscrupulous and insidious officer, the Shaou-ching, Maou. Hisjudgment and death occupy a conspicuous place in the legendaryaccounts. But the Analects, Tsze-sze, Mencius, andTso-k‘ew Ming are all silent about it, and Keang Yungrightly rejects it, as one of the many narratives invented toexalt the sage.

1

See Keang Yung’s Life ofConfucius.

1

Ana. III. xxiv.

2

See Mencius, V. Pt. I. viii. 2.

3

Ana. IX. v. In Ana. XI. xxii. there is anotherreference to this time, in which Yen Hwuy is made toappear.

1

See the Le Ke. II. Pt. I. ii. 16.

2

Ana. XIV. xxvi.; XV. vi.

3

Ana. VI. xxvi.

4

Ana. IX. xvii.

1

Ana. IX. xxii.

2

See Mencius, V. Pt. I. viii. 3.

3

Keang Yung digests in thisplace two foolish stories,—about a large bone foundin the State of Yuĕ, and a bird which appeared inCh‘in and died, shot through with a remarkable arrow.Confucius knew all about them.

4

This is related by Sze-ma Ts‘een, and alsoin the Family Sayings. I would fain believe it is not true. Thewonder is, that no Chinese critic should have set aboutdisproving it.

1

Ana. XII. x.

2

Ana. XVII.vii.

1

Ana. V. xxi.

2

Ana. XV. i. 2, 3.

3

Ana XI. ii.

4

Ana. VII. xviii.

5

Ana. XIII.xvi.

1

Ana. XVIII. vi.

2

Ana. XVII.v.

1

Ana. XIII. iii. In the notes on this passage, I havegiven Choo He’s opinion as to the time whenTs‘ze-loo made this remark. It seems more correct,however, to refer it to Confucius’ return to Wei fromTs‘oo, as is done by Keang Yung.

1

Ana. XI. viii. In the notes on Ana. XI. vii., I haveadverted to the chronological difficulty connected with thedates assigned respectively to the deaths of Yen Hwuy andConfucius’ own son, Le. Keang Yung assignsHwuy’s death to BC 481.

1

Ana. II. iv. 6.

2

Ana. IX. xiv.

3

Ana. VII. xvi.

4

Ana. XI. xvi.

1

Mencius, III. Pt. II. ix.8.

2

Mencius, III. Pt. II. ix. 11.

1

Analects, XIV.xxii.

2

Ana. XI. xii.

1

See the Le Ke, II. Pt. I.ii. 20.

1

Chinese and English Dictionary, char. Kung. Sir John Davis also mentions seeing a figure ofConfucius, in a temple near the Po-yang Lake, of which thecomplexion was “quite black.”(“The Chinese,” vol. II. p.66.)

1

Le Ke, II. Pt. I. iii. 43. This eulogy is found atgreater length in Tso-K‘ew Ming, immediately afterthe notice of the sage’s death.

1

Ana. XIII. 30.

1

Mencius, III. Pt. I. iii. 10.

2

During the presentdynasty, the tablet of the god of literature has to aconsiderable extent displaced that of Confucius in schools. Yetthe worship of him does not clash with that of the other. He is“the father” of compositiononly.

1

“The Chinese,” vol. II. p.45.

2

All these passages aretaken from the VIIth Book of the Analects. See ch. xxxiii.;xxxii.; iii.; xix.; and i.

1

Ana. IX. i.

2

Ana. IX. iii.

1

Ana. IX. x.

2

Ana. XIX. xxiii.

3

Ana. XIX. xxiv.

1

Ana. XIX. xxv.

1

Mencius, II. Pt. I. ii. 23—28.

2

The contents of theYih-king, and Confucius’ labours upon it, may beobjected in opposition to this statement, and I must beunderstood to make it with some reservation. Six years ago, Ispent all my leisure time for twelve months in the study of thatWork, and wrote out a translation of it, but at the close I wasonly groping my way in darkness to lay hold of its scope andmeaning, and up to this time I have not been able to master itso as to speak positively about it. It will come in due time, inits place, in the present publication, and I do not think thatwhat I here say of Confucius will require much, if any,modification.

3

Ana. VII. xvii.; xxiv.; xx.

1

See Hardwick’s “Christ andother Masters,” Part III. pp. 18, 19, with hisreference in a note to a passage from Meadows’“The Chinese and theirRebellions.”

2

Ana. III. xiii.

3

Ana. XIV. xxxvii.

1

Ana. III. xii.

2

Ana. XI. xi.

3

Ana. VII. xxiii.

1

Ana. VI. xx.

2

See above, near thebeginning of this paragraph.

3

Ana. VI. xiii.

4

Ana. XVII. xx.

1

Isaiah iii. 12.

2

Ana. III. xi., et al.

1

Doctrine of the Mean, xx.3.

2

Mencius, I. Pt. I. vi. 6.

3

Doctrine of the Mean, xx. 8.

1

Doctrine of the Mean, xx. 2.

2

Ana. XV. x.

3

Mencius, III. Pt. I. iv. 8.

1

Analects, XII. xvii.;xviii.; xix.

1

Doctrine of the Mean, xx. 14.

2

See the Shoo-king, V. i. Sect. I. 2, 7.

1

Ana. III. v.

2

Ana. IX. xiii.

1

History of China, vol. i. p. 209.

1

Analects, XIII. xix.

1

Ana. XXV. xxxvi.

1

The Chinese, vol. II. p. 41.

*

TITLE OF THEWORK. —Literally, “Discourses andDialogues;” that is, the discourses or discussions ofConfucius with his disciples and others on various topics, and hisreplies to their inquiries. Many chapters, however, and one whole book,are the sayings, not of the sage himself, but of some of his disciples.The characters may also be rendered “DigestedConversations,” and this appears to be the more ancientsignification attached to them, the account being, that, after the deathof Confucius his disciples collected together and compared the memorandaof his conversations which they had severally preserved, digesting theminto the twenty books which compose the work. I have styled the work“Confucian Analects,” as being more descriptive ofits character than any other name I could think of.

**

HEADING AND SUBJECTS OF THISBOOK. The two first characters, literally, “Tolearn and—” after theintroductory—“The Master said,” areadopted as its heading. This is similar to the custom of the Jews,who name many books in the Bible from the first word in them. Insome of the books we find a unity or analogy of subjects, whichevidently guided the compilers in grouping the chapters together.Others seem devoid of any such principle of combination. The sixteenchapters of this book are occupied, it is said, with the fundamentalsubjects which ought to engage the attention of the learner, and thegreat matters of human practice. The word “ learn ” rightly occupies theforefront in the studies of a nation, of which its educationalsystem has so long been the distinction and glory.

1.

THE WHOLE WORK AND ACHIEVEMENT OF THELEARNER, FIRST PERFECTING HIS KNOWLEDGE, THEN ATTRACTINGBY HIS FAME LIKEMINDED INDIVIDUALS, AND FINALLY COMPLETEIN HIMSELF. 1. “The Master”here is Confucius; but if we render the original term by“Confueius,” as all precedingtranslators have done, we miss the indication which it givesof the handiwork of his disciples, and the reverence whichit bespeaks for him. Some years ago, an able Chinese scholarpublished a collection of moral sayings by David, Solomon,Paul, Augustine, Jesus, Confucius, c. To thesayings of the others he prefixed their names, and to thoseof Confucius the phrase of thetext,—“The Master said,”thus telling his readers that he was himself a disciple ofthe sage, and exalting him above Solomon, and every othername which he introduced, even above Jesus himself!

2.The “Friends” here are not relatives,nor even old and intimate acquaintances; but individuals ofthe same style of mind as the subject of theparagraph,—students of truth and friends ofvirtue.

3. The “man of completevirtue” is, literally, “a princelyman.” The phrase is a technical one with Chinesemoral writers, for which there is no exact correspondency inEnglish. We cannot always translate it in the sameway.

2.

FILIAL PIETY AND FRATERNALSUBMISSION ARE THE FOUNDATION OF ALL VIRTUOUSPRACTICE. 1. Yew was a native of Loo, and famedamong the other disciples of Confucius for his strongmemory, and love for the doctrines of antiquity. In personalappearance he resembled the sage. See Mencius, III. Pt. II.iv. 13. There is a peculiarity in thestyle—“Yew, thephilosopher,” the title following the surname,which has made some Chinese critics assign an important partin the compilation of the Analects to his disciples; but thematter is too slight to build such a conclusion on. Thetablet to Yew’s spirit is in the same apartmentof the sage’s temples as that of the sagehimself, among the “wise ones” of hisfollowers.

3.

FAIRAPPEARANCES ARE SUSPICIOUS.

4.

HOW THE PHILOSOPHERTSĂNG DAILY EXAMINED HIMSELF, TO GUARDAGAINST HIS BEING GUILTY OF ANY SELF-DECEPTION. Tsăng was one of the principal disciples ofConfucius. A follower of the sage from his 16th year, thoughinferior in natural ability to some others, by his filialpiety and other moral qualities he entirely won theMaster’s esteem, and by persevering attentionmastered his doctrines. Confucius employed him in thecomposition of the Classic of Filial Piety. The authorshipof the “Great Learning” is alsoascribed to him, though incorrectly, as we shall see. Tenbooks, moreover, of his composition are preserved in the LeKe. His spirit tablet, among the sage’s fourassessors, has precedence of that of Mencius. There is thesame peculiarity in the designation of him here, which Ihave pointed out under the last chapter in connection withthe style—“Yew, thephilosopher;” and a similar conclusion has beenargued from it.

5.

FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLES FOR THEGOVERNMENT OF A LARGE STATE. “A countryof a thousand chariots” was one of the largestfiefs of the empire,—a state which could bringsuch a force into the field—The last principlemeans that the people should not be called away from theirhusbandry at improper seasons to do service on militaryexpeditions and public works.

6.

DUTY FIRST AND THENACCOMPLISHMENTS. “Politeduties” are not literarystudies merely, but all the accomplishments of agentleman also: ceremonies, music, archery, horsemanship,writing, and numbers.

7.

TSZE-HEA’S VIEWS OF THE SUBSTANCE OFLEARNING. Tsze-hea was another of thesage’s distinguished disciples, and now placedamong the “wise ones.” He was greatlyfamed for his learning, and his views on the She-king and the Ch‘unTs‘ew are said to be preserved in thecommentary of Maou, and of Kung-yang Kaou, and Kuh-leangCh‘ih. He wept himself blind on the death of hisson, but lived to a great age, and was much esteemed by thepeople and princes of the time. With regard to the scope ofthis chapter, there is some truth in what the commentatorWoo says,—that Tsze-hea’s words may bewrested to depreciate learning, while those of the Master inthe preceding chapter hit exactly the duemedium.

8.

PRINCIPLES OF SELF-CULTIVATION.

9.

THE GOOD EFFECT OF ATTENTIONON THE PART OF PRINCES TO THE OFFICES TO THEDEAD:—AN ADMONITION OF TSĂNGSIN. This is a counsel to princes and all inauthority. The effect which it is supposed would follow fromtheir following it is an instance of the influence ofexample, of which so much is made by Chinesemoralists.

10.

CHARACTERISTICS OF CONFUCIUS,AND THEIR INFLUENCE ON THE PRINCES OF THETIME.

1. Tsze-k‘in andTsze-k‘ang are designations of Ch‘inK‘ang, one of the minor disciples of Confucius.His tablet is in the outer hall of the temples. A good storyis related of him. On the death of his brother, his wife andmajor-domo wished to bury some living persons with him, toserve him in the regions below. The thing being referred toTsze-k‘in, he proposed that the wife and stewardshould themselves submit to the immolation, which made themstop the matter. Tsze-kung, with the double surnameTwan-muh, and named Ts‘ze, occupies a higherplace in the Confucian ranks, and is now among the“wise ones.” He is conspicuous in thiswork for his readiness and smartness in reply, and displayedon several occasions practical and politicalability.

11.

ON FILIAL DUTY. It is tobe understood that the way of the father had not been verybad. An old interpretation, that the three years are to beunderstood of the three years of mourning for the father, isnow rightly rejected.

12.

INCEREMONIES A NATURAL EASE IS TO BE PRIZED, AND YET TO BESUBORDINATE TO THE END OF CEREMONIES,—THEREVERENTIAL OBSERVANCE OF PROPRIETY. The term hererendered “rules of propriety,” is noteasily rendered in another language. There underlies it theidea of what is proper. It is“the fitness of things,” what reasoncalls for in the performance of duties towards superiorbeings, and between man and man. Our term“ceremonies” would come near itsmeaning here.

13.

TOSAVE FROM FUTURE REPENTANCE, WE MUST BE CAREFUL IN OURFIRST STEPS.

14.

WITHWHAT MIND ONE AIMING TO BE A KEUN-TSZE PURSUES HISLEARNING.

15.

AN ILLUSTRATION OF THESUCCESSIVE STEPS IN SELF-CULTIVATION. 1. Tsze-kunghad been poor, and then did not cringe. He became rich, andwas not proud. He asked Confucius about the style ofcharacter to which he had attained. Confucius allowed itsworth, but sent him to higher attainments. 2. The ode quotedis the first of the songs of Wei, praising the prince Woo,who had dealt with himself as an ivory-worker who first cutsthe bone, and then files it smooth; or a lapidary whosehammer and chisel are followed by all the appliances forsmoothing and polishing. See the She-king, Pt I. Bk v. i.2.

16.

PERSONAL ATTAINMENT SHOULD BE OUR CHIEFAIM.

*

HEADING AND SUBJECTS OF THISBOOK. This second book contains twenty-tour chapters, andis named “The practice of government.” That isthe object to which learning, treated of in the last book, shouldlead; and here we have the qualities which constitute, and thecharacter of the men who administer, goodgovernment.

1.

THEINFLUENCE OF VIRTUE IN A RULER. ChooHe’s view of the comparison is that it sets forththe illimitable influence which virtue in a ruler exerciseswithout his using any effort. This is extravagant. Hisopponents say that virtue is the polar star, and the variousdepartments of government the other stars. This isfar-fetched. We must be content to accept the vagueutterance without minutely determining itsmeaning.

2.

THE PURE DESIGN OF THE BOOK OFPOETRY. The number of compositions in the She-kingis rather more than the round number here given.“Have no depravedthoughts,”—see the She-king, IV. ii.1. st. 4. The sentence there is indicative, and in praise ofone of the dukes of Loo, who had no depraved thoughts. Thesage would seem to have been intending his own design incompiling the She. Individual piecesare calculated to have a differenteffect.

3.

HOWRULERS SHOULD PREFER MORALAPPLIANCES.

4.

CONFUCIUS’ OWNACCOUNT OF HIS GRADUAL PROGRESS AND ATTAINMENTS. Chinese commentators are perplexed with this chapter.Holding of Confucius, that “He was born withknowledge, and did what was right with entireease,” they say that he here conceals hissagehood, and puts himself on the level of common men, toset before them a stimulating example. We may believe thatthe compilers of the Analects, the sage’simmediate disciples, did not think of him so extravagantlyas later men have done. It is to be wished, however, that hehad been more definite and diffuse in his account ofhimself. 1. The “learning,” to which,at the age of fifteen, Confucius gave himself, is to beunderstood of the subjects of the “SuperiorLearning.” See Choo He’s preliminaryessay to the Ta Hëŏ. 2. The“standing firm” probably indicatesthat he no more needed to bend his will. 3. The“no doubts” may have been concerningwhat was proper in all circumstances and events. 4.“The decrees of Heaven,” the thingsdecreed by Heaven, the constitution of things making whatwas proper to be so. 5. “The earobedient” is the mind receiving, as by intuition,the truth from the ear.

5.

FILIAL PIETY MUST BE SHOWNACCORDING TO THE RULES OF PROPRIETY. 1.Măng E was a great officer of the state of Loo,by name Ho-ke, and the chief of one of the three greatfamilies by which in the time of Confucius the authority ofthat state was grasped. Those families were descended fromthree brothers, the sons by a concubine of the Duke Hwan( BC 710-693). E which means“mild and virtuous,” was theposthumous honorary title given to Ho-ke. FanCh‘e was a minor disciple of the sage. Confuciusrepeated his remark to Fan. that he might report theexplanation of it to his friend Măng E, and thusprevent him from supposing that all the sage intended wasdisobedience to parents.

6.

THE ANXIETY OF PARENTS ABOUTTHEIR CHILDREN AN ARGUMENT FOR FILIAL PIETY. Thisenigmatical sentence has been interpreted in two ways. ChooHe takes it thus:—“Parents have thesorrow of thinking anxiously about their— i. e. thenchildren’s—being unwell. Thereforechildren should take care of their persons.” Theold commentators interpreted differently: in the sense of“only.” “Let parents haveonly the sorrow of their children’s illness. Letthem have no other occasion for sorrow. This will be filialpiety.” Măng Woo (the hou.epithet=“Bold and of straightforwardprinciple,”) was the son of Măng E, ofthe last chapter.

7.

HOWTHERE MUST BE REVERENCE IN FILIAL DUTY. Tsze-yewwas the designation of Yen Yen, a native of Woo, anddistinguished among the disciples of Confucius for hisknowledge of the rules of propriety, and for his learning.He is now among the “wise ones.” ChooHe gives a different turn to the sentiment. “Butdogs and horses likewise manage to get theirsupport.” The other and older interpretation isbetter.

8.

THEDUTIES OF FILIAL PIETY MUST BE PERFORMED WITH A CHEERFULCOUNTENANCE. To the different interrogatories hererecorded about filial duty, the sage, we are told, madeanswer according to the character of the questioner, as eachone needed instruction.

9.

THE QUIET RECEPTIVITY OF THEDISCIPLE HWUY. Yen Hwuy was Confucius’favourite disciple, and is now honoured with the first placeeast among his four assessors in his temples, with the titleof “The second sage, the philosopherYen.” At the age of twenty-nine, his hair wasentirely white: and at thirty-three, he died, to theexcessive grief of the sage.

10.

HOW TO DETERMINE THECHARACTERS OF MEN.

11.

TO BE ABLE TO TEACH OTHERSONE MUST FROM HIS OLD STORES BE CONTINUALLY DEVELOPINGTHINGS NEW.

12.

THEGENERAL APTITUDE OF THE SUPERIOR MAN. This is notlike our English saying, that “such a man is amachine,”—a blind instrument. Anutensil has its particular use. It answers for that and noother. Not so with the superior man, who is ad omnia paratus.

13.

HOWWITH THE SUPERIOR MAN WORDS FOLLOW ACTIONS. Thereply is literally: “He first acts his words, andafterwards follows them.”

14.

THEDIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE SUPERIOR MAN AND THE SMALLMAN. The sentence isthis—“With the superior man, it isprinciples not men; with the small man, thereverse.”

15.

IN LEARNING, READING ANDTHOUGHT MUST BE COMBINED.

16.

STRANGE DOCTRINES ARE NOT TO BE STUDIED. InConfucius’ time Buddhism was not in China, and wecan hardly suppose him to intend Taouism. Indeed, we areignorant to what doctrines he referred, but his maxim is ofgeneral application.

17.

THERESHOULD BE NO PRETENCE IN THE PROFESSION OR KNOWLEDGE, ORTHE DENIAL OF IGNORANCE. Yew, by surname Chung, andgenerally known by his designation of Tsze-loo, was one ofthe most famous disciples of Confucius, and now occupies inthe temples the fourth place east in the sage’sown hall, among the “wise ones.” Hewas noted for his courage and forwardness, a man of impulserather than reflection. Confucius had foretold that he wouldcome to an untimely end, and so it happened. He was killedthrough his own rashness in a revolution in the state ofWei. The tassel of his cap being cut off when he receivedhis death-wound, he quoted asaying—“The superior man must not diewithout his cap,” tied on the tassel, adjustedthe cap, and expired.

18.

THEEND IN LEARNING SHOULD BE ONE’S OWNIMPROVEMENT, AND NOT EMOLUMENT. Tzse-chang, namedSze, with the double surname Chuen-sun, a native ofCh‘in, was not undistinguished in the Confucianschool. Tsze-kung praised him as a man of merit withoutboasting, humble in a high position, and not arrogant to thehelpless. From this chapter, however, it would appear thatinferior motives did sometimes rule him.

19.

HOW APRINCE BY THE RIGHT EMPLOYMENT OF HIS OFFICERS MAYSECURE THE REAL SUBMISSION OF HIS SUBJECTS. Gae wasthe honorary epithet of Tseang, Duke of Loo ( BC 494—367). Confucius died inhis sixteenth year. According to the laws for posthumoustitles, Gae denotes “the respectful andbenevolent, early cut off,” and Duke Gae,“The to-be-lamentedduke.”

20.

EXAMPLE IN SUPERIORS IS MOREPOWERFUL THAN FORCE. K‘ang,“easy and pleasant, people-soother,”was the honorary epithet of Ke-sun Fei, the head of one ofthe three great families of Loo; see ch. 5. His idea is seenin “to cause,” the power of force;that of Confucius appears in “then,”the power of influence.

21.

CONFUCIUS’ EXPLANATION OF HIS NOT BEING INANY OFFICE. 1. “Confucius” ishere “K‘ung, thephilosopher,” the surname indicating that thequestioner was not a disciple. He had his reason for notbeing in office at the time, but it was not expedient totell. He replied, therefore, as in par. 2. See theShoo-king, v. xxi. 1. But the text is neither correctlyapplied nor exactly quoted. A western may think that thephilosopher might have made a happierevasion.

22.

THENECESSITY TO A MAN OF BEING TRUTHFUL ANDSINCERE.

23.

THEGREAT PRINCIPLES GOVERNING SOCIETY AREUNCHANGEABLE. 1. Confucius made no pretension tosupernatural powers, and all commentators are agreed thatthe things here asked about were not what we would callcontingent or indifferent events. He merely says that thegreat principles of morality and relations of society hadcontinued the same, and would ever do so. 2. The Hea, Yin,and Chow, are now spoken of as the “Threedynasties,” literally, “The threeChanges.” The first emperor of the Hea was“The great Yu,” BC 2204, of the Yin, T‘ang, BC 1765; and of Chow, Woo, BC 1121.

24.

NEITHER IN SACRIFICE NOR IN OTHER PRACTICE MAY A MAN DOANYTHING BUT WHAT IS RIGHT. The spirits of which aman may say that they are his, are those only of hisancestors, and to them only he may sacrifice. The ritual ofChina provides for sacrifices to three classes ofobjects—“Spirits of heaven, of theearth, of men.” This chapter is not to beextended to all the three. It has reference only to themanes of departed men.

*

HEADING AND SUBJECTS OF THISBOOK. The last book treated of the practice of government,and therein no things, according to Chinese ideas, are moreimportant than ceremonial rites and music. With those topics,therefore, the twenty-six chapters of this book are occupied, and“eight rows,” the principal words in the firstchapter, are adopted as its heading.

1.

CONFUCIUS’ INDIGNATION AT THE USURPATION OFIMPERIAL RITES. These dancers, or pantomimesrather, kept time in the temple services, in the front spacebefore the raised portion in the principal hall, moving orbrandishing feathers, flags, or other articles. In hisancestral temple, the Emperor had eight rows, each rowconsisting of eight men: a duke or prince had six, and agreat officer only four. For the Ke, therefore, to use eightrows was a usurpation, for though it may be argued, that tothe ducal family of Loo imperial rites were conceded, andthat the offshoots of it might use the same, still greatofficers were confined to the ordinances proper to theirrank. Confucius’ remark may also be translated,“If this be endured, what may not beendured?”

2.

AGAIN AGAINST USURPEDRITES. The three families assembled together asbeing the descendants of Duke Hwan in one temple. To thistemple belonged the area in the last chapter, which iscalled the area of the Ke, because circumstances hadconcurred to make the Ke the chief of the three families,For the Yung ode, see the She-king, V. Bk II. vii. 1. It wasproperly sung in the imperial temples of the Chow dynasty,at the “clearing away” of thesacrificial apparatus, and contains the lines quoted byConfucius, which of course were quite mappropriate to thecircumstances of the three families.

3.

CEREMONIES AND MUSIC VAIN WITHOUTVIRTUE.

4.

THE OBJECT OF CEREMONIESSHOULD REGULATE THEM AGAINST FORMALISM. Lin Fangwas a man of Loo, supposed to have been a disciple ofConfucius, and whose tablet is now placed in the outer courtof the temples. He is known only by the question in thischapter.

5.

THE ANARCHY OFCONFUCIUS’ TIME.

6.

ON THE FOLLY OF USURPEDSACRIFICES. The T‘ae mountain is thefirst of the “five mountains” whichare celebrated in Chinese literature, and have alwaysreceived religious honours. It was in Loo, or rather on theborders between Loo and Ts‘e, about two milesnorth of the present district city of T‘ae-gan,in the department of Tse-nan, in Shan-tung. According to theritual of China, sacrifice could only be offered to thesemountains by the emperor, and princes in whose States any ofthem happened to be. For the chief of the Ke family,therefore, to sacrifice to the T‘ae mountain wasa great usurpation. Yen Yew was one of the disciples ofConfucius, and is now third among the “wiseones” on the west. He was a man of ability andresources, and on one occasion proved himself a bravesoldier.

7.

THESUPERIOR MAN AVOIDS ALL CONTENTIOUS STRIVING. InConfucius’ time there were three principalexercises of archery:—the great archery, underthe eye of the emperor; the guests’ archery, atthe visits of the princes among themselves or at theimperial court; and the festive archery. The regulations forthe archers were substantially the same in them all. Everystage of the trial was preceded by “bowings andyieldings,” making the whole an exhibition ofcourtesies and not of contention.

8.

CEREMONIES ARE SECONDARY AND ORNAMENTAL. Thesentences quoted by Tsze-hea are from an old ode, one ofthose which Confucius did not admit into the She-king. Thetwo first lines, however, are found in it, I. v. 3. Thedisciple’s inquiry turns on the meaning of thelast line, which he took to be: “The plain groundis to be regarded as the colouring;” butConfucius, in his reply, corrects hiserror.

9.

THE DECAY OF THE MONUMENTS OFANTIQUITY. Of Hea and Yin, see II. 23. In the smallstate of Ke (what is now the district of the same name inK‘ae-fung department in Ho-nan), the sacrificesto the emperors of the Hea dynasty were maintained by theirdescendants. So with the Yin dynasty and Sung, also a partof the present Ho-nan. But the “literarymonuments” of those countries, and their“wise men” had become few. HadConfucius therefore delivered all his knowledge about thetwo dynasties, he would have exposed his truthfulness tosuspicion, which he would not do. We see from the chapterhow in the time of Confucius many of the records ofantiquity had perished.

10.

THE SAGE’SDISSATISFACTION AT THE WANT OF PROPRIETY OF AND INCEREMONIES. The “greatsacrifice” here spoken of could properly becelebiated only by the emperor. The individual sacrificed toin it was the remotest ancestor from whom the founder of thereigning dynasty traced his descendant. As to who were hisassessors in the sacrifice, and how often it wasoffered:—these are disputed points. An imperialrite, its use in Loo was wrong (see next chapter) but therewas something in the service after the early act of libationinviting the descent of the spirits, which more particularlymoved the anger of Confucius.

11.

THE PROFOUND MEANING OF THEGREAT SACRIFICE. This chapter is akin to ii. 21.Confucius evades replying to his questioner, it beingcontrary to Chinese propriety to speak in a country of thefaults of its government or rulers. If he had entered intoan account of the sacrifice, he must have condemned the useof an imperial rite in Loo.

12.

CONFUCIUS’ OWN SINCERITY INSACRIFICING. By “the dead” weare to understand Confucius’ own forefathers, by“the spirits” other spirits to whom inhis offical capacity he had to sacrifice.

13.

THATTHERE IS NO RESOURCE AGAINST THE CONSEQUENCES OFVIOLATING THE RIGHT. 1. Kea was a great officer ofWei, and having the power of the state in his hands,insinuated to Confucius that it would be for his advantageto pay court to him. The south-west corner was from thestructure of ancient houses the cosiest nook, and the placeof honour. Choo He explains the proverb by reference to thecustoms of sacritice. The furnace was comparatively a meanplace, but when the spirit of the furnace was sacrificed to,then the rank of the two places was changed for the time,and the proverb quoted was in vogue. But there does not seemmuch force in this explanation. The door, or well, or any otherof the five things in the regular sacrifices, might take theplace of the furnace. 2.Confucius’ reply was in a high tone. Choo Hesays, “Heaven means principle.” Butwhy should Heaven mean principle, if there were not in sucha use of the term an instinctive recognition of a supremegovernment of intelligence and righteousness? We find theterm explained by “The lofty one who is onhigh.”

14.

THECOMPLETENESS AND ELEGANCE OF THE INSTITUTIONS OF THECHOW DYNASTY.

15.

CONFUCIUS IN THE GRANDTEMPLE. “The grand temple”was the temple dedicated to the famous Duke of Chow, andwhere he was worshipped with imperial rites. The thing issupposed to have taken place at the beginning ofConfucius’ official service in Loo, when he wentinto the temple with other officers to assist at thesacrifice. He had studied all about ceremonies, and wasfamed for his knowledge of them, but he thought it a mark ofsincerity and earnestness to make minute inquiries aboutthem on the occasion spoken of Tsow was the name of the townin Loo, of which Confucius’ father had beengovernor, who was known therefore as “the man ofTsow.” We may suppose that Confucius would bestyled as in the text, only in his early life, or by veryordinary people.

16.

HOWTHE ANCIENTS MADE ARCHERY A DISCIPLINE OFVIRTUE.

17.

HOWCONFUCIUS CLEAVED TO ANCIENT RITES. The emperor inthe last month of the year gave out to the princes acalendar for the first days of the twelve months of the yearensuing. This was kept in their ancestral temples, and onthe first of every month they offered a sheep and announcedthe day, requesting sanction for the duties of the month.The dukes of Loo neglected now their part of this ceremony,but the sheep was still offered;—a meaninglessformality, it seemed to Tsze-kung. Confucius, however,thought that while any part of the ceremony was retained,there was a better chance of restoring thewhole.

18.

HOWPRINCES SHOULD BE SERVED. AGAINST THE SPIRIT OF THETIMES.

19.

THEGUIDING PRINCIPLES IN THE REGULATION OF PRINCE ANDMINISTER. Ting. “Greatly anxious,tranquillizer of the people,” was the posthumousepithet of Sung, Prince of Loo, BC 508—494.

20.

A PRAISE OF THE FIRST OF THEODES. Kwan Ts‘eu is the name of thefirst ode in the She-king, and may betranslated,—“Kwan Kwan go theKing-ducks.”

21.

ARASH REPLY OF TSAE WO ABOUT THE ALTARS TO THE SPIRITS OFTHE LAND, AND LAMENT OF CONFUCIUS THEREON. 1. KingGae, see II xix. Tsae Wo was an eloquent disciple of thesage, a native of Loo. His place is among the“wise ones.” He tells the duke thatthe founders of the several dynasties planted such and suchtrees about the altars. The reason was that the soil suitedsuch trees; but as the word for the chestnut tree, the treeof the existing dynasty, is used in the sense of“to be afraid,” he suggested a reasonfor its planting which might lead the duke to severemeasures against his people to be carried into effect at thealtars Compare Shoo-king, III. ii. 5, “I will putyou to death before the altar to the spirit of theland.” 2. This is all directed againstWo’s reply. He had spoken, and his words couldnot be recalled.

22.

CONFUCIUS’ OPINION OF KWANCHUNG,—AGAINST HIM. 1. Kwan Chung is oneof the most famous names in Chinese history. He was chiefminister to the Duke Hwan of Ts‘e ( BC 683—642), the first andgreatest of the five p‘a leaders of the princes of the empire under the Chow dynasty.In the times of Confucius and Mencius, people thought moreof Kwan than those sages, no hero-worshippers, would allow.Most foreign readers, however, in studying the history ofKwan’s times, will hesitate in adopting thesage’s judgment about him. He rendered greatservices to his State and to China.

23.

ONTHE PLAYING OF MUSIC.

24.

ASTRANGER’S VIEW OF THE VOCATION OFCONFUCIUS. E was a small town on the borders ofWei, referred to a place in the present district ofLan-Yang, department K‘ae-fung, Honan province.Confucius was retiring from Wei, the prince of which couldnot employ him. The “wooden-tonguedbell” was a metal bell with a wooden tongue,shaken to call attention to announcements, or along the waysto call people together. Heaven, the warden thought, wouldemploy Confucius to proclaim and call men’sattention to the truth and right.

25.

THECOMPARATIVE MERITS OF THE MUSIC OF SHUN AND WOO. Shaou was the name of the music made by Shun, perfect inmelody and sentiment. Woo was the music of King Woo, alsoperfect in melody, but breathing the martial air, indicativeof its author.

26.

THEDISREGARD OF WHAT IS ESSENTIAL VITIATES ALLSERVICES.

*

HEADING AND SUBJECTS OF THISBOOK —“Virtue in aneighbourhood.” The book is mostly occupied with thesubject of jin, which is generally translatedby “benevolence.” That sense, however, will byno means suit many of the chapters here, and we must render it by“perfect virtue” or“virtue.” See II. i. 2. The embodiment ofvirtue demands an acquaintance with ceremonies and music, and thisis the reason, it is said, why the one subject immediately followsthe other.

1.

RULESFOR THE SELECTION OF ARESIDENCE.

2.

ONLY TRUE VIRTUE ADAPTS A MANFOR THE VARIED CONDITIONS OFLIFE.

3.

ONLYIN THE GOOD MAN ARE EMOTIONS OF LOVE AND HATREDRIGHT. This chapter, containing an important truth,is incorporated with the Great Learning, comm. X.15.

4.

THE VIRTUOUS WILL PRESERVESFROM ALL WICKEDNESS. Compare theapostle’s sentiment, 1 John iii. 9,“Whosoever is born of God doth not commitsin.”

5.

THE DEVOTION OF THE KEUN-TSZETO VIRTUE.

6.

A LAMENT BECAUSE OF THE RARITYOF THE LOVE OF VIRTUE, AND ENCOURAGEMENT TO PRACTISEVIRTUE.

7.

A MANIS NOT TO BE UTTERLY CONDEMNED BECAUSE HE HASFAULTS. Such is the sentiment found in thischapter, in which we may say, however, that Confucius isliable to the charge brought against Tsze-hea, I vii. Thefaults are the excesses of the general tendencies. CompareGoldsmith’s line, “And even hisfailings leant to virtue’sside.”

8.

THEIMPORTANCE OF KNOWING THE RIGHT WAY. One isperplexed to translate the “way,” or“right way,” here spoken. One calls it“the path.”—i.e. of action —which is inaccordance with our nature. Man is formed for this, and ifhe die without coming to the knowledge of it, his death isno better than that of a beast. One would fain recognize insuch sentences as this a vague apprehension of some highertruth or way than Chinese sages have been able topropound.—Ho An takes a different view of thewhole chapter, and makes it a lament of Confucius that hewas likely to die without hearing of right principlesprevailing in the world.—“Could I oncehear of the prevalence of right principles, I could die thesame evening.”

9.

THE PURSUIT OF TRUTH SHOULDRAISE A MAN ABOVE BEING ASHAMED OFPOVERTY.

10.

RIGHTEOUSNESS IS THE RULE OFTHE KEUN-TSZE’SPRACTICE.

11.

THE DIFFERENT MINDINGS OF THESUPERIOR AND THE SMALL MAN.

12.

THECONSEQUENCE OF SELFISH CONDUCT.

13.

THEINFLUENCE IN GOVERNMENT OF CEREMONIES OBSERVED IN THEIRPROPER SPIRIT.

14.

ADVISING TO SELF-CULTIVATION. Compare I.xvi.

15.

CONFUCIUS’DOCTRINE THAT OF A PERVADING UNITY. This chapter issaid to be the most profound in the LunYu. To myself it occurs to translate “mydoctrines have one thing which goes throughthem,” but such an exposition has not beenapproved by any Chinese commentator. The second paragraphshows us clearly enough what the one thing or unity intendedby Confucius was. It was the heart, man’s nature,of which all the relations and duties of life are only thedevelopment and outgoings. What I have translated by“being true to the principles of ournature,” and “exercising thoseprinciples benevolently,” are in the originalonly two characters both formed from sin, “the heart.” The formeris compounded of chung, “middle,”“centre,” and sin, and the latter of joo, “as,” and sin. The “centre heart”=I, the ego, and the “asheart”=the “I insympathy” with others. One is duty-doing, on aconsideration, or from the impulse, of one’s ownself; the other is duty doing, on the principle ofreciprocity. The chapter is important, showing thatConfucius only claimed to unfold and enforce dutiesindicated by man’s mental constitution. He wassimply a moral philosopher.

16.

HOWRIGHTEOUSNESS AND SELFISHNESS DISTINGUISH THE SUPERIORMAN AND THE SMALL MAN.

17.

THELESSONS TO BE LEARNED FROM OBSERVING MEN OF DIFFERENTCHARACTERS.

18.

HOW ASON MAY REMONSTRATE WITH HIS PARENTS ON THEIRFAULTS. See the Le Ke, XII. i.15.

19.

A SONOUGHT NOT TO GO TO A DISTANCE WHERE HE WILL NOT BE ABLETO PAY THE DUE SERVICES TO HISPARENTS.

20.

A REPETITION OF PART OF I. xi.

21.

WHATEFFECT THE AGE OF THE PARENTS SHOULD HAVE ON THEIRCHILDREN.

22.

THEVIRTUE OF THE ANCIENTS SEEN IN THEIR SLOWNESS TOSPEAK.

23.

ADVANTAGE OF CAUTION. Collie’s version,which I have adopted, is here happy.

24.

RULEOF THE KEUN-TSZE ABOUT HIS WORDS ANDACTIONS.

25.

THEVIRTUOUS ARE NOT LEFT ALONE;—AN ENCOURAGEMENTTO VIRTUE.

26.

ALESSON TO COUNSELLORS ANDFRIENDS.

*

HEADING AND SUBJECTS OF THISBOOK. —“Kung-yayCh‘ang,” the surname and name of the firstindividual spoken of in it, heads this book, which is chieflyoccupied with the judgment of the sage on the character of severalof his disciples and others. As the decision frequently turns ontheir being possessed of that jin, or perfectvirtue, which is so conspicuous in the last book, this is thereason, it is said, why the one immediately follows the other. AsTsze-kung appears in the book several times, some have fancied thatit was compiled by his disciples.

1.

CONFUCIUS IN MARRIAGE-MAKING WAS GUIDED BY CHARACTER,AND NOT BY FORTUNE. Of Kung-yay Ch‘ang,though the son-in-law of Confucius, nothing certain isknown, and his tablet is only third on the west among theὁιπολλοίSilly legends are told of his being put in prison from hisbringing suspicion on himself by his knowledge of thelanguage of birds. Nan Yung, another of the disciples, isnow fourth, east, in the outer hall. The discussions aboutwho he was, and whether he is to be identified with Nan-KungKwoh, and several other aliases, arevery perplexing. We cannot tell whether Confucius is givinghis impression of Young’s character, or referringto events that had taken place.

2.

THE KEUN-TSZE FORMED BYINTERCOURSE WITH OTHER KEUN-TSZE. Tsze-tseen, bysurname Fuh, and named Puh-ts‘e, appears to havebeen of some note among the disciples of Confucius, both asan administrator and writer, though his tablet is now onlysecond, west, in the outer hall. What chiefly distinguishedhim, as appears here, was his cultivation of the friendshipof men of ability and virtue.

3.

WHERETO TSZE-KUNG HAD ATTAINED. See I. x.; II.xii. While the sage did not grant to Tsze that he was a Keun-tsze (II. xii.), he made him“a vessel of honour,” valuable and fitfor use on high occasions.

4.

OF YEN YUNG READINESS WITH THETONGUE NO PART OF VIRTUE. Yen Yung, styledChung-Kung, has his tablet the second on the east ofConfucius’ own tablet, among the “wiseones.” His father was a worthless character (seeVI. iv.), but he himself was theopposite.

5.

TSEIH-TEAOUK‘AE’S OPINION OF THEQUALIFICATIONS NECESSARY TO TAKING OFFICE. Tseih-teaou, now sixth on the east, in the outer hall, wasstyled Tsze-jŏ. His name originally wasK‘e, changed into Ka‘e, on theaccession of the Emperor Heaou-King, AD 155, whose name was also K‘e.In the chapter about the disciples in the “FamilySayings,” it is said that K‘ae wasreading in the Shoo-king, when Confucius spoke to him abouttaking office, and he pointed to the book, or someparticular passage in it, saying, “I am not yetable to rest in the assurance of this. ” It may have beenso.

6.

CONFUCIUS PROPOSING TOWITHDRAW FROM THE WORLD:—A LESSON TOTSZE-LOO. Tsze-loo supposed his master really meantto leave the world, and the idea of floating along thecoasts pleased his ardent temper, while he was delightedwith the compliment paid to himself. But Confucius onlyexpressed in this way his regret at the backwardness of mento receive his doctrines.

7.

OFTSZE-LOO, TSZE-YEW, AND TSZE-HWA. MăngWoo, see II. vi. 3. K‘ew, see III. vi.“A house of a hundred chariots,” inopposition to “A State of a thousandchariots,” was the secondary fief, the territoryappropriated to the highest nobles or officers in a State,supposed also to comprehend 1000 families. 4.Ch‘ih, surnamed Kung-se, and styled Tsze-hwa,having now the fourteenth place, west, in the outer hall,was famous among the disciples for his knowledge of rules ofceremony, and those especially relating to dress andintercourse.

8.

SUPERIORITY OF YEN HWUY TOTSZE-KUNG.

9.

THE IDLENESS OF TSAE YU ANDITS REPROOF. Tsae Yu is the same individual asTsae-wo in III. xxi.

10.

UNBENDING VIRTUE CANNOTCO-EXIST WITH INDULGENCE OF THE PASSIONS. ShinCh‘ang (there are several aliases, but they are disputed,) was one of theminor disciples, of whom little or nothing is known. He wasstyled Tsze-chow, and his place is thirty-first, east, inthe outer ranges.

11.

THE DIFFICULTY OF ATTAININGTO THE NOT WISHING TO DO TO OTHERS AS WE WISH THEM NOTTO DO TO US. It is said, “This chaptershows that the ‘no I’ (freedom fromselfishness) is not easily reached.” In theDoctrine of the Mean, XIII 3, it is said, “Whatyou do not like when done to yourself, do not do toothers.” The difference between it and thesentence here is said to be that of“reciprocity,” and“benevolence,” or the highest virtue,apparent in the two adverbs used, the one prohibitive, andthe other a simple, unconstrained negation. The golden ruleof the Gospel is higher than both,—“Doye unto others as ye would that others should do untoyou.”

12.

THEGRADUAL WAY IN WHICH CONFUCIUS COMMUNICATED HISDOCTRINES. So the lesson of this chapter is summedup: but there is hardly another more perplexing to atranslator. The commentators make the subject of the formerclause to be the deportment and manners of the sage and hisordinary discourses, but the verb “tohear” is an inappropriate term with reference tothe former. These things, however, were level to thecapacity of the disciples generally, and they had thebenefit of them. As to his views about man’snature, the gift of Heaven, and the way of Heavengenerally:—these he only communicated to thosewho were prepared to receive them; and Tsze-kung is supposedto have expressed himself thus, after being on some occasionso privileged.

13.

THEARDOUR OF TSZE-LOO IN PRACTISING THE MASTER’SINSTRUCTIONS.

14.

ANEXAMPLE OF THE PRINCIPLE ON WHICH HONORARY POSTHUMOUSTITLES WERE CONFERRED. “Wăn,” corresponding nearlyto our “accomplished, was the posthumous titlegiven to Tsze-yu an officer of the state of Wei, and acontemporary of Confucius. Many of his actions had been of adoubtful character, which made Tsze-kung stumble at theapplication to him of so honourable an epithet. ButConfucius shows that, whatever he might otherwise be he had those qualities which justified hisbeing so denominated. The rule for posthumous titles inChina has been, and is very much—“ De mortuis nil nistbonum. ”

15.

THE EXCELLENT QUALITIES OFTSZE-CH‘AN. Tsze-ch‘an, namedKung-sun K‘eaou, was the chief minister of thestate of Ching—the ablest perhaps, and mostupright, of all the statesmen among Confucius’contemporaries. The sage wept when he heard of hisdeath.

16.

HOWTO MAINTAIN FRIENDSHIP. “Familiaritybreeds contempt,” and with contempt friendshipends. It was not so with Gan P‘ing, another ofthe worthies of Confucius’ times. He was aprincipal minister of Ts‘e, by name Ying.P‘ing (“Ruling and avertingcalamity”) was his posthumoustitle.

17.

THESUPERSTITION OF TSANG WAN. Tsang Wăn(Wăn is the honorary epithet) had been a greatofficer in Loo, and left a reputation for wisdom, whichConfucius did not think was deserved. He was descended fromthe Duke Heaou ( BC 794—767), whose son was styled Tsze-Tsang. ThisTsang was taken by his descendants as their surname. This ismentioned to show one of the ways in which surnames wereformed among the Chinese. The old interpreters make thekeeping such a tortoise an act of usurpation on the part ofTsang Wăn. Choo He finds the point ofConfucius’ words, in the keeping it in such astyle, as if to flatter it.

18.

THEPRAISE OF PERFECT VIRTUE IS NOT TO BE LIGHTLYACCORDED. 1. Tsze-wăn, the chiefminister of the State of Tsoo, had been noted for the thingsmentioned by Tsze-chang, but the sage would not concede thathe was therefore perfectly virtuous. 2. Ts‘uy wasa great officer of Ts‘e. Gan P‘ing(ch. xvi.), distinguished himself on the occasion of themurder ( BC 547) here referred to.Ch‘in Wăn was likewise an officer ofTs‘e.

19.

PROMPT DECISION GOOD. Wăn was theposthumous title of Ke Hing-foo a faithful and disinterestedofficer of Loo. Compare Robert Hall’sremark.—“In matters of consciencefirst thoughts are best.”

20.

THE UNCOMMON BUT ADMIRABLESTUPIDITY OF NING WOO. Ning Woo (Woo, hon. ep. SeeII. vi.), was an officer of Wei in the times ofWăn ( BC 635—627), the second of the five p‘a (See on III. xxii.). In the firstpart of his official life, the State was quiet andprosperous, and he “wisely” acquittedhimself of his duties. Afterwards came confusion. The princewas driven from the throne, and Ning Woo might, like otherwise men, have retired from the danger. But he“foolishly,” as it seemed, chose tofollow the fortunes of his prince, and yet adroitly broughtit about in the end, that the prince was reinstated andorder restored.

21.

THEANXIETY OF CONFUCIUS ABOUT THE TRAINING OF HISDISCIPLES. Confucius was thrice inCh‘in. It must have been the third time when hethus expressed himself. He was then over sixty years, andbeing convinced that he was not to see for himself thetriumph of his principles, he became the more anxious abouttheir transmission, and the training of the disciples inorder to that. Such is the common view of the chapter. Somesay, however, that it is not to be understood of all thedisciples. Compare Mencius, VII. Pt II. xxxvii. By anaffectionate way of speaking of the disciples, he calls themhis “littlechildren.”

22.

THEGENEROSITY OF PIH-E AND SHUH-TS‘E, AND ITSEFFECTS. These were ancient worthies of the closingperiod of the Shang dynasty. Compare Mencius, II. Pt I. ii.ix., et al. They were brothers, sons ofthe king of Koo-chuh, named respectively Yun and Che. E andTs‘e are their honourable epithets, and Pih andShuh only indicate their relation to each other as elder andyounger. Pih-e and Shuh-ts‘e, however, are ineffect their names in the mouths and writings of theChinese. Koo-chuh was a small state, included in the presentdepartment of Yung-p‘ing, in Pih-chih-le. Theirfather left his kingdom to Shuh-ts‘e, who refusedto take the place of his elder brother. Pih-e in turndeclined the throne, so they both abandoned it, and retiredinto obscurity. When King Woo was taking his measuresagainst the tyrant Chow, they made their appearance, andremonstrated against his course. Finally, they died ofhunger, rather than live under the new dynasty. They werecelebrated for their purity, and aversion to men whom theyconsidered bad, but Confucius here brings out theirgenerosity.

23.

SMALLMEANNESSES INCONSISTENT WITH UPRIGHTNESS. It isimplied that Kaou gave the vinegar as fromhimself.

24.

PRAISE OF SINCERITY, AND OF TSO-K‘EWMING. Compare I. iii., “excessiverespect.” The discussions aboutTso-k‘ew Ming are endless. It is sufficient forus to rest in the judgment of the commentator,Ch‘ing, that “he was an ancient ofreputation.” It is not to be received that he wasa disciple of Confucius, or the author of theTso-chuen.

25.

THEDIFFERENT WISHES OF YEN YUEN, TSZE-LOO, ANDCONFUCIUS. The Master and the disciples, it issaid, agreed in being devoid of selfishness.Hwuy’s, however, was seen in a higher style ofmind and object than Yew’s. In the sage, therewas an unconsciousness of self, and without any effort, heproposed acting in regard to his classification of men justas they ought severally to be acted to.

26.

ALAMENT OVER MEN’S PERSISTENCE IN ERROR. The remark affirms a fact, inexplicable on Confucius view ofthe nature of man. But perhaps such an exclamation shouldnot be pressed too closely.

27.

THEHUMBLE CLAIM OF CONFUCIUS FOR HIMSELF. Confuciusthus did not claim higher natural and moral qualities thanothers, but sought to perfect himself bylearning.

*

HEADING AND SUBJECTS OF THISBOOK. “There is Yung!” commences thefirst chapter, and stands as the title of the book. Its subjects aremuch akin to those of the preceding book, and therefore, it is said,they are in juxtaposition.

1.

THECHARACTERS OF YEN YUNG AND TSZE-SANG PIH-TSZE, ASREGARDS THEIR ADAPTATION FOR GOVERNMENT. 1.“Might occupy the place of a prince,”is literally “Might be employed with his face tothe south.” In China, the emperor sits facing thesouth. So did the princes of the states in their severalcourts in Confucius’ time. An explanation of thepractice is attempted in the Yih-King. “Thediagram Le conveys the idea of brightness, when all thingsare exhibited to one another. It is the diagram of thesouth. The custom of the sages (i. e. monarchs) to sit withtheir faces to the south, and listen to therepresentations of the empire, governing towardsthe bright region, was taken from this.” 2.Observe, Chung-kung was the designation of Yen Yung, see V.iv. 3. Of Tsze-sang Pih-tsze, we know nothing certain butwhat is here stated. Choo He seems to be wrong in approvingthe identification of him with a Tsze-sangHoo.—“To dwell in respect,”to have the mind imbued with it.

2.

THE RARITY OF A TRUE LOVE TOLEARN. HWUY’S SUPERIORITY TO THE OTHERDISCIPLES. “He did not transfer hisanger,” i. e. his anger was no tumultuary passionin the mind, but was excited by some specific cause, towhich alone it was directed. The idea of“learning,” with the duke and thesage, was a practical obedience to the lessonsgiven.

3.

DISCRIMINATION OF CONFUCIUS IN REWARDING OR SALARYINGOFFICERS. 1. Choo He says the commission was aprivate one from Confucius, but this is not likely. The oldinterpretation makes it a public one from the court of Loo.“Yen, the disciple;” see III. vi. Yenis here styled “the philosopher,” likeYew, in I. ii., but only in narrative, not as introducingany wise utterance. A foo contained 6 tow and 4 shing, or 64 shing. The yu contained 160 shing, and the ping 16 hŏ, or 1600 shing. A shing of the presentday is about one-fourth less than an English pint. 2.Ch‘ih. i.e. Tsze-hwa; see V. vii. 4. 3. Yuen Sze,named Heen, is now the third, east, in the outer hall of thetemples. He was noted for his pursuit of truth, andcarelessness of worldly advantages. After the death ofConfucius, he withdrew into retirement in Wei. It is relatedthat Tsze-kung, high in official station, came one day ingreat style to visit him. Sze received him in a tatteredcoat, and Tsze-kung asking him if he were ill, he replied.“I have heard that to have no money is to be poorand that to study truth and not be able to find it is to beill.” This answer sent Tsze-kung away inconfusion.—The 900 measures (whatever they were)was the proper allowance for an officer of Sze’sstation.

4.

THE VICES OF A FATHER SHOULDNOT DISCREDIT A VIRTUOUS SON. “Thefather of Chung-kung (see V. iv.) was a man of badcharacter,” and some would have visited this uponhis son, which drew forth Confucius’ remark. Therules of the Chow dynasty required that sacrificial victimsshould be red, and have good horns. An animal with thosequalities, though it might spring from one not possessingthem, would certainly not be unacceptable on that account tothe spirits sacrificed to.

5.

THE SUPERIORITY OF HWUY TO THEOTHER DISCIPLES.

6.

THE QUALITIES OF TSZE-LOO,TSZE-KUNG, AND TSZE-YEW, AND THEIR COMPETENCY TO ASSISTIN GOVERNMENT. The prince is called “the doer of government;” hisministers and officers are styled “the followers (officers) ofgovernment.”

7.

MINTSZE-K‘EEN REFUSES TO SERVE THE KEFAMILY. The tablet of Tsze-k‘een (hisname was Sun) is now the first on the east among“the wise ones” of the temple. He wasamong the foremost of the disciples. Confucius praises hisfilial piety; and we see here, how he could stand firm inhis virtue, and refuse the proffers of powerful butunprincipled families of his time. Pe was a place belonging to the Ke family. Its name is stillpreserved in a district of the department of E-chow, inShan-tung. The Wăn stream divided Ts‘eand Loo. Tsze-k‘een threatens, if he should betroubled again, to retreat to Ts‘e, where the Kefamily could not reach him.

8.

LAMENTOF CONFUCIUS OVER THE MORTAL SICKNESS OF PIH-NEW. Pih-new, “elder or uncle New,” was thedenomination of Yen Kăng, who had an honourableplace among the disciples of the sage. In the oldinterpretation, his sickness is said to have been“an evil disease,” by which nameleprosy is intended. Suffering from such a disease, Pih-newwould not see people, and Confucius took his hand throughthe window. A different explanation of that circumstance isgiven by Choo He. He says that sick persons were usuallyplaced on the north side of the apartment, but when theprince visited them, in order that he might appear to themwith his face to the south (see ch. I.), they were moved tothe south. On this occasion, Pih-new’s friendswanted to receive Confucius after this royal fashion, whichhe avoided by not entering the house.

9.

THE HAPPINESS OF HWUYINDEPENDENT OF POVERTY.

10.

A HIGH AIM AND PERSEVERANCEPROPER TO A STUDENT. Confucius would not admitK‘ew’s apology for not attempting morethan he did. “Give over in the middle of thewav,” i. e. they go as long and as far as theycan, they are pursuing when they stop; whereasK‘ew was giving up when he might have goneon.

11.

HOW LEARNING SHOULD BEPURSUED.

12.

THECHARACTER OF TAN-T‘AEMEĔ-MING. The chapter shows, accordingto Chinese commentators, the advantage to people inauthority of their having good men about them. In this way,after their usual fashion, they seek for a profound meaningin the remark of Confucius. Tan-t‘aeMeĕ-ming, who was styled Tsze-yu, has his tabletthe second east outside the hall. The accounts of him arevery conflicting. According to one, he was verygood-looking, while another says he was so badlooking thatConfucius at first formed an unfavourable opinion of him, anerror which he afterwards confessed onMeĕ-ming’s becoming eminent. Hetravelled southwards with not a few followers, and placesnear Soo-chow and elsewhere retain names indicative of hispresence.

13.

THEVIRTUE OF MANG CHE-FAN IN CONCEALING HIS MERIT. Butwhere was his virtue in deviating from the truth? And howcould Confucius commend him for doing so? These questionhave never troubled the commentators. MăngChe-fan was an officer of Loo. The defeat, after which hethus distinguished himself, was in the 11th year of DukeGae, BC 483.

14.

THEDEGENERACY OF THE AGE ESTEEMING GLIBNESS OF TONGUE ANDBEAUTY OF PERSON. T‘o, the officercharged with the prayers in the ancestral temple. I havecoined the word litanist, to come asnear to the meaning as possible. He was an officer of thestate of Wei, styled Tsze-yu. Prince Chaou had been guiltyof incest with his sister Nan-tsze (see ch. 26), andafterwards, when she was married to the Duke Ling of Wei, heserved as an officer there, carrying on his wickedness. Hewas celebrated for his beauty of person.

15.

A LAMENT OVER THE WAYWARDNESSOF MEN’S CONDUCT. “Theseways,”—in a moralsense;—not deep doctrines, but rules oflife.

16.

THEEQUAL BLENDING OF SOLID EXCELLENCE AND ORNAMENTALACCOMPLISHMENTS IN A COMPLETECHARACTER.

17.

LIFEWITHOUT UPRIGHTNESS IS NOT TRUE LIFE, AND CANNOT BECALCULATED ON. “No more serious warningthan this,” says one commentator, “wasever addressed to men by Confucius.” We longhere, as elsewhere, for more perspicuity and fullerdevelopment of view. An important truth struggles forexpression, but only finds it imperfectly. Withoutuprightness, the end of man’s existence is notfulfilled, but his preservation in such case is not merely afortunate accident.

18.

DIFFERENT STAGES OF ATTAINMENT.

19.

TEACHERS MUST BE GUIDED IN COMMUNICATING KNOWLEDGE BYTHE SUSCEPTIVITY OF THELEARNERS.

20.

CHIEF ELEMENTS IN WISDOM ANDVIRTUE. We may suppose from the second clause thatFan Ch‘e was striving after what was uncommon andsuperhuman. The sage’s advice thereforeis—“attend to what are plainly humanduties, and do not besuperstitious.”

21.

CONTRASTS OF THE WISE AND THE VIRTUOUS. The wiseor knowing are active and restless, like the waters of astream, ceaselessly flowing and advancing. The virtuous aretranquil and firm, like the stable mountains. The pursuit ofknowledge brings joy. The life of the virtuous may beexpected to glide calmly on and long. After all, the sayingis not very comprehensible.

22.

THECONDITION OF THE STATES TS‘E AND LOO. Ts‘e and Loo were both within the presentShan-tung. Ts‘e lay along the coast on the north,embracing the present department of Ts‘ing Chowand other territory. Loo was on the south, the largerportion of it being formed by the present department ofYen-chow. At the rise of the Chow dynasty, King Woo invested“the great Duke Wang” with theprincipality of Ts‘e, while his successor, KingCh‘ing, constituted the son of his uncle, thefamous duke of Chow, prince of Loo. In Confucius’time, Ts‘e had degenerated more thanLoo.

23.

THENAME WITHOUT THE REALITY IS FOLLY. This was spokenwith reference to the governments of the time, retainingancient names without ancient principles. The vessel spokenof was made with corners, as appears from the composition ofthe character, which is formed fromKëŏ, “a horn,”“a sharp corner.” InContucius’ time, the form was changed, while thename was kept.

24.

THEBENEVOLENT EXERCISE THEIR BENEVOLENCE WITHPRUDENCE. Tsae Wo could see no limitation to actingon the impulses of benevolence. We are not to suppose, withmodern commentators, that he wished to show that benevolencewas impracticable.

25.

THEHAPPY EFFECT OF LEARNING AND PROPRIETYCOMBINED.

26.

CONFUCIUS VINDICATES HIMSELF FOR VISITING THE UNWORTHYNAN-TSZE. Nan-tsze was the wife of the duke of Wei,and sister of Prince Chaou, mentioned chapter xiv. Her lewdcharacter was well known, and hence Tsze-loo was displeased,thinking an interview with her was disgraceful to theMaster. Great pains are taken to explain the incident.“Nan-tsze,” says one,“sought the interview from the stirrings of hernatural conscience.” “It was arule,” says another, “that officers ina state should visit the prince’swife.” “Nan-tsze,” argues athird, “had all influence with her husband, andConfucius wished to get currency by her means for hisdoctrine.”

27.

THEDEFECTIVE PRACTICE OF THE PEOPLE INCONFUCIUS’ TIMES. See the Doctrine ofthe Mean, III.

28.

THETRUE NATURE AND ART OF VIRTUE. There are no highersayings in the Analects than we have here. 1. Tsze-kungappears to have thought that great doings were necessary tovirtue, and propounds a case which would transcend theachievements of Yaou and Shun. From such extravagant viewsthe Master recalls him. 2. This is the description of“the mind of the perfectly virtuousman” as void of all selfishness. 3. It is to bewished that the idea intended by “being able tojudge of others by what is nigh in ourselves,”had been more clearly expressed. Still we seem to have herea near approach to a positive enunciation of “thegolden rule.”

*

HEADING AND SUBJECTS OF THISBOOK. —“A transmitter,and—” We have in this book much information ofa personal character about Confucius, both from his own lips andfrom the descriptions of his disciples. The two preceding bookstreat of the disciples and other worthies, and here, in contrastwith them, we have the sage himself exhibited.

1.

CONFUCIUS DISCLAIMS BEING AN ORIGINATOR OR MAKER. Commentators say the master’s language here isfrom his extreme humility. But we must hold that itexpresses his true sense of his position and work. Who theindividual called endearingly “our oldP‘ang” was, can hardly be ascertained.Choo He adopts the view that he was a worthy officer of theShang dynasty. But that individual’s history is amass of fables. Others make him to be Laou-tsze, the founderof the Taou sect, and others again make twoindividuals—one this Laou-tsze, and the otherthat P‘ang.

2.

CONFUCIUS’ HUMBLEESTIMATE OF HIMSELF. “Thelanguage,” says Choo He, “is that ofhumility upon humility.” Some insert,“besides me,” in their explanationsbefore“what,”—“Besidesthese, what is there in me?” But this is quitearbitrary. The profession may be inconsistent with what wefind in other passages, but the inconsistency must standrather than violence be done to thelanguage.

3.

CONTUCIUS’ ANXIETY ABOUT HISSELF-CULTIVATION.—ANOTHER HUMBLE ESTIMATE OFHIMSELF. Here, again, commentators find only theexpressions of humility, but there can be no reason why weshould not admit that Confucius was anxious lest thesethings, which are only put forth as possibilities, shouldbecome in his case actual facts.

4.

THE MANNER OF CONFUCIUS WHENUNOCCUPIED.

5.

HOW THE DISAPPOINTMENT OFCONFUCIUS’ HOPES AFFECTED EVEN HISDREAMS. Chow was the name of the seat of the familyfrom which the dynasty so called sprang, and on theenlargement of this territory, King Wăn dividedthe original seat between his sons, Tan and Shih. Tan was“the duke of Chow,” in wisdom andpolitics what his elder brother, the first emperor, Woo, wasin arms. Confucius had longed to bring the principles andinstitutions of Chow-kung into practice, and in his earlieryears, while hope animated him, had often dreamt of theformer sage. The original territory of Chow was what is nowthe district of K‘e-shan, department ofFung-tseang, in Shen-se.

6.

RULES FOR THE FULL MATURING OFCHARACTER. See a note on “The politearts,” I. vi. A full enumeration makes“six arts,” viz. ceremonies, music,archery, charioteering, the study of characters or language,and figures or arithmetic. The ceremonies were ranged infive classes, lucky or sacrifices, unlucky or the mourningceremonies, military, those of host and guest, and festive.Music required the study of the music of Hwang-te, of Yaou,of Shun, of Yu, of T‘ang, and of Woo. Archery hada five-fold classification. Charioteering had the same. Thestudy of the characters required the examination of them, todetermine whether there predominated in their formationresemblance to the object, combination of ideas, indicationof properties, a phonetic principle, a principle ofcontrariety, or metaphorical accommodation. Figures weremanaged according to nine rules, as the object was themeasurement of land, capacity, c. These sixsubjects were the business of the highest and most liberaleducation; but we need not suppose that Confucius had themall in view here.

7.

THEREADINESS OF CONFUCIUS TO IMPART INSTRUCTION. Itwas the rule anciently that when one party waited onanother, he should carry some present or offering with him.Pupils did so when they first waited on their teacher. Ofsuch offerings, one of the lowest was a bundle of“dried flesh.” The wages of a teacherare now called “the money of the driedflesh.” However small the offering brought to thesage, let him only see the indication of a wish to learn,and he imparted his instructions.

8.

CONFUCIUS REQUIRED A REAL DESIRE AND ABILITY IN HISDISCIPLES. The last chapter tells of thesage’s readiness to teach, which shows that hedid not teach where his teaching was likely to prove of noavail.

9.

CONFUCIUS’ SYMPATHYWITH MOURNERS. The weeping is understood to be onoccasion of offering his condolences to amourner.

10.

THE ATTAINMENTS OF HWUY LIKETHOSE OF CONFUCIUS. THE EXCESSIVE BOLDNESS OFTSZE-LOO. The words “unarmed to attack atiger, without a boat to cross a river,” are fromthe She King, Pt II., Bk V. i. 6. Tsze-loo, it would appear,was jealous of the praise conterred on Hwuy, and pluminghimself on his bravery, put in for a share of theMaster’s approbation. But he only brought onhimself rebuke.

11.

THE UNCERTAINTY AND FOLLY OFTHE PURSUIT OF RICHES. It occurs to a student tounderstand the first clause—“If it be proper to search forriches,” and the third—“Iwill do it.” But the translation is according tothe modern commentary, and the conclusion agrees better withit. In explaining the words about “whip inhand,” some refer us to the attendants whocleared the street with their whips when the prince wentabroad, but we need not seek any particular allusion of thekind. An objection to the pursuit of wealth may be made onthe ground of righteousness (as in chapter xiv.) or on thatof its uncertainty. It is the latter on which Confucius hererests.

12.

WHATTHINGS CONFUCIUS WAS PARTICULARLY CAREFUL ABOUT. The word used here for “fasting”denotes the whole religious adjustment, enjoined before theoffering of sacrifice, and extending over the ten daysprevious to the great sacrificial seasons. Properly it means“to equalize,” and the effect of thoseprevious exercises was “to adjust what was notadjusted, to produce a perfect adjustment.”Sacrifices presented in such a state of mind were sure to beacceptable. Other people, it is said, might be heedless inreference to sacrifices, to war, and to sickness, but not sothe sage.

13.

THEEFFECT OF MUSIC ON CONFUCIUS. The shaou, —see III. 25. This incident musthave happened in the 36th year of Confucius when he followedthe Duke Ch‘aou in his flight from Loo toTs‘e. As related in the “HistoricalRecords,” before the words “threemonths,” we have “he learnedit,” which may relieve us from the necessity ofextending the three months over all the time in which he didnot know the taste of his food. In Ho An‘scompilation, the “did not know” isexplained by “he was careless about andforgot.”

14.

CONFUCIUS DID NOT APPROVE OF A SON OPPOSING HISFATHER. 1. The eldest son of Duke Ling of Wei hadplanned to kill his mother (? stepmother), the notoriousNan-tsze (VI. xxvi.). For this he had to flee the country,and his son, on the death of Ling, became duke, andsubsequently opposed his father’s attempts towrest the sovereignty from him. This was the matter arguedamong the disciples,—Was Confucius for the son,the reigning duke? 2. In Wei it would not have beenaccording to propriety to speak by nameof its ruler, and therefore Tsze-kung put the case of Pih-eand Shuh-ts‘e, see V. xxii. They having given upa throne, and finally their lives, rather than do what theythought wrong, and Confucius fully approving of theirconduct, it was plain he could not approve of ason’s holding by force what was the rightfulinheritance of the father.

15.

THE JOY OF CONFUCIUSINDEPENDENT OF OUTWARD CIRCUMSTANCES, HOWEVERSTRAITENED.

16.

THEVALUE WHICH CONFUCIUS SET UPON THE STUDY OF THEYIH. Choo He supposes that this was spoken whenConfucius was about seventy, as he was in his 68th year whenhe ceased his wanderings, and settled in Loo to theadjustment and compilation of the Yih and other king. If the remark be referred to thattime, an error may well be found in the number fifty, for hewould hardly be speaking at seventy of having fifty yearsadded to his life. Choo also mentions the report of acertain individual that he had seen a copy of the Lun Yu.which made the passage read:—“If I hadsome more years to finish the study ofthe Yih,” c. Ho An interprets thechapter quite differently. Referring to the saying, II. iv.4, “At fifty, I knew the decrees ofheaven,” he supposes this to have been spokenwhen Confucius was forty-seven, andexplains—“In a few years more I willbe fifty, and have finished the Yih, when I may be withoutgreat faults.”—One thing remains uponboth views:—Confucius never claimed what hisfollowers do for him, to be a perfectman.

17.

CONFUCIUS’ MOST COMMONTOPICS.

18.

CONFUCIUS’ DESCRIPTION OF HIS CHARACTER ASBEING SIMPLY A MOST EARNEST LEARNER. Shĕwas a district of Ts‘oo, the governor or prefectof which had usurped the title of duke. Its name is stillpreserved in a district of the department of Nan-yung, inthe south of Ho-nan.

19.

CONFUCIUS’ KNOWLEDGE NOT CONNATE, BUT THERESULT OF HIS STUDY OF ANTIQUITY. Here again,according to commentators, is a wonderful instance of thesage’s humility disclaiming what he really hadThe comment of Yun Ho-tsing, subjoined to ChooHe’s own, is to the effect that the knowledgeborn with a man is only“righteousness” and“reason,” while ceremonies, music,names of things, history, c., must be learned. Thiswould make what we may call connate or innate knowledge themoral sense, and those intuitive principles of reason, onand by which all knowledge is built up. But Confucius couldnot mean to deny his being possessed ofthese.

20.

SUBJECTS AVOIDED BY CONFUCIUSIN CONVERSATION. By“disorder” are meant rebelliousdisorder, parricide, regicide, and such crimes. For aninstance of Confucius avoiding the subject of spiritualbeings, see XI. xi.

21.

HOW AMAN MAY FIND INSTRUCTORS FORHIMSELF.

22.

CONFUCIUS CALM IN DANGER, THROUGH THE ASSURANCE OFHAVING A DIVINE MISSION. According to thehistorical accounts, Confucius was passing through Sung onhis way from Wei to Ch‘in, and was practisingceremonies with his disciples under a large tree, when theywere set upon by emissaries of Hwan T‘uy, a highofficer of Sung. These pulled down the tree, and wanted tokill the sage. His disciples urged him to make haste andescape, when he calmed their fears by these words. At thesame time, he disguised himself till he had got past Sung.This story may be apocryphal, but the sayingremains,—a remarkable one.

23.

CONFUCIUS PRACTISED NO CONCEALMENT WITH HISDISCIPLES.

24.

THECOMMON SUBJECTS OF CONFUCIUS’ TEACHING. I confess to apprehend but vaguely the two latter subjectsas distinguished from the second.

25.

THEPAUCITY OF TRUE MEN IN, AND THE PRETENTIOUSNESS OFCONFUCIUS’ TIME. We have in the chaptera climax of character:—the man of constancy, orthe single-hearted, steadfast man; the good man who on hissingle-heartedness has built up his virtue; the keun-tsze, the man of virtue in largeproportions, and intellectually able besides; and the sage,or highest style of man. Compare Mencius, VII. Pt II.xxv.

26.

THEHUMANITY OF CONFUCIUS. Confucius would only destroywhat life was necessary for his use, and in taking that hewould not take advantage of the inferior creatures. Thischapter is said to be descriptive of him in his earlylife.

27.

AGAINST ACTING HEEDLESSLY. Paou Heen, in Ho An,says that this was spoken with reference to heedlesscompilers of records; but this is unnecessary. Theparaphrasts make the latter part descriptive ofConfucius—“I hear much,”c. This is not necessary, and the translation hadbetter be as indefinite as the original.

28.

THEREADINESS OF CONFUCIUS TO MEET APPROACHES TO HIM THOUGHMADE BY THE UNLIKELY.

29.

VIRTUE IS NOT FAR TO SEEK.

30.

HOWCONFUCIUS ACKNOWLEDGED HIS ERROR. 1.Ch‘in, one of the States of China inConfucius’ time, is to be referred probably tothe present department of Ch‘in-chow in Ho-nanprovince. Ch‘aou was the honorary epithet ofChow, duke of Loo, BC 541—509. He had a reputation for the knowledgeand observance of ceremonies, and Confucius answered theminister’s question accordingly, the more readilythat he was speaking to the officer of another State, andwas bound, therefore, to hide any failings that his ownsovereign might have had. 2. With all his knowledge ofproprieties, the Duke Ch‘aou had violated animportant rule,—that which forbids theintermarriage of parties of the same surname. The rulinghouses of Loo and Woo were branches of the imperial house ofChow, and consequently had the same surname, Ke. To conceal his violation of the rule,Ch‘aou called his wife by the surname Tsze, as if she had belonged to theducal house of Sung. Woo-ma K‘e was one of theminor disciples of Confucius. 3. Confucius takes thecriticism of his questioner very lightly.

31.

THEGOOD FELLOWSHIP OF CONFUCIUS.

32.

ACKNOWLEDGMENT OF CONFUCIUS IN ESTIMATINGHIMSELF.

33.

WHATCONFUCIUS DECLINED TO BE CONSIDERED, AND WHAT HECLAIMED.

34.

CONFUCIUS DECLINES TO BE PRAYED FOR. The word hererendered “prayers” means“to write a eulogy, and confer the posthumoushonorary title,” also “to eulogize inprayer,” i.e. to reciteone’s excellencies as the ground of supplication.Tsze-loo must have been referring to some well-knowncollection of such prayers. Choo He says, “Prayeris the expression of repentance and promise of amendment, tosupplicate the help of the spirits. It there be not thosethings, then there is no need for praying. In the case ofthe sage, he had committed no errors, and admitted of noamendment. In all his conduct he had been in harmony withthe spiritual intelligences, and therefore hesaid,—‘ my prayinghas been for a long time. ’ ”We may demur to some of these expressions, but the decliningto be prayed for, and concluding remark, do indicate thesatisfaction of Confucius with himself. Here, as in otherplaces, we wish that our information about him were not sostinted and fragmentary.

35.

MEANNESS NOT SO BAD ASINSUBORDINATION.

36.

CONTRAST IN THEIR FEELINGS BETWEEN THE KEUN-TSZE ANDTHE MEAN MAN.

37.

HOWVARIOUS ELEMENTS MODIFIED ONE ANOTHER IN THE CHARACTEROF CONFUCIUS.

*

HEADING AND SUBJECTS OF THISBOOK. —“T‘ae-pih.”As in other cases, the first words of the book give name to it. Thesubjects of the book are miscellaneous, but it begins and ends withthe character and deeds of ancient sages and worthies; and on thisaccount it follows the seventh book, where we have Confucius himselfdescribed.

1.

THEEXCEEDING VIRTUE OF T‘AE-PIH. T‘ae-pih was the eldest son of KingT‘ae, the grandfather of Wăn, thefounder of the Chow dynasty. T‘ae had formed theintention of upsetting the Yin dynasty, of whichT‘ae-pih disapproved. T‘ae, moreover,because of the sage virtues of his grandsonCh‘ang, who afterwards became King Wan, wished tohand down his principality to his third son,Ch‘ang’s father. T‘ae-pihobserving this, and to escape opposing hisfather’s purpose, retired with his second brotheramong the barbarous tribes of the south, and left theiryoungest brother in possession of the state. The motives ofhis conduct T‘ae-pih kept to himself, so that thepeople “could not find how to praise him. Thereis a difficulty in making out the refusal of the empire three times, there being differentaccounts of the times and ways in which he did so. Choo Hecuts the knot, by making “thrice”= “firmly,” in whichsolution we may acquiesce. There is as great difficulty tofind out a declining of the empire inT‘ae-pih’s withdrawing from the pettystate of Chow. It may be added that King Woo, the firstemperor of the Chow dynasty, subsequently conferred onT‘ae-pih the posthumous title of Chief of Woo,the country to which he had withdrawn, and whose rudeinhabitants gathered round him. His second brother succeededhim in the government of them, and hence the ruling house ofWoo had the same surname as the imperial house of Chow, thatnamely of Tsze. See VII. xxx.

2.

THE VALUE OF THE RULES OFPROPRIETY; AND OF EXAMPLE IN THOSE IN HIGHSTATIONS. 1. We must bear in mind that theceremonies, or rules of propriety, spoken of in these books,are not mere conventionalities, but the ordinations ofman’s moral and intelligent nature in the line ofwhat is proper. 2. There does not seemany connection between the former paragraph and this, andhence this is by many considered to be a new chapter, andassigned to the philosopherTsăng.

3.

THEPHILOSOPHER TSĂNG’S FILLAL PIETYSEEN IN HIS CARE OF HIS PERSON. We get our bodiesperfect from our parents, and should so preserve them to thelast. This is a great branch of filial piety with theChinese, and this chapter is said to illustrate howTsăng-tsze had made this his life-long study. Hemade the disciples uncover his hands and feet, to show themin what preservation those members were. The passage quotedfrom the poetry is in Pt II. Bk V. i. 8.

4.

THE PHILOSOPHERTSĂNG’S DYING COUNSELS TO A MAN OFHIGH RANK. King was the honorary epithet ofChung-sun Tseĕ, a great officer of Loo and son ofMang-woo, II. vi. From the conclusion of this chapter, wemay suppose that he descended to small matters below hisrank.

5.

THE ADMIRABLE SIMPLICITY ANDFREEDOM FROM EGOTISM OF A FRIEND OF THE PHILOSOPHERTSĂNG. This friend is supposed to havebeen Yen Yuen.

6.

A COMBINATION OF TALENTS ANDVIRTUE CONSTITUTING A KEUNTSZE.

7.

THENECESSITY TO THE SCHOLAR OF COMPASS AND VIGOUR OFMIND. The designation“scholar” here might also betranslated “officer.” Scholar is theprimary meaning; but in all ages learning has been thequalification for, and passport to, official employment inChina, hence it is also a general designation for“an officer.”

8.

THEEFFECTS OF POETRY, PROPRIETIES, ANDMUSIC.

9.

WHAT MAY, AND WHAT MAY NOT, BEATTAINED TO WITH THE PEOPLE. This chapter has avery doubtful merit, and the sentiment is much too broadlyexpressed. Some commentators say, however, that all which ismeant is that a knowledge of the reasons and principles ofwhat they are called to do need not be required from thepeople.

10.

DIFFERENT CAUSES OFINSUBORDINATION—A LESSON TORULERS.

11.

THE WORTHLESSNESS OF TALENTWITHOUT VIRTUE.

12.

HOWQUICKLY LEARNING LEADS TO GOOD. I have translatedhere according to the old interpretation of K‘ungGan-kwŏ. Choo He takes the term for“good” in the sense of“emolument,” which it also has, andwould change the character for “comingto,” into another of the same sound and tone,meaning “setting the mind on,” thusmaking the whole a lamentation over the rarity of thedisinterested pursuit of learning. But we are not at libertyto admit alterations of the text, unless, as received, it beabsolutely unintelligible.

13.

THEQUALIFICATIONS OF AN OFFICER, WHO WILL ALWAYS ACT RIGHTIN ACCEPTING AND DECLINING OFFICE. 1. Thisparagraph is to be taken as descriptive of character, theeffects of whose presence we have in the next, and of itsabsence in the last.—The whole chapter seems towant the warmth of generous principle and feeling. In fact.I doubt whether its parts bear the relation and connectionwhich they are supposed to have.

14.

EVERYMAN SHOULD MIND HIS OWN BUSINESS. So the sentimentof this chapter is generalized by the paraphrasts andperhaps correctly. Its letter, however, has doubtlessoperated to prevent the spread of right notions aboutpolitical liberty in China.

15.

THE PRAISE OF THEMUSIC-MASTER CHE.

16.

ALAMENTATION OVER MORAL ERROR ADDED TO NATURALDEFECT. “I do not understandthem,” that is, say commentators, natural defectsof endowment are generally associated with certain redeemingqualities, as hastiness with straightforwardness,c. In the parties Confucius had in view, thoseredeeming qualities were absent. He did not understand them,and could do nothing for them.

17.

WITHWHAT EARNESTNESS AND CONTINUOUSNESS LEARNING SHOULD BEPURSUED.

18.

THELOFTY CHARACTER OF SHUN AND YU. Shun received theempire from Yaou, BC 2254, and Yureceived it from Shun, BC 2204. Thethrone came to them not by inheritance. They were called toit by their talents and virtue. And yet the possession ofempire did not seem to affect them atall.

19.

THEPRAISE OF YAOU. 1. No doubt Yaou, as he appears inChinese annals, is a fit object of admiration, but ifConfucius had had a right knowledge of, and reverence for.Heaven, he could not have spoken as he does here. Grant thatit is only the visible heaven overspreading all, to which hecompares Yaou, even that is sufficientlyabsurd.

20.

THE SCARCITY OF MEN OFTALENT, AND PRAISE OF THE HOUSE OF CHOW. 1.Shun’s five ministers were Yu, superintendent ofworks, Tseih, superintendent of agriculture, Seĕ,minister of instruction, Kaou-yaou, minister of justice, andPih-yih, warden of woods and marshes. Those five, as beingeminent above all their compeers, are mentioned. 2. See theShoo-king, V. Bk I. ii. 6. Of the ten ministers, the mostdistinguished of course was the duke of Chow. One of them,it is said in the next paragraph, was a woman, but whethershe was the mother of King Wăn, or his wife, ismuch disputed. 3. Instead of the usual “TheMaster said,” we have here“K‘ung the philosophersaid”. This is accounted for on the ground thatthe words of king Woo having beenquoted immediately before, it would not have done to crownthe sage with his usual title of “the Master. ” The style of thewhole chapter, however, is different from that of anyprevious one, and we may suspect that it is corrupted.“The dynasties of T‘ang andYu” were those of Yaou and Shun. Yaou is calledT‘ang, having ascended the throne from themarquisate of that name, and Yu became the accepted surnameor style of Shun.

21.

THEPRAISE OF YU.

*

HEADING AND SUBJECTS OF THISBOOK. “The Master seldom.” The thirtychapters of this book are much akin to those of the seventh. Theyare mostly occupied with the doctrine, character, and ways ofConfucius himself.

1.

SUBJECTS SELDOM SPOKEN OF BY CONFUCIUS. “Profitableness” is taken here in agood sense;—not as selfish gain, but as it isdefined under the first of the diagrams in the Yih-king,“the harmoniousness of all that isrighteous;” that is, how what is right is reallywhat is truly profitable. Compare Mencius, I. Pt I. i. Yeteven in this sense Confucius seldom spoke of it, as he wouldnot have the consideration of the profitable introduced intoconduct at all. With his not speaking of “perfectvirtue,” there is a difficulty which I know nothow to solve. The IVth book is nearly all occupied with it,and it was a prominent topic in Confuciusteachings.

2.

AMUSEMENT OF CONFUCIUS AT THEREMARK OF AN IGNORANT MAN ABOUT HIM. Commentators,old and new, say that the chapter shows the exceedinghumility of the sage, educed by his being praised, but hisobservation on the man’s remark was evidentlyironical.

3.

SOMECOMMON PRACTICES INDIFFERENT AND OTHERS NOT. 1. Thecap here spoken of was that prescribed to be worn in theancestral temple, and made of very fine linen dyed of a deepdark colour. It had fallen into disuse, and was supersededby a simpler one of silk. Rather than be singular, Confuciusgave in to a practice, which involved no principle of right,and was economical. 2. “In the ceremonialintercourse between ministers and their prince, it wasproper for them to bow below the raised hall. This theprince declined, on which they ascended and completed thehomage.” The prevailing disregard of the firstpart of the ceremony Confucius considered inconsistent withthe proper distance to be observed between prince andminister, and therefore he would be singular in adhering tothe rule.

4.

FRAILTIES FROM WHICH CONFUCIUSWAS FREE.

5.

CONFUCIUS ASSURED IN A TIME OFDANGER BY HIS CONVICTION OF A DIVINE MISSION. Compare VII. xxii., but the adventure to which this chapterrefers is placed in the sage’s history before theother, and seems to have occurred in his fifty-seventh year,not long after he had resigned office, and left Loo. Thereare different opinions as to what state K‘wangbelonged to. The most likely is that it was a border town ofCh‘ing, and its site is now to be found in thedepartment of K‘ae-fung in Ho-nan. The account isthat K‘wang had suffered from Yang Foo, anofficer of Loo, to whom Confucius bore a resemblance. As hepassed by the place, moreover, a disciple who had beenassociated with Yang Foo in his operations againstK‘wang, was driving him. These circumstances madethe people think that Confucius was their old enemy, so theyattacked him, and kept him prisoner for five days. Theaccounts of his escape vary, some of them being evidentlyfabulous. The disciples were in fear. The text wouldindicate that Confucius himself was so, but this is denied.He here identifies himself with the line of the great sages,to whom Heaven has intrusted the instruction of men. In allthe six centuries between himself and King Wăn,he does not admit of such another.

6.

ON THE VARIOUS ABILITY OFCONFUCIUS.—HIS SAGEHOOD NOT THEREIN. Theofficer had found the sagehood of Confucius in his variousability. Tsze-kung, positively, and yet with some appearanceof hesitancy, affirms the sagehood, and makes that abilityonly an additional circumstance. Confucius explains hispossession of various ability, and repudiates its beingessential to the sage, or even to the keun-tsze. 4. Laou was a disciple, by surnameK‘in, and styled Tsze-k‘ae, orTsze-chang. It is supposed that when these conversationswere being digested into their present form, some oneremembered that Laou had been in the habit of mentioning theremark given, and accordingly it was appended to thechapter.

7.

CONFUCIUS DISCLAIMS THE KNOWLEDGE ATTRIBUTED TO HIM,AND DECLARES HIS EARNESTNESS IN TEACHING. The firstsentence here was probably an exclamation with reference tosome remark upon himself as having extraordinaryknowledge.

8.

FORWANT OF AUSPICIOUS OMENS, CONFUCIUS GIVES UP THE HOPE OFTHE TRIUMPH OF HIS DOCTRINES. The fung is the male of a fabulous bird, which hasbeen called the Chinese phœnix, said to appearwhen a sage ascends the throne, or when right principles aregoing to triumph through the empire. The female is called hwang. In the days of Shun, theygambolled in his hall, and were heard singing on mountK‘e, in the time of King Wăn. Theriver and the map carry us farther back still,—tothe time of Fuh-he, to whom a monster with the head of adragon, and the body of a horse, rose from the water, beingso marked on the back as to give that first of the sages theidea of his diagrams. Confucius endorses thesefables.

9.

CONFUCIUS’ SYMPATHYWITH SORROW, RESPECT FOR RANK, AND PITY FORMISFORTUNE.

10.

YEN YUEN’SADMIRATION OF HIS MASTER’S DOCTRINES, AND HISOWN PROGRESS IN THEM.

11.

CONFUCIUS’ DISLIKEOF PRETENSION, AND CONTENTMENT WITH HIS CONDITION. Confucius had been a great officer, and had enjoyed theservices of ministers, as in a petty court. Tsze-loo wouldhave surrounded him in his great sickness with the illusionsof his former state, and brought on himself thisrebuke.

12.

HOWTHE DESIRE FOR OFFICE SHOULD BE QUALIFIED BYSELF-RESPECT. The disciple wanted to elicit fromConfucius why he declined office so much, and insinuated thesubject in this way.

13.

HOWBARBARIANS CAN BE CIVILIZED. This chapter is to beunderstood, it is said, like V. vi., not as if Confuciusreally wished to go among the E (barbarians), but that hethus expressed his regret that his doctrine did not findacceptance in China.

14.

CONFUCIUS’ SERVICES IN CORRECTING THE MUSICOF HIS NATIVE STATE AND ADJUSTING THE BOOK OFPOETRY. Confucius returned from Wei to Loo in hissixty-ninth year, and died five years after. The“Correct Odes” and “PraiseSongs” are the names of two, or rather three ofthe divisions of the She-king, the former being the“elegant” or“correct” odes, to be used with musicmostly at imperial festivals, and the latter, celebratingprincipally the virtues of the founders of differentdynasties, to be used in the services of the ancestraltemple.

15.

CONFUCIUS’ VERYHUMBLE ESTIMATE OF HIMSELF. Compare VII. ii; butthe things which Confucius here disclaims are of a stilllower character than those there mentioned. Very remarkableis the last, as from the sage.

16.

HOWCONFUCIUS WAS AFFECTED BY A RUNNING STREAM. Whatdoes the it in the translation referto? The construction of the sentence indicates something inthe sage’s mind, suggested by the ceaselessmovement of the water. Choo He makes it “ourcourse of nature.” Others say“events,” “the things oftime.” Probably Choo He is correct. CompareMencius, IV. Pt II. xviii.

17.

THERARITY OF A SINCERE LOVE OFVIRTUE.

18.

THATLEARNERS SHOULD NOT CEASE NOR INTERMIT THEIRLABOURS. This is a fragment like many otherchapters, of some conversation, and the subject thusillustrated must be supplied, after the modern commentators,as in the translation; or, after the old, by “thefollowing of virtue.” See the Shoo-king, Pt V. BkV. ix., where the subject is virtuous consistency. Thelesson of the chapter is—that repeatedacquisitions individually small will ultimately amount tomuch, and that the learner is never to giveover.

19.

HWUYTHE EARNEST STUDENT.

20.

CONFUCIUS’ FONDRECOLLECTION OF HWUY AS A MODELSTUDENT.

21.

IT ISTHE END WHICH CROWNS THE WORK.

22.

HOWAND WHY A YOUTH SHOULD BE REGARDED WITH RESPECT. The same person is spoken of throughout the chapter. WithConfucius’ remark compare that of John Trebonius,Luther’s schoolmaster at Eisenach, who used toraise his cap to his pupils on entering the schoolroom, andgave as the reason—“There are amongthese boys men of whom God will one day make burgomasters,chancellors, doctors, and magistrates. Although you do notyet see them with the badges of their dignity, it is rightthat you should treat them withrespect.”

23.

THEHOPELESSNESS OF THE CASE OF THOSE WHO ASSENT AND APPROVEWITHOUT REFORMATION OR SERIOUSTHOUGHT.

24.

This is a repetitionof part of I. viii.

25.

THEWILL UNSUBDUABLE.

26.

TSZE-LOO’S BRAVE CONTENTMENT IN POVERTY. BUTFAILURE TO SEEK THE HIGHEST AIMS. 2. See theShe-king. Pt I. Bk III. viii. 4. Tsze-loo was a man ofimpulse, with many fine points, but not sufficientlyreflective.

27.

MENARE KNOWN IN TIMES OF ADVERSITY. “Thelast to lose their leaves,” may be regarded as ameiosis for their being evergreens.

28.

SEQUENCES OF WISDOM, VIRTUE, ANDBRAVERY.

29.

HOWDIFFERENT INDIVIDUALS STOP AT DIFFERENT STAGES OFPROGRESS. More literally rendered, this chapterwould be—“It may be possible with some parties together to study, but it may not yet be possible withthem to go on to principles,”c.

30.

THENECESSITY OF REFLECTION. 1. This is from one of thepieces of poetry which were not admitted into the She-king,and no more of it being preserved than what we have here, itis not altogether intelligible. 2. With this paragraph ChooHe compares VII. 30.—The whole chapter is likethe 20th of the last book, and suggests the thought of itsbeing an addition by another hand to the originalcompilation.

*

HEADING AND SUBJECTS OF THISBOOK. “The village.” This book isdifferent in its character from all the others in the work. Itcontains hardly any sayings of Confucius, but is descriptive of hisways and demeanour in a variety of places and circumstances. It isnot uninteresting, but, as a whole, it does not heighten ourveneration for the sage. We seem to know him better from it, and toWestern minds, after being viewed in his bed-chamber, his undress,and at his meals, he becomes divested of a good deal of his dignityand reputation. There is something remarkable about the style. Onlyin one passage is Confucius styled “ TheMaster ” He appears either as“K‘ung the philosopher,” or as“The superior man.” A suspicion is thus raisedthat the chronicler had not the same relation to him as thecompilers of the other books. Anciently, the book formed only onechapter, but it is now arranged under seventeen divisions. Thosedivisions, for convenience in the translation, I continue todenominate chapters, which is done also in some nativeeditions.

1.

DEMEANOUR OF CONFUCIUS IN HIS VILLAGE, IN THE ANCESTRALTEMPLE, AND IN THE COURT.

2.

DEMEANOUR OF CONFUCIUS ATCOURT WITH OTHER OFFICERS, AND BEFORE THE PRINCE. It was the custom for all the officers to repair at daybreakto the court, and wait for the prince to give them audience“Great officer” was a general name,applicable to all the higher ministers in a court. At theimperial court they were divided into threeclasses.—“highest,”“middle,” and“lowest,” but the various princes hadonly the first and third. Of the first order there wereproperly three, the king or nobles ofthe state, who were in Loo the chiefs of the“three families.” Confucius belongedhimself to the lower grade.

3.

DEMEANOUR OF CONFUCIUS AT THE OFFICIAL RECEPTION OF AVISITOR. 1. The visitor is supposed to be theprince of another state. On the occasion of two princesmeeting there was much ceremony. The visitor having arrivedremained outside the front gate, and the host inside hisreception-room, which was in the ancestial temple. Messagespassed between them by means of a number of officers called keui, on the side of the visitor,and pin, on the side of the host, whoformed a zigzag line of communication from the one to theother, and passed their question and answers along, till anunderstanding about the visit was thus officially effected.2. This shows Confucius’ manner when engaged inthe transmission of the messages between the prince and hisvisitor. He must have occupied an intermediate place in therow of his prince’s pin, bowing to them on the right or the left, as he transmittedthe messages to and from the prince. 3. The host having comeout to receive his visitor, proceeded in with him, it issaid, followed by all their internuncios in a line, and tohis manner in this movement this paragraph is generallyreferred. But the duty of seeing the guest off, the subjectof the next paragraph, belonged to the pin who had been nearest to the prince, and was ofhigher rank than Confucius sustained. Hence arises adifficulty Either it is true that Confucius was at one timeraised to the rank of the highest dignitaries of the state,or he was temporarily employed, for his knowledge ofceremonies, after the first act in the reception ofvisitors, to discharge the duties of one. Assuming this, the“hastening forward” is to be explainedof some of his movements in the reception-room. How could hehurry forward when walking in file with the otherinternuncios? The ways of China, it appears, were much thesame anciently as now. A guest turns round and bowsrepeatedly in leaving, and the host can’t returnto his place till these salutations areended.

4.

DEMEANOUR OF CONFUCIUS IN THECOURT AT AN AUDIENCE. 1. The imperial courtconsisted of five divisions, each having its peculiar gate.That of a prince of a State consisted only of three, whosegates were named foo, che, and loo. The “gate”in the text is any one of these. The bending his body whenpassing through, high as the gate was, is supposed toindicate the great reverence which Confucius felt. 2. Eachgate had a post in the centre, by which it was divided intotwo halves, appropriated to ingress and egress. The princeonly could stand in the centre of either of them, and heonly could tread on the threshold or sill. 3. At the earlyformal audience at daybreak, when the prince came out of theinner apartment, and received the homage of the officers, heoccupied a particular spot. This is the“place,” now empty, which Confuciuspasses in his way to the audience in the inner apartment. 4.He is now ascending the steps to the“dais” or raised platform in the innerapartment, where the prince held his council, or gaveentertainments, and from which the family rooms of thepalace branched off. 5. The audience is now over, andConfucius is returning to his usual place at the formalaudience.

5.

DEMEANOUR OF CONFUCIUS WHENEMPLOYED ON A FRIENDLY EMBASSY. 1.“Sceptre” here is in the sense simplyof “a badge of authority.” It was aprecious stone, conferred by the emperor on the princes, anddiffered in size and shape according to their rank. Theytook it with them when they attended the imperial court,and, according to Choo He, and the old interpretation, itwas carried also by their representatives, as their voucher,on occasions of embassies among themselves. 2. The precedingparagraph describes Confucius’ manner in thefriendly court, at his first interview, showing hiscredentials, and delivering his message. That done, he hadto deliver the various presents with which he was charged.After all the public presents were delivered, the ambassadorhad others of his own to give, and his interview for thatpurpose is here spoken of.—Choo He remarks thatthere is no record of Confucius ever having been employed onsuch a mission, and supposes that this chapter and thepreceding are simply summaries of the manner in which heused to say duties referred to in them ought to bedischarged.

6.

RULES OF CONFUCIUS IN REGARDTO HIS DRESS. 1. The title of “SuperiorMan,” used here to denote Confucius, can hardlyhave come from the hand of a disciple. “Theornaments,” i.e. the collarand sleeves. The first colour, it is said, by Choo He, afterK‘ung Gan-kwŏ, was worn in fasting,and the other in mourning, on which account Confucius wouldnot use them. 2. There are five colours which go by the nameof “correct,” viz., “azure,yellow, carnation, white, and black,” others,among which are red, and red-drop, go by the name“intermediate.” Confucius would useonly the correct colours, and moreover, Choo He adds, redand reddish-blue are liked by women and girls. 3. Thissingle garment was made from the fibres of a creeping plant,the dolichos. See the She-king, Pt I.Bk I. ii. 4. The lamb’s fur belonged to the courtdress, the fawn’s was worn on embassies, thefox’s on occasions of sacrifice, c. Thefur and the thin garment over it were of the same colour.This was winter wear. 5. Confucius knew how to blend comfortand convenience. 6. This paragraph, it is supposed, belongsto the next chapter, in which case it is not the usualsleeping garment of Confucius that is spoken of, but the onehe used in fasting. 7. These are the furs of paragraph 5. 8.The appendages of the girdle were—thehandkerchief, a small knite, a spike for opening knots,c. Being ornamental, they were laid aside inmourning. 9. The lower garment reached below the knees likea kilt or petticoat. For court and sacrificial dress, it wasmade curtain-like, as wide at top as at bottom. In that wornon other occasions, Confucius saved the cloth in the waydescribed. So, at least, says K‘ungGan-kwŏ. 10. Lamb’s fur was worn black(paragraph 4), but white is the colour of mourning in China,and Confucius would not visit mourners but in a sympathizingcolour. 11. This was Confucius’ practice, afterhe had ceased to be in office.

7.

RULESOBSERVED BY CONFUCIUS WHEN FASTING. 1. The sixthparagraph of last chapter should come in as the second here.2. The fasting was not from all food, but only from wine orspirits, and from strong-flavouredvegetables.

8.

RULESOF CONFUCIUS ABOUT HIS FOOD. 1. The“minced meat.” according to thecommentators. was made of beef, mutton, or fish, uncooked. One hundred shing of paddy were reduced to thirty, to bring itto the state of finely-cleaned rice. 4. It is said, that inother things he had a limit, but the use of wine being tomake glad, he could not beforehand set a limit to thequantity of it. 8. The prince, anciently (and it is still acustom), distributed among the assisting ministers the fleshof his sacrifices. Each would only get a little, and so itcould be used at once. 10. The“sacrificing” refers to a customsomething like our saying grace. The Master took a fewgrains of rice, or part of the other provisions, and placedthem on the ground, among the sacrificial vessels, a tributeto the worthy or worthies who first taught the art ofcooking. The Buddhist priests in their monasteries have acustom of this kind: and on public occasions, as whenK‘e-ying gave an entertainment in Hongkong in1845, something like it is sometimes observed, but any suchceremony is unknown among the common habits of the people.However poor might be his fare, Confucius always observedit.

9.

RULE OF CONFUCIUS ABOUT HISMAT.

10.

OTHER WAYS OF CONFUCIUS INHIS VILLAGE. 1. At sixty, people carried staves.Confucius here showed his respect for age. He would not goout before the “fathers.” 2. Therewere three of these ceremonies every year, but that in thetext was called “the great no, ” being observed in the winterseason, when the officers led all the people of a villageabout, searching every house to expel demons, and drive awaypestilence. It was conducted with great uproar, and littlebetter than a play, but Confucius saw a good old idea in it,and when the mob was in his house, he stood on the easternsteps (the place of a host receiving guests) in full dress.Some make the steps those of his ancestral temple, and hisstanding there to be to assure the spirits of hisshrine.

11.

TRAITS OFCONFUCIUS’ INTERCOURSE WITH OTHERS. 1.The two bows, it is said, were not to the messenger, butintended for the distant friend to whom he was being sent.2. K‘ang was Ke K‘ang-tsze of II. xx. et al. Confucius accepted the gift,but thought it necessary to let the donor know he could not,for the present at least, avail himself ofit.

12.

HOWCONFUCIUS VALUED HUMAN LIFE. A“stable” was fitted to accommodate 216horses. The term may be used indeed for a private stable,but it is more natural to take it here for the State kew. This is the view in the FamilySayings.

13.

DEMEANOUR OF CONFUCIUS IN RELATION TO HIS PRINCE. 1. He would not offer the cooked meat to the spirits of hisancestors, not knowing but it might previously have beenoffered by the prince to the spirits of his. But hereverently tasted it, as if he had been in theprince’s presence. He“honoured” the gift of cooked food,“glorified” the undressed, and“was kind” to the living animal. 2.The sacrifice here is that in chapter viii. 10. Amongparties of equal rank all performed the ceremony, butConfucius, with his prince, held that the prince sacrificedfor all. He tasted everything, as if he had been a cook, it being the cook’sduty to taste every dish before the prince partook of it. 3.The head to the east was the proper position for a person inbed; a sick man might for comfort be lying differently, butConfucius would not see the prince but in the correctposition, and also in the court dress, so far as he couldaccomplish it. 4. He would not wait a moment, but let hiscarriage follow him.

14.

A repetition of partof III. xv. Compare also chapter ii. These two passages makethe explanation, given at III. xv., of the questioning beingon his first entrance on office verydoubtful.

15.

TRAITS OF CONFUCIUS IN THERELATION OF A FRIEND. 2. Between friends thereshould be a community of goods. “The flesh ofsacrifice,” however, was that which had beenoffered by his friend to the spirits of his parents orancestors. That demanded acknowledgment.

16.

CONFUCIUS IN BED, AT HOME, HEARING THUNDER, c. 2. Compare IX. ix., which is here repeated, withheightening circumstances. 3. The carriage ofConfucius’s time was hardly more than what wecall a cart. In saluting when riding, parties bowed forwardto the front bar. 4. He showed these signs, with referenceto the generosity of the provider.

17.

CONFUCIUS AT AND IN HIS CARRIAGE. 1. The strap orcord was attached to the carriage to assist in mountingit.

18.

A fragment, whichseemingly has no connection with the rest of the book.Various corrections of characters are proposed, and variousviews of the meaning given. Ho An’s view of theconclusion is this “Tsze-loo took it and servedit up. The Master thrice smelt it androse.”

*

HEADING AND SUBJECTS OF THISBOOK. —“The former men—No.XI.” With this Book there commences the second part ofthe Analects, commonly called the Hea Lun. There is, however, no classical authority for this division. Itcontains twenty-five chapters, treating mostly of various disciplesof the Master, and deciding the point of their worthiness. MinTsze-K‘een appears in it four times, and on this accountsome attribute the compilation of it to his disciples. There areindications in the style of a peculiar hand.

1.

CONFUCIUS’ PREFERENCE OF THE SIMPLER WAYS OFFORMER TIMES.

2.

CONFUCIUS’REGRETFUL MEMORY OF HIS DISCIPLES’ FIDELITY.CHARACTERISTICS OF TEN OF THE DISCIPLES. 1. Thisutterance must have been made towards the close ofConfucius’ life, when many of his disciples hadbeen removed by death, or separated from him by othercauses. In his sixty-second year or thereabouts, as theaccounts go, he was passing, in his wanderings fromCh‘m to Ts‘ae, when the officers ofCh‘in, afraid that he would go on into Tsoo,endeavoured to stop his course, and for several days he andthe disciples with him were cut off from food. BothCh‘m and Ts‘ae were in the presentprovince of Ho-nan, and are referred to the departments ofCh‘m-Chow and Joo-ning. 2. This paragraph is tobe taken as a note by the compilers of the book, enumeratingthe principal followers of Confucius on the occasionreferred to, with their distinguishing qualities. They arearranged in four classes, and, amounting to ten, are knownas the ten wise ones. The “fourclasses” and “ten wiseones” are often mentioned in connection with thesage’s school.

3.

HWUY’S SILENT RECEPTION OF THEMASTER’S TEACHINGS. A teacher issometimes helped by the doubts andquestions of learners, which lead him to explain himselfmore fully. Compare III. viii. 3.

4.

THE FILIAL PIETY OF MINTSZE-K‘EEN.

5.

CONFUCIUS’APPROBATION OF NAN YUNG. Nan Yung, see V. i. Forthe lines, see the She-king, Pt III. Bk III. ii. 5. Theyare—“A flaw in a white sceptre-stonemay be ground away; but for a flaw in speech, nothing can bedone.” In his repeating of these lines, we have,perhaps, the ground-virtue of the character for which Yungis commended in V. i.

6.

HOW HWUY LOVED TO LEARN. See VI. ii., where the same question is put by the Duke Gae,and the same answer is returned, only in a more extendedform.

7.

HOWCONFUCIUS WOULD NOT SELL HIS CARRIAGE TO BUY A SHELL FORYEN YUEN. 1. In the Family Sayings and in theHistory of Records, Hwuy’s death is representedas taking place before the death of Le. It is difficult tounderstand how such a view could ever have been adopted, ifthe authors were acquainted with this chapter. 2.“I follow in rear of the greatofficers.” This is said to be an expression ofhumility. Confucius, retired from office, might stillpresent himself at court, in the robes of his formerdignity, and would still be consulted on emergencies. Hewould no doubt have a foremost place on suchoccasions.

8.

CONFUCIUS FELT HWUY’S DEATH AS IF IT HADBEEN HIS OWN. The old interpreters make this simplythe exclamation of bitter sorrow. The modern, perhapscorrectly, make the chief ingredient to be grief that theman was gone to whom he looked most for the transmission ofhis doctrines.

9.

CONFUCIUS VINDICATES HIS GREATGRIEF FOR THE DEATH OF HWUY.

10.

CONFUCIUS’DISSATISFACTION WITH THE GRAND WAY IN WHICH HWUY WASBURIED. The old interpreters take the discipleshere as being the disciples of Yen Yuen. This is notnatural, and yet we can hardly understand how the disciplesof Confucius would act so directly contrary to his expresswishes. Confucius objected to a grand funeral asinconsistent with the poverty of the family (see chaptervii.).

11.

CONFUCIUS AVOIDS ANSWERINGQUESTIONS ABOUT SERVING SPIRITS, AND ABOUT DEATH. Two views of the replies here are found in commentators. Theolder ones say—“Confucius put off KeLoo, and gave him no answer, because spirits and death areobscure, and unprofitable subjects to talkabout”. With this some modern writers agree, butothers, and the majority,say—“Confucius answered the discipleprotoundly, and showed him how he should prosecute hisinquiries in the proper order. The service of the dead mustbe in the same spirit as the service of the living.Obedience and sacrifice are equally the expression of thefilial heart. Death is only the natural termination of life.We are born with certain gifts and principles, which carryus on to the end of our course.” This isingenious refining; but, after all, Confucius avoidsanswering the important questions proposed tohim.

12.

CONFUCIUS HAPPY WITH HIS DISCIPLES ABOUT HIM. HE WARNSTSZE-LOO.

13.

WISEADVICE OF MIN SUN AGAINST USELESSEXPENDITURE.

14.

CONFUCIUS’ ADMONITION AND DEFENCE OFTSZE-LOO. 1. The form of the harpsichord seems tocome nearer to that of the shih thanany other of our instruments. The shih is a kindred instrument with the k‘in, commonly called “thescholar’s lute.” See the ChineseRepository, vol. VIII. p. 38. The music made by Yew was moremartial in its air than befitted the peace-inculcatingschool of the sage. 2. This contains a defence of Yew, andan illustration of his real attainments.

15.

COMPARISON OF SZE AND SHANG.EXCESS AND DEFECT EQUALLY WRONG.

16.

CONFUCIUS’ INDIGNATION AT THE SUPPORT OFUSURPATION AND EXTORTION BY ONE OF HIS DISCIPLES. “Beat the drum and assail him;” thisrefers to the practice of executing criminals in themarket-place, and by beat of drum collecting the people tohear their crimes. Commentators, however, say that theMaster only required the disciples here to tellK‘ew of his faults and recoverhim.

17.

CHARACTERS OF THE FOURDISCIPLES—CH‘AE, SIN, SZE, ANDYEW. It is supposed “The Mastersaid,” is missing from the beginning of thischapter. Admitting this, the sentences are to be translatedin the present tense, and not in the past, which would berequired, if the chapter were simply the record of thecompilers. Ch‘ae, by surname Kaou, and styledTsze-Kaou, has his tablet now the fifth, west, in the outercourt of the temples. He was small and ugly, butdistinguished for his sincerity, filial piety, and justice.Such was the conviction of his impartial justice, that in atime of peril he was saved by a man whom he had formerlypunished with cutting off his feet.

18.

HWUYAND TSZE CONTRASTED. Hwuy’s beingbrought often to this state is mentioned merely as anadditional circumstance about him, intended to show that hewas happy in his deep poverty. Ho An preserves the commentof some one, which is worth giving here and according towhich, “empty-hearted,” free from allvanities and ambitions, was the formative element ofHwuy’s character.

19.

THEGOOD MAN. Compare VII. xxv. By a “goodman” Choo He understands “one of finenatural capacity, but who has not learned.” Sucha man will in many things be a law to himself, and needs notto follow in the wake of others, but after all his progresswill be limited. The text is ratherenigmatical.

20.

WE MAY NOT HASTILY JUDGE AMAN TO BE GOOD FROM HISDISCOURSE.

21.

ANINSTANCE IN TSZE-LOO AND YEN YEW OF HOW CONFUCIUS DEALTWITH HIS DISCIPLES ACCORDING TO THEIRCHARACTERS.

22.

YENYUEN’S ATTACHMENT TO CONFUCIUS, ANDCONFIDENCE IN HIS MISSION. See IX. v. IfHwuy’s answer was anything more than pleasantry,we must pronounce it foolish. The commentators, however,expand it thus:—“I knew that you wouldnot perish in this danger, and therefore I would not rashlyexpose my own life, but preserved it rather, that I mightcontinue to enjoy the benefit of yourinstructions.” If we inquire how Hwuy knew thatConfucius would not perish, we are informed that he sharedhis master’s assurance that he had a divinemission. See VII. xxii., IX. v.

23.

AGREAT MINISTER. CHUNG-YEW AND YEN K‘EW ONLYORDINARY MINISTERS. The paraphrasts sum up thecontents thus—“Confucius represses theboasting of Ke Tsze-jen, and indicates an acquaintance withhis traitorous purposes.” This Ke Tsze-jen was ayounger brother of Ke Hwan, who was the head of the Kefamily spoken of in III. i. Having an ambitious purpose onthe dukedom of Loo, he was increasing his officers, andhaving got the two disciples to enter his service, heboastingly speaks to Confucius aboutthem.

24.

HOWPRELIMINARY STUDY IS NECESSARY TO THE EXERCISE OFGOVERNMENT:—A REPROOF OF TSZE-LOO. 1.Pe,—see VI. vii. This commandantship is probablywhat Min Sun there refused. Tsze-loo had entered into theservice of the Ke family (see last chapter), and recommendedTsze-kaou as likely to keep the turbulent Pe in order,thereby withdrawing him from his studies with the Master. 2.By denominating Tsze-kaou “a man’sson,” Confucius intimates, I suppose, that thefather was injured as well. His son ought not to be so dealtwith. 3. The absurd defence of Tsze-loo. It is to thiseffect:—“The whole duty of man is intreating other men right, and rendering what is due tospiritual beings, and it may be learned practically withoutthe study you require.” “On thisaccount,”—with reference toTsze-loo’s reply.

25.

THEAIMS OF TSZE-LOO, TSANG SIH, YEN YEW, AND KUNG-SE HWA;AND CONFUCIUS’ REMARKS ABOUT THEM. Compare V. vii. and xxv. 1. The disciples mentioned here areall familiar to us excepting Tsăng Sih. He wasthe father of the more celebrated Tsăng Sin, andhimself by name Teen. The four are mentioned in the order oftheir age, and Teen would have answered immediately afterTsze-loo, but that Confucius passed him by, as he wasoccupied with his harpsichord. It does not appear whetherTeen, even at the last, understood why Confucius had laughedat Tsze-loo, and not at the others. “It wasnot,” say the commentators, “becauseTsze-loo was extravagant in his aims. They were all thinkingof great things, yet not greater than they were able for.Tsze-loo’s fault was in the levity with which hehad proclaimed his wishes. That was his offence against propriety. ”

*

HEADING AND SUBJECTS OF THISBOOK. “Yen Yuen.” It containstwenty-four chapters, conveying lessons on perfect virtue,government, and other questions of morality and policy, addressed inconversation by Confucius chiefly to his disciples. The differentanswers given about the same subject to different questioners, showwell how the sage suited his instructions to the characters andcapacities of the parties with whom he had to do.

1.

HOWTO ATTAIN TO PERFECT VIRTUE:—A CONVERSATIONWITH YEN YUEN. 1. In Ho An “to subdueone’s self” is explained by“to restrain the body.” Choo Hedefines the “subdue” by “toovercome,” and the “self”by “the selfish desires of the body.”In one commentary it is said “self here is notexactly selfishness, but selfishness is what abides by beingattached to the body, and hence it is said that selfishnessis self.” And again, “To subdueone’s self is not subduing and putting away the self, but subduing and putting awaythe selfish desires in theself. ” This “selfishness in theself” is of a three-foldcharacter:—first, what is said by Morrison to be“a person’s natural constitution anddisposition of mind:” it is, I think, very muchtheψυχικὸςἅνθρωποςor “animal man;” second,“the desires of the ears, the eyes, the mouth,the nose, i.e., the dominatinginfluences of the senses: and third, “Thou andI,” i.e., the lust ofsuperiority. More concisely the self is said to be“the mind of man” in opposition to the“mind of reason.” See the Shoo-kingII. Bk II. xv. This refractory “mind ofman,” it is said, is“innate,” or perhaps“connate.” In all these statementsthere is an acknowledgment of the fact—themorally abnormal condition of human nature—whichunderlies the Christian doctrine of original sin. Withreference to the above three-fold classification of selfishdesires, the second paragraph shows that it was the secondorder of them—the influence of the senses, whichConfucius specially intended. We turn to propriety, see noteon VIII. ii. The thing is not here ceremonies. Choo He defines it “thespecific divisions and graces of heavenly principle orreason.” This is continually being departed from,on the impulse of selfishness, but there is an ideal of itas proper to man, which is to besought—“returnedto”—by overcomingthat.

2.

WHEREIN PERFECT VIRTUE ISREALIZED:—A CONVERSATION WITHCHUNG-KUNG. From this chapter, it appears thatreverence and reciprocity, on the largest scale, are perfectvirtue. “Ordering the people” is aptto be done with haughtiness. This part of the answer may becompared with the apostle’sprecept—“Honour all men,”only the “all men” is much morecomprehensive there.—The answer, the same as thatof Hwuy in last chapter, seems to betray the hand of thecompiler.

3.

CAUTION IN SPEAKING A CHARACTERISTIC OF PERFECTVIRTUE:—A CONVERSATION WITH TSZE-NEW. Tsze-new was the designation of Sze-ma Kang, whose tablet isnow the seventh, east, in the outer range of the temples. Hebelonged to Sung, and was a brother of Hwan T‘uy,VII. xxii. Their ordinary surname was Heang, but that ofHwan could also be used by them, as they were descended fromthe duke so called. The office of “Master of thehorse” had long been in the family, and thattitle appears here as if it were New’ssurname.

4.

HOW THE KEUN-TSZE HAS NEITHERANXIETY NOR FEAR, CONSCIOUS RECTITUDE FREEING FROMTHESE.

5.

CONSOLATION OFFERED BYTSZE-HEA TO TSZE-NEW ANXIOUS ABOUT THE PERIL OF HISBROTHER. 1. Tsze-new’s anxiety wasoccasioned by the conduct of his eldest brother, HwanT‘uy, who, he knew, was contemplating rebellion,which would probably lead to his death. “All havetheir brothers,”— i.e., all can rest quietly without anxiety intheir relation. 2. It is naturally supposed that the authorof the observation was Confucius. 4. One writer says thatthe expression:—“all within the fourseas are brothers,” “does not meanthat all under heaven have the same genealogicalregister.” Choo He’s interpretation isthat, when a man so acts, other men will love and respecthim as a brother. This no doubt is the extent of the saying.I have found no satisfactory gloss on thephrase—“the four seas.” Itis found in the Shoo-king the She-king, and the Le-ke. Inthe illegible Ya, a sort of Lexicon, very ancient,which was once reckoned among the king, it is explained as a territorial designation, the name ofthe dwelling-place of all the barbarous tribes. But thegreat Yu is represented as having made the four seas as fourditches, to which he drained the waters inundating“the middle kingdom.” Plainly, theancient conception was of their own country as the greathabitable tract, north, south, east, and west of which werefour seas or oceans, between whose shores and their ownborders the intervening space was not very great, andoccupied by wild hordes of inferior races. Commentatorsconsider Tsze-hea’s attempt at consolationaltogether wide of the mark.

6.

WHAT CONSTITUTESINTELLIGENCE:—ADDRESSED TO TSZE-CHANG. Tsze-chang, it is said, was always seeking to be wise aboutthings lofty and distant, and therefore Confucius brings himback to things near at hand, which it was more necessary forhim to attend to.

7.

REQUISITES IN GOVERNMENT:—A CONVERSATIONWITH TSZE-CHANG. 3. The difficulty here is with theconcluding clause which is literally. “No faith,not stand.” Transferring the meaning of faith orconfidence from paragraph 1, we naturally render as in thetranslation, “the state will notstand.” This is the view, moreover, of the oldinterpreters. Choo He and his followers, however, seek tomake much more of “faith.” On thefirst paragraph he comments,—“Thegranaries being full, and the military preparation complete,then let the influence of instruction proceed. So shall thepeople have faith in their ruler, and will not leave him orrebel.” On the third paragraph hesays,—“If the people be without food,they must die, but death is the inevitable lot of men. Ifthey are without faith though they live, they have notwherewith to establish themselves. It is better for them insuch case to die. Therefore it is better for the ruler todie, not losing faith to his people, so that the people willprefer death rather than lose faith tohim.”

8.

SUBSTANTIAL QUALITIES AND ACCOMPLISHMENTS IN THEKEUN-TSZE. 1. Tsze-shing was an officer of thestate of Wei, and, distressed by the pursuit in the times ofwhat was merely external, made this not sufficientlywell-considered remark, to which Tsze-kung replied, in,according to Choo He, an equally one-sided manner. 3. Themodern commentators seem hypercritical in condemningTsze-kung’s language here. He shows thedesirableness of the ornamental accomplishments, but doesnot necessarily put them on the same level with thesubstantial qualities.

9.

LIGHT TAXATION THE BEST WAY TOSECURE THE GOVERNMENT FROM EMBARRASSMENT FOR WANT OFFUNDS. 2. By the statutes of the Chow dynasty, theground was divided into allotments cultivated in common bythe families located upon them, and the produce was dividedequally, nine tenths being given to the farmers, and onetenth being reserved as a contribution to the state. 3. Aformer duke of Loo, Seuen ( BC 601—590), had imposed an additional tax ofanother tenth from each family’s portion. 4. Themeaning of this paragraph is given in the translation.Literally rendered it is,—“The peoplehaving plenty, the prince—with whom not plenty?The people not having plenty, with whom can the prince haveplenty?” Yew Jŏ wished to impress onthe duke, that a sympathy and common condition should unitehim and his people. If he lightened his taxation to theregular tithe, then they would cultivate their allotmentswith so much vigour, that his receipts would be abundant.They would be able, moreover, to help their kind ruler inany emergency.

10.

HOW TO EXALT VIRTUE ANDDISCOVER DELUSIONS. 2. The Master says nothingabout the “discriminating,” or“discovering,” of delusions, but givesan instance of a twofold delusion. Life and death, it issaid, are independent of our wishes. To desire for a maneither the one or the other, therefore, is one delusion. Andon the change of our feelings to change our wishes inreference to the same person, is another. But in thisConfucius hardly appears to be the sage. 3. See the Sheking,Pt II Bk IV. iv. 3. I have translated according to themeaning in the She-king. The quotation may be twisted intosome sort of accordance with the preceding paragraph, as acase of delusion, but the commentator Ch‘ing isprobably correct in supposing that it should be transferredto XVI. xii.

11.

GOOD GOVERNMENT OBTAINS ONLYWHEN ALL THE RELATIVE DUTIES ARE MAINTAINED. 1.Confucius went to Ts‘e in his thirty-sixth year,and finding the reigning duke—styled King after hisdeath—overshadowed by his ministers, and thinkingof setting aside his eldest son from the succession, heshaped his answer to the question about governmentaccordingly.

12.

WITHWHAT EASE TSZE-LOO COULD SETTLE LITIGATIONS. 1. Wetranslate here—“could,” andnot—“can,” becauseConfucius is not referring to facts, but simply praising thedisciple’s character. 2. This paragraph is a noteby the compilers, stating a fact about Tsze-loo, toillustrate what the Master said of him.

13.

TOPREVENT BETTER THAN TO DETERMINE LITIGATIONS. Seethe Great Learning, Commentary, IV. Little stress is to belaid on the “I.” The meaningsimply=“One man is as good asanother.” Much stress is to be laid on“to cause”as=“to influenceto.”

14.

THEART OF GOVERNING.

15.

HARDLY DIFFERENT FROM VI.XXV.

16.

OPPOSITE INFLUENCE UPON OTHERS OF THE SUPERIOR MAN ANDTHE MEAN MAN.

17.

GOVERNMENT MORAL IN ITS END, AND EFFICIENT BYEXAMPLE.

18.

THEPEOPLE ARE MADE THIEVES BY THE EXAMPLE OF THEIRRULERS. This is a good instance ofConfucius’ boldness in reproving men in power. KeK‘ang had confirmed himself as head of the Kefamily, and entered into all its usurpations, by taking offthe infant nephew, who should have been its rightfulchief.

19.

KILLING NOT TO BE TALKED OF BY RULERS; THE EFFECT OFTHEIR EXAMPLE.

20.

THE MAN OF TRUE DISTINCTION,AND THE MAN OF NOTORIETY.

21.

HOWTO EXALT VIRTUE, CORRECT VICE, AND DISCOVERDELUSIONS. Compare chapter x. Here, as there, underthe last point of the inquiry, Confucius simply indicates acase of delusion, and perhaps this is the best way to teachhow to discover delusions generally.

22.

ABOUT BENEVOLENCE AND WISDOM;—HOW KNOWLEDGESUBSERVES BENEVOLENCE. Fan Ch‘e mightwell deem the Master’s replies enigmatical, and,with the help of Tsze-hea’s explanations, thestudent still finds it difficult to understand thechapter.—Shun and T‘ang showed theirwisdom—their knowledge of men—in theselection of those ministers. That was their employment ofthe upright, and therefore all devoid of virtue disappeared.That was their making the crooked upright;—and sotheir love reached to all.

23.

PRUDENCE IN FRIENDSHIP.

24.

THEFRIENDSHIP OF THE KEUN-TSZE. “Onliterary grounds,”—literally,“by means of letters,” i.e., common literary studies andpursuits.

*

HEADING AND SUBJECTS OF THISBOOK. —“Tsze-loo.” Here, asin the last book, we have a number of subjects touched upon, allbearing more or less directly on the government of the state, andthe cultivation of the person. The book extends to thirtychapters.

1.

THESECRET OF SUCCESS IN GOVERNING IS THE UNWEARIED EXAMPLEOF THE RULERS:—A LESSON TO TSZE-LOO. 1.To what understood antecedents do the Che refer? For the first, we may suppose to“people;” “precede thepeople,” or “lead thepeople,” that is, do so by the example of yourpersonal conduct. But we cannot in the second clause bring Che in the same way under theregimen of laou, “to belaborious for them;” that is, to set them theexample of diligence in agriculture, c. It isbetter, however, according to the idiom I have several timespointed out, to take Che as giving asort of neuter and general force to the preceding words, sothat the expressions are=“example andlaboriousness.”—K‘ungGan-kwŏ understands the meaningdifferently:—“set the people anexample, and then you may make them labour.” Butthis is not so good.

2.

THE DUTIES CHIEFLY TO BEATTENDED TO BY A HEAD MINISTER:—A LESSON TOYEN YUNG. 1. Compare VIII. iv. 3. A head ministershould assign to his various officers their duties, and notbe interfering in them himself. His business is to examineinto the manner in which they discharge them. And in doingso, he should overlook small faults. 2.Confucius’ meaning is, that Chung-kung need nottrouble himself about all men of worth.Let him advance those he knew. There was no fear that theothers would be neglected. Compare what is said on“knowing men,” in XII.xxii.

3.

THESUPREME IMPORTANCE OF NAMES BEING CORRECT. 1. Thisconversation is assigned by Choo He to the eleventh year ofthe Duke Gae of Loo, when Confucius was sixty-nine, and hereturned from his wanderings to his native state. Tsze-loohad then been some time in the service of the DukeCh‘uh of Wei, who it would appear had beenwishing to get the services of the sage himself, and thedisciple did not think that his Master would refuse toaccept office, as he had not objected to his doing so. 2. “Names”must have here a special reference, which Tsze-loo did notapprehend. Nor did the old interpreter, for Ma Yung explainsthe counsel “to rectify the names of allthings.” On this view, the reply would indeed be“wide of the mark.” The answer issubstantially the same as the reply to Duke King ofTs‘e about government in XII. xi., that itobtains when the prince is prince, the father father,c.; that is, when each man in his relations is whatthe name of his relation would require.Now, the Duke Ch‘uh held the rule of Wei againsthis father; see VII. xiv. Confucius, from the necessity ofthe case and peculiarity of the circumstances, allowed hisdisciples, notwithstanding that, to take office in Wei; butat the time of this conversation, Ch‘uh had beenduke for nine years, and ought to have been so establishedthat he could have taken the course of a filial son withoutsubjecting the state to any risks. On this account,Confucius said he would begin with rectifying the name ofthe duke, that is, with requiring him to resign the dukedomto his father, and be what his name of son required him to be. This view enables us tounderstand better the climax that follows, though itssuccessive steps are still not withoutdifficulty.

4.

A RULER HAS NOT TO OCCUPYHIMSELF WITH WHAT IS PROPERLY THE BUSINESS OF THEPEOPLE. It is to be supposed that FanCh‘e was at this time in office somewhere, andthinking of the Master, as the villager and high officerdid, IX. ii. and vi., that his knowledge embraced almostevery subject, he imagined that he might get lessons fromhim on the two subjects he specifies, which he might use forthe benefit of the people. The last paragraph shows whatpeople in office should learn. Confucius intended that itshould be repeated to FanCh‘e.

5.

LITERARY ACQUIREMENTS USELESSWITHOUT PRACTICAL ABILITY.

6.

HIS PERSONAL CONDUCT ALL INALL TO A RULER.

7.

THESIMILAR CONDITION OF THE STATES OF LOO AND WEI. Compare VI. xxii. Loo’s state had been so fromthe influence of Chow-kung, and Wei was the fief of hisbrother Fung, commonly known as K‘ang-shuh. Theyhad, similarly, maintained an equal and brotherly course intheir progress, or, as it was in Confucius’ time,in their degeneracy. That portion of the present Ho-nan,which runs up and lies between Shan-se and Pih-chih-le, wasthe bulk of Wei.

8.

THECONTENTMENT OF THE OFFICER KING, AND HIS INDIFFERENCE INGETTING RICH. The commentators say that it is notto be understood that King really made these utterances, butthat Confucius thus vividly represents how hefelt.

9.

A PEOPLE NUMEROUS, WELL-OFF,AND EDUCATED, IS THE GREAT ACHIEVEMENT OFGOVERNMENT.

10.

CONFUCIUS’ESTIMATE OF WHAT HE COULD DO, IF EMPLOYED TO ADMINISTERTHE GOVERNMENT OF A STATE.

11.

WHAT A HUNDRED YEARS OF GOODGOVERNMENT COULD EFFECT. Confucius quotes here asaying of his time, and approves of it.

12.

INWHAT TIME A ROYAL RULER COULD TRANSFORM THE EMPIRE. The character denoting “a king,”“a royal ruler,” is formed by threestraight lines representing the three powers of Heaven.Earth, and Man, and a perpendicular line going through anduniting them, and thus conveys the highest idea of power andinfluence. Here it means the highest wisdom and virtue inthe highest place.—To save Confucius from thecharge of vanity in what he says, in chapter x., that hecould accomplish in three years, it is said that theperfection which he predicates there would only be thefoundation for the virtue here realized.

13.

THATHE BE PERSONALLY CORRECT ESSENTIAL TO AN OFFICER OFGOVERNMENT.

14.

ANIRONICAL ADMONITION TO YEN YEW ON THE USURPINGTENDENCIES OF THE KE FAMILY. The point of thechapter turns on the opposition of the phrases“government business,” and“family affairs;”—at thecourt of the Ke family, that is, they had really beendiscussing matters of government, affecting the State, andproper only for the prince’s court. Confuciusaffects not to believe it, and says that at thechief’s court they could only have beendiscussing the affairs of his house. Superannuated officersmight go to court on occasions of emergency, and might alsobe consulted on such, though the general rule was to allowthem to retire at seventy. See the Le Ke, I. i.28.

15.

HOW THE PROSPERITY AND RUINOF A COUNTRY MAY DEPEND ON THE RULER’S VIEWOF HIS POSITION, HIS FEELING ITS DIFFICULTY, OR ONLYCHERISHING A HEADSTRONG WILL. 1. I should supposethat these were commentators’ sayings, aboutwhich the duke asks, in a way to intimate his disbelief ofthem.

16.

GOODGOVERNMENT SEEN FROM ITS EFFECTS. 1.Shĕ;—see VII. xviii. 2. Confucius issupposed to have in view the oppressive and aggressivegovernment of Tsoo, to which Shĕbelonged.

17.

HASTE AND SMALL ADVANTAGES NOT TO BE DESIRED INGOVERNING. Keu-foo was a small city in the westernborders of Loo.

18.

NATURAL DUTY AND UPRIGHTNESS IN COLLISION. 1. Wecannot say whether the duke is referring to one or moreactual cases, or giving his opinion of what his people woulddo. Confucius’ reply would incline us to thelatter view. Accounts are quoted of such cases, but they areprobably founded on this chapter. Ching seems to convey here the idea of accusation, as well as ofwitnessing. 2. The concluding expression does not absolutelyaffirm that this is upright, but that in this there is abetter principle than in the otherconduct.—Anybody but a Chinese will say that boththe duke’s view of the subject and thesage’s were incomplete.

19.

CHARACTERISTICS OF PERFECT VIRTUE, EVEN WHENASSOCIATING WITH BARBARIANS.

20.

DIFFERENT CLASSES OF MEN WHOIN THEIR SEVERAL DEGREES MAY BE STYLED OFFICERS, AND THEINFERIORITY OF THE MASS OF THE OFFICERS OFCONFUCIUS’ TIME.

21.

CONFUCIUS OBLIGED TO CONTENT HIMSELF WITH THE ARDENTAND CAUTIOUS AS DISCIPLES. Compare V xxi., andMencius, VII. Bk II. xxxvii.

22.

THEIMPORTANCE OF FIXITY AND CONSTANCY OF MIND. 1. Itranslate the word “wizard,” for wantof a better term. In the Chow Le, Bk XXVI., the woo appear sustaining a sort ofofficial status, regularly called in to bring down spiritualbeings, obtain showers, c. They are distinguishedas men and women, though the term is often feminine,“a witch,” as opposed to another,signifying “a wizard.”Confucius’ use of the saying, according to ChooHe, is this:—“Since such small peoplemust have constancy, how much more ought others to haveit!” The ranking of the doctors and wizardstogether sufficiently shows what was the position of thehealing art in those days.—ChingK‘ang-shing interprets this paragraph quiteinadmissibly:—“wizards and doctorscannot manage people who have no constancy.” 2.This is a quotation from the Yih-king, diagram xxxii. 3.This is inexplicable to Choo He. Some bring out from it themeaning in the translation.—Ch‘ingK‘ang-shing says:—“By theYih we prognosticate good and evil, but in it there is noprognostication of people withoutconstancy.”

23.

THEDIFFERENT MANNERS OF THE SUPERIOR AND THE MEAN MAN. Compare II. xiv.; but here the parties are contrasted intheir more private intercourse withothers.

24.

HOWTO JUDGE OF A MAN FROM THE LIKINGS AND DISLIKINGS OFOTHERS, WE MUST KNOW THE CHARACTERS OF THOSEOTHERS.

25.

DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE SUPERIOR AND THE MEAN MAN INTHEIR RELATION TO THOSE EMPLOYED BYTHEM.

26.

THEDIFFERENT AIR AND BEARING OF THE SUPERIOR AND THE MEANMAN.

27.

NATURAL QUALITIES WHICH ARE FAVOURABLE TOVIRTUE.

28.

QUALITIES THAT MARK THE SCHOLAR IN SOCIALINTERCOURSE. This is the same question as inchapter xx. 1, but the subject is here “thescholar,” the gentleman of education, withoutreference to his being in office or not.

29.

HOWTHE GOVERNMENT OF A GOOD RULER WILL PREPARE THE PEOPLEFOR WAR. “A goodman,”—spoken with reference to him asa ruler. The teaching is not to be understood of militarytraining, but of the duties of life and citizenship; apeople so taught are morally fitted to fight for theirgovernment. What military training may be included in theteaching, would merely be the hunting and drilling duringthe people’s repose from the toils ofagriculture.

30.

THATPEOPLE MUST BE TAUGHT, TO PREPARE THEM FOR WAR. Compare the last chapter. The language is very strong, andthe instruction being understood as in that chapter, showshow Confucius valued education for allclasses.

*

HEADING AND SUBJECTS OF THISBOOK. —The glossarist Hing Ping says,“In this Book we have the characters of the Three Kings, and TwoChiefs, the courses proper for princes and great officers,the practice of virtue, the knowledge of what is shameful, personalcultivation, and the tranquillizing of the people;—allsubjects of great importance in government. They are thereforecollected together, and arranged after the last chapter whichcommences with an inquiry about government.” Some writersare of opinion that the whole book was compiled by Heen or Yuen Sze,who appears in the first chapter.

1.

IT ISSHAMEFUL IN AN OFFICER TO BE CARING ONLY ABOUT HISEMOLUMENT. Heen is the Yuen Sze of VI. iii.; and ifwe suppose Confucius’ answer designed to have apractical application to Hëen himself, it is noteasily reconcileable with what appears of his character inthat other place.

2.

THE PRAISE OF PERFECT VIRTUEIS NOT TO BE ALLOWED FOR THE REPRESSION OF BADFEELINGS. In Ho An, this chapter is joined to thepreceding, and Choo He also takes the first paragraph to bea question of Yuen Heen.

3.

ASCHOLAR MUST BE AIMING AT WHAT IS HIGHER THAN COMFORT ORPLEASURE. Compare IV. xi.

4.

WHAT ONE DOES MUST ALWAYS BERIGHT; WHAT ONE FEELS NEED NOT ALWAYS BESPOKEN:—A LESSON OFPRUDENCE.

5.

WE MAY PREDICATE THE EXTERNALFROM THE INTERNAL, BUT NOT VICEVERSÂ.

6.

EMINENT PROWESS CONDUCTING TORUIN, EMINENT VIRTUE LEADING TO EMPIRE. THE MODESTY OFCONFUCIUS. Nan-kung Kwŏh is said by ChooHe to have been the same as Nan Yung in V. i.; but this isdoubtful. See on Nan Yung there. Kwŏh, it issaid, insinuated in his remark an inquiry, whether Confuciuswas not like Yu or Tseih, and the great men of the time somany Es and Ngaous, and the sage was modestly silent uponthe subject. E and Ngaou carry us back to the twenty-secondcentury before Christ. The first belonged to a family ofprincelets, famous, from the time of the Emperor Kuh ( BC 2432), for their archery, anddethroned the Emperor How Seang, BC 2145. E was afterwards slain by his minister, Han Tsuh, whothen married his wife, and one of their sons was theindividual here named Ngaou, who was subsequently destroyedby the Emperor Shaou-k‘ang, the posthumous son ofHow-seang. Tseih was the son of the Emperor Kuh, of whosebirth many prodigies are narrated, and appears in theShoo-king as the minister of agriculture to Yaou and Shun,by name K‘e. The Chow family traced their descentlineally from him, so that though the empire only came tohis descendants more than a thousand years after his time,Nan-kung Kwŏh speaks as if he had got it himself,as Yu did.

7.

THEHIGHEST VIRTUE NOT EASILY ATTAINED TO, AND INCOMPATIBLEWITH MEANNESS. Compare IV. iv. We must supply the“always,” to bring out themeaning.

8.

ALESSON FOR PARENTS AND MINISTERS, THAT THEY MUST BESTRICT AND DECIDED.

9.

THE EXCELLENCE OF THE OFFICIALNOTIFICATIONS OF CH‘ING, OWING TO THE ABILITYOF FOUR OF ITS OFFICERS. The state ofCh‘ing, small and surrounded by powerfulneighbours, was yet fortunate in having able ministers,through whose mode of conducting its government it enjoyedconsiderable prosperity. Tsze-ch‘an (see V. xv.)was the chief minister of the State, and in preparing suchdocuments first used the services of P‘e Shin,who was noted for his wise planning of matters.“She-shuh” shows the relation of theofficer indicated to the ruling family. His name wasYew-keih.

10.

THE JUDGMENT OF CONFUCIUSCONCERNING TSZE-CH‘AN, TSZE-SE, AND KWANCHUNG. 1. See V. xv. 2. Tsze-se was the chiefminister of T‘soo. He had refused to accept thenomination to the sovereignty of the State in preference tothe rightful heir, but did not oppose the usurpingtendencies of the rulers of T‘soo. He hadmoreover opposed the wish of King Ch‘aou toemploy the sage. 3. Kwan Chung,—see III. xxii. Toreward his merits, the Duke Hwan conferred on him the domainof the officer mentioned in the text, who had been guilty ofsome offence. His submitting, as he did, to his changedfortunes was the best tribute to Kwan’sexcellence.

11.

IT IS HARDER TO BEAR POVERTYARIGHT THAN TO CARRY RICHES. This sentiment may becontroverted.

12.

THECAPACITY OF MANG KUNG-CH‘Ŏ. Kung-ch‘ŏ was the head of theMăng, or Chung-sun family, and according to the“Historical Records,” was valued byConfucius more than any other great man of the times in Loo.His estimate of him, however, as appears here, was not veryhigh. In the sage’s time, the government of theState of Tsin was in the hands of the three Families, Chaou,Wei, and Han, which afterwards divided the territory amongthemselves, and became, as we shall see, in the times ofMencius, three independent principalities. T‘angwas a small state, the place of which is seen in thedistrict of the same name in the department of Yen-chow,Shan-tung. Seĕ was another small state adjacentto it.

13.

OFTHE COMPLETE MAN:—A CONVERSATION WITHTSZE-LOO. 1. Tsang Woo-chung had been an officer ofLoo in the reign anterior to that in which Confucius wasborn. So great was his reputation for wisdom that the peoplegave him the title of “sage.” Woo washis honorary epithet, and Chung denotes his family place,among his brothers. Chwang, it is said, by Choo He, afterChow, one of the oldest commentators, whose surname only hascome down to us, was “great officer of the cityof Peen.” In the “Great Collection ofSurnames.” a secondary branch of a family of thestate of T‘saou having settled in Loo, and beinggifted with Peen, its members took their surnamethence.

14.

THECHARACTER OF KUNG-SHUH WĂN, WHO WAS SAIDNEITHER TO SPEAK, NOR LAUGH, NOR TAKE. 1.Wăn was the honorary epithet of the individual inquestion, by name Che, or, as some say, Fă, anofficer of the state of Wei. He was descended from the DukeHeen, and was himself the founder of the Kung-shuh family,being so designated, I suppose, because of his relation tothe reigning duke. Of Kung-ming Kea nothing seems to beknown.

15.

CONDEMNATION OF TSANGWOO-CHUNG FOR FORCING A FAVOUR FROM HIS PRINCE. Woo-chung (see chapter xiii.) was obliged to fly from Loo,by the animosity of the Măng family, and tookrefuge in Choo. As the head of the Tsang family, it devolvedon him to offer the sacrifices in the ancestral temple, andhe wished one of his half-brothers to be made the head ofthe family, in his room, that those might not be neglected.To strengthen the application for this, which he contrivedto get made, he returned himself to the city of Fang, whichbelonged to his family, and thence sent a message to thecourt, which was tantamount to a threat that if theapplication were not granted, he would hold possession ofthe place. This was what Confucius condemned,—ina matter which should have been left to theduke’s grace.

16.

THEDIFFERENT CHARACTERS OF THE DUKES WĂN OF TSINAND HWAN OF TS‘E. Hwan andWăn were the two first of the five leaders of theprinces of the empire, who play an important part in Chinesehistory, during the period of the Chow dynasty known as theCh‘un Ts‘ew. Hwan ruled inTs‘e, BC 683—640, and Wăn in Tsin BC 635—627. Of Duke Hwan, see thenext chapter. The attributes mentioned by Confucius are notto be taken absolutely, but as respectively predominating inthe two chiefs.

17.

THEMERIT OF KWAN CHUNG:—A CONVERSATION WITHTSZE-LOO. 1. “The duke’s sonKew,” but, to avoid the awkwardness of thatrendering, I say—“hisbrother.” Hwan and Kew had both been refugees indifferent States, the latter having been carried into Loo,away from the troubles and dangers of Ts‘e, bythe ministers Kwan Chung and Shaou Hwuh. On the death of theprince of Ts‘e, Hwan anticipated Kew, got toTs‘e, and took possession of the State. Soonafter, he required the duke of Loo to put his brother todeath, and to deliver up the two ministers, when Shaou Hwuhchose to dash his brains out, and die with his master, whileKwan Chung returned gladly to Ts‘e, took servicewith Hwan, became his prime minister, and made him supremearbiter among the various chiefs of the empire. Such conductwas condemned by Tsze-loo. 2. Confucius detends Kwan Chung,on the ground of the services which herendered.

18.

THEMERIT OF KWAN CHUNG:—A CONVERSATION WITHTSZE-KUNG. 1. Tsze-loo’s doubts aboutKwan Chung arose from his not dying with the Prince Kew.Tsze-kung’s turned principally on hissubsequently becoming premier to Hwan. 2. Anciently theright was the position of honour, and the right hand,moreover, is the more convenient for use, but the practiceof the barbarians was contrary to that of China in bothpoints. The sentence of Confucius is, that but for KwanChung, his countrymen would have sunk to the state of therude tribes about them. 3. By “smallfidelity” is intended the faithfulness of amarried couple of the common people, where the husband takesno concubine in addition to his wife. The argument isthis:—“Do you think Kwan Chung shouldhave considered himself bound to Kew, as a common manconsiders himself bound to his wife? And would you have hadhim commit suicide, as common people will do on any slightoccasion?” Commentators say that there isunderlying the vindication this fact:—that KwangChung’s and Shaou Hwuh’s adherence toKew was wrong in the first place. Kew being the youngerbrother. Chung’s conduct therefore was not to bejudged as if Kew had been the senior. There is nothing ofthis, however, in Confucius’ words. He vindicatesChung simply on the ground of his subsequent services, andhis reference to “the small fidelity”of husband and wife among the common people is veryunhappy.

19.

THEMERIT OF KUNG-SHUH WĂN IN RECOMMENDING TOOFFICE A MAN OF WORTH. Kung-shuh WĂn,see chapter xiv. The paragraph is to be understood asintimating that Kung-shuh, seeing the worth and capacity ofhis minister, had recommended him to his sovereign, andafterwards was not ashamed to appear in the same rank withhim at court.

20.

THE IMPORTANCE OF GOOD ANDABLE MINISTERS:—SEEN IN THE STATE OFWEI. 1. Ling was the honoraryepithet of Yuen, duke of Wei. BC 533—492. He was the husband of Nan-tsze, VI.xxvi. 2. The Chung-shuh, Yu, is the K‘ungWăn of V. xiv. Chung-shuh expresses his familyposition, according to the degrees of kindred.“The litanist,T‘o,”—see VI. xiv. Wang-sunKea,—see III. xiii.

21.

EXTRAVAGANT SPEECH HARD TO BE MADE GOOD. CompareIV. xxii.

22.

HOWCONFUCIUS WISHED TO AVENGE THE MURDER OF THE DUKE OFTS‘E:—HIS RIGHTEOUS AND PUBLICSPIRIT. 1. Keen, —“indolent in not a singlevirtue,” and “tranquil, not speakingunadvisedly,” are the meanings attached to thisas an honorary epithet; while Ch‘ing indicates“tranquillizer of the people, and establisher ofgovernment.” The murder of the Duke Keen by hisofficer, Ch‘in Hăng, took place BC 480, barely two years beforeConfucius’ death. 2.“Bathing” implies all the fasting andother solemn preparation, as for a sacrifice or other greatoccasion. According to the account of this matter in the TsoCh‘uen, Confucius meant that the Duke Gae shouldhimself, with the forces of Loo, undertake the punishment ofthe regicide. Some modern commentators cry out against this.The sage’s advice, they say, would have been thatthe duke should report the thing to the emperor, and withhis authority associate other princes with himself to dojustice on the offender. 3. This is taken as the remark ofConfucius, or his colloquy with himself, when he had goneout from the duke. The last observation was spoken to thechiefs, to reprove them for their disregard of a crime,which concerned every public man.

23.

HOWTHE MINISTER OF A PRINCE MUST BE SINCERE AND BOLDLYUPRIGHT.

24.

THEDIFFERENT PROGRESSIVE TENDENCIES OF THE SUPERIOR MAN ANDTHE MEAN MAN.

25.

THEDIFFERENT MOTIVES OF LEARNERS IN OLD TIMES, AND IN THETIMES OF CONFUCIUS.

26.

ANADMIRABLE MESSENGER. Pih-vuh was the designation ofKeu Yuen, an officer of the state of Wei, and a disciple ofthe sage. His place is now first, east, in the outer courtof the temples. Confucius had lodged with him when in Wei,and it was after his return to Loo that Pih-yuh sent toinquire for him.

27.

A repetition ofVIII. xiv.

28.

THETHOUGHTS OF A SUPERIOR MAN IN HARMONY WITH HISPOSITION. Tsăng here quotes from theillustration of the fifty-second diagram of the Yih-king,but he leaves out a character, and thereby alters themeaning somewhat. What is said in the Yih,is—“The superior man is thoughtful,and so does not go out of hisplace.”—The chapter, it is said, isinserted here, from its analogy with thepreceding.

29.

THESUPERIOR MAN MORE IN DEEDS THAN INWORDS.

30.

CONFUCIUS’ HUMBLE ESTIMATE OF HIMSELF, WHICHTSZE-KUNG DENIES.

31.

ONE’S WORK IS WITH ONE’SSELF:—AGAINST MAKINGCOMPARISONS.

32.

CONCERN SHOULD BE ABOUT OUR PERSONAL ATTAINMENT, ANDNOT ABOUT THE ESTIMATION OF OTHERS. See I. xvi., et al. A critical canon is laiddown here by Choo He:—“All passages,the same in meaning and in words, are to be understood ashaving been spoken only once, and their recurrence is thework of the compilers. Where the meaning is the same and thelanguage a little different, they are to be taken as havingbeen repeated by Confucius himself, with thevariations.” According to this rule, thesentiment in this chapter was repeated by the master in fourdifferent utterances.

33.

QUICK DISCRIMINATION WITHOUT SUSPICIOUSNESS IS HIGHLYMERITORIOUS.

34.

CONFUCIUS NOT SELF-WILLED AND YET NO GLIB-TONGUEDTALKER:—DEFENCE OF HIMSELF FROM THE CHARGE OFAN AGED REPROVER. From Wei-shang’saddressing Confucius by his name, it is presumed that he wasan old man. Such a liberty in a young man would have beenimpudence. It is presumed, also, that he was one of thosemen who kept themselves retired from the world in disgust.“Rooster-er,” as a bird, is usedcontemptuously with reference to Confucius going about amongthe princes, and wishing to be called tooffice.

35.

VIRTUE, AND NOT STRENGTH, THE FIT SUBJECT OFPRAISE. K‘i was the name of a famoushorse of antiquity who could run 1000 le in one day. See the dictionary in voc. It is here used generally for“a good horse.”

36.

GOODIS NOT TO BE RETURNED FOR EVIL, EVIL IS TO BE MET SIMPLYWITH JUSTICE. 1 The phrase “Recompenseinjury with kindness” is found in Laou-tsze, butit is likely that Confucius’ questioner simplyconsulted him about it as a saying which he had heard andwas inclined to approve himself. 2. How far the ethics ofConfucius fall below the Christian standard is evident fromthis chapter. The same expressions are attributed toConfucius in the Le-ke, XXXII. 11, and it is thereadded,—“He who returns good for evilis a man who is careful of his person,” i. e., will try to avert danger fromhimself by such a course. One author says, that the injuriesintended by the questioner were only trivial matters, whichperhaps might be dealt with in the way he mentioned, butgreat offences, as those against a sovereign, a father, maynot be dealt with by such an inversion of the principles ofjustice. The Master himself, however, does not fence hisdeliverance in any way.

37.

CONFUCIUS, LAMENTING THAT MEN DID NOT KNOW HIM, RESTSIN THE THOUGHT THAT HEAVEN KNEW HIM. Confuciusreferred in his complaint, commentators say, to the way inwhich he pursued his course, simply, out of his ownconviction of duty, and for his own improvement, withoutregard to success, or the opinions of others. 2.“My studies he low, and my penetration riseshigh” is literally—“beneathI learn, above I penetrate,”—themeaning appears to be that he contented himself with thestudy of men and things, common matters as more ambitiousspirits would deem them, but from those he rose tounderstand the high principles involved inthem,—“the appointments ofHeaven,” according to onecommentator.

38.

HOWCONFUCIUS RESTED, AS TO THE PROGRESS OF HIS DOCTRINES ONTHE ORDERING OF HEAVEN:—ON OCCASION OFTSZE-LOO’S BEING SLANDERED. Leaou,called Kung-pih (literally, duke’s uncle)probably from an affinity with the ducal house, is said bysome to have been a disciple of the sage, but that is notlikely, as we find him here slandering Tsze-loo, that hemight not be able, in his official connection with the Kefamily, to carry the Master’s lessons intopractice. Tsze-fuh King-pih was an officer of Loo. Exposingthe bodies of criminals was a sequel of their execution. Thebodies of “great officers” were soexposed in the court, and those of meaner criminals in themarket-place. “The market-place and thecourt” came to be employed together, though theexposure could take place only in oneplace.

39.

DIFFERENT CAUSES WHY MEN OF WORTH WITHDRAW FROM PUBLICLIFE, AND DIFFERENT EXTENTS TO WHICH THEY SO WITHDRAWTHEMSELVES.

40.

THE NUMBER OF MEN OF WORTHWHO HAD WITHDRAWN FROM PUBLIC LIFE INCONFUCIUS’ TIME. This chapter isunderstood, both by Choo. He and the old commentators, inconnection with the preceding, as appears in thetranslation. Some also give the names of the seven men,which, according to Choo, is“chiselling,” i.e., forcing out an illustration of thetext.

41.

CONDEMNATION OF CONFUCIUS’ COURSE IN SEEKINGTO BE EMPLOYED, BY ONE WHO HAD WITHDRAWN FROM PUBLICLIFE. The site of Shih-mun is referred to thedistrict of Ch‘ang-tsung, department ofTs‘e-nan, in Shan-tung. The keeper was probablyone of the seven worthies, spoken of in the precedingchapter. We might translate Shih-mun by“Stony-gate.” It seems to have beenone of the frontier passes between Ts‘e andLoo.

42.

THEJUDGMENT OF A RETIRED WORTHY ON CONFUCIUS’COURSE, AND REMARK OF CONFUCIUSTHEREON.

43.

HOWGOVERNMENT WAS CARRIED ON DURING THE THREE YEARS OFSILENT MOURNING BY THE EMPEROR. See the Shoo-king.IV. viii. 1, but the passage there is not exactly as in thetext. It is there said that Kaou-tsung, after the three years’ mourning, stilldid not speak. Kaou-tsung was the honorary epithet of theEmperor Woo-ting, BC 1323—1263—Tsze-chang was perplexed toknow how government could be carried on during so long aperiod of silence.

44.

HOWA LOVE OF THE RULES OF PROPRIETY IN RULERS FACILITATESGOVERNMENT.

45.

REVERENT SELF-CULTIVATION THE DISTINGUISHINGCHARACTERISTIC OF THE KEUN-TSZE. “Allthe people” is literally, “the hundredsurnames,” which, as a designation for the massof the people, occurs as early as in the first Book of theShoo. It is = “the surnames of thehundred families,” into which number the familiesof the people were perhaps divided at a very early time. Thesurnames of the Chinese now amount to several hundreds. Asmall work, made in the Sung dynasty, contains nearly 450.We find a ridiculous reason given for the surnames being ahundred, to the effect that the ancient sages gave a surnamefor each of the five notes of the scale in music, and of thefive great relations of life and of the four seas;consequently, 5 × 5 ×4=100.” It is to be observed, that inthe Shoo-king, we find “a hundredsurnames,” interchanged with “tenthousand surnames,” and it would seem needless,therefore, to seek to attach a definite explanation to thenumber. On the concluding remark,—see VI.xxviii.

46.

CONFUCIUS’ CONDUCT TO AN UNMANNERLY OLD MANOF HIS ACQUAINTANCE. Yuen Jang was an oldacquaintance of Confucius, but had adopted the principles ofLaou-tsze, and gave himself extraordinary license in hisbehaviour.—See an instance in the Le-ke, II. PtII. iii. 24. The address of Confucius might be translated inthe second person, but it is perhaps better to keep to thethird, leaving the application to beunderstood.

47.

CONFUCIUS’ EMPLOYMENT OF A FORWARDYOUTH. 1. There is a tradition that Confucius livedand taught in the village of K‘eueh., but it ismuch disputed. The inquirer supposed thatConfucius’ employment of the lad was todistinguish him for the progress which he had made. 2.According to the rules of ceremony a youth must sit in thecorner, the body of the room being reserved for full-grownmen. See the Le-ke, II. Pt I. i. 17. In walking with anelder, a youth was required to keep a little behind him. Seethe Le-ke. III. v. 15. Confucius’ employment ofthe lad, therefore, was to teach him the courtesies requiredby his years, as he would not dare to give himself his usualairs with the sage’s visitors.

*

HEADING AND SUBJECTS OF THISBOOK. “The duke, Ling, of Wei.” Thecontents of the Book, contained in forty chapters, are asmiscellaneous as those of the former. Rather they are more so, somechapters bearing on the public administration of government, severalbeing occupied with the superior man, and others containing lessonsof practical wisdom. “All the subjects,” saysHing Ping, “illustrate the feeling of the sense of shameand consequent pursuit of the correct course, and therefore the Bookimmediately follows the preceding one.”

1.

CONFUCIUS REFUSES TO TALK ON MILITARY AFFAIRS. IN THEMIDST OF DISTRESS, HE SHOWS THE DISCIPLES HOW THESUPERIOR MAN IS ABOVE DISTRESS. 1.“About sacrificial vessels” isliterally, “about the ‘ cho ’ and ‘ tow, ’ ” vessels with whichConfucius, when a boy, was fond of playing. He wished, byhis reply and departure, to teach the duke that the rules ofpropriety, and not war, were essential to the government ofa State. 2. From Wei Confucius proceeded toCh‘in. and there met with the distress herementioned. It is probably the same which is referred to inXI. ii. 1, though there is some chronological difficultyabout the subject.

2.

HOW CONFUCIUS AIMED AT THEKNOWLEDGE OF AN ALL PERVADING UNITY. This chapteris to be compared with IV. xv.; only, says Choo He“that is spoken with reference to practice andthis with reference to knowledge.” But the designof Confucius was probably the same in them both; and Iunderstand the first paragraph here asmeaning—“Tsze, do you think that I amaiming, by the exercise of memory, to acquire a varied andextensive knowledge?” Then the third paragraph isequivalent to:—“I am not doing this.My aim is to know myself,—the mind which embracesall knowledge, and regulates allpractice.”

3.

FEWREALLY KNOW VIRTUE. This is understood as spokenwith reference to the dissatisfaction manifested by Tsze-looin chapter I. If he had possessed a right knowledge ofvirtue, he would not have been so affected bydistress.

4.

HOW SHUN WAS ABLE TO GOVERNWITHOUT PERSONAL EFFORT. “Made himselfreverent” and “He gravely andreverently occupied his imperial seat” isliterally, “he correctly adjusted his southwardface,” see VI. i. Shun succeeding Yaou, therewere many ministers of great virtue and ability, to occupyall the offices of the government. All that Shun did, was byhis grave and sage example. This is thelesson—the influence of a ruler’spersonal character.

5.

CONDUCT THAT WILL BEAPPRECIATED IN ALL PARTS OF THE WORLD. 1. We mustsupply a good deal to bring out the meaning here. Choo Hecompares the question with that other of Tsze-chang aboutthe scholar who may be called“distinguished,” see XII.xx.

6.

THE ADMIRABLE CHARACTERS OFTSZE-YU AND KEU PIH-YUH. 1. Tsze-yu was thehistoriographer of Wei. On his death-bed, he left a messagefor his prince, and gave orders that his body should be laidout in a place and manner likely to attract his attentionwhen he paid the visit of condolence. It was so, and themessage then delivered had the desired effect. Perhaps itwas on hearing this that Confucius made this remark. 2. KeuPih-yuh,—see XIV. xxvi. Commentators say thatTsze-yu’s uniform straightforwardness was notequal to Pih-yuh’s rightly adapting himself tocircumstances.

7.

THEREARE MEN WITH WHOM TO SPEAK, AND MEN WITH WHOM TO KEEPSILENCE. THE WISE KNOW THEM.

8.

HIGHNATURES VALUE VIRTUE MORE THAN LIFE. “They will sacrifice their lives” maybe translated—“They will killthemselves.” No doubt suicide is included in theexpression (see the amplification of Ho An’scommentary), and Confucius here justifies that act, as incertain cases expressive of high virtue.

9.

HOW INTERCOURSE WITH THE GOODAIDS THE PRACTICE OF VIRTUE. Compare Proverbsxxvii. 17, “Iron sharpeneth iron; so a mansharpeneth the countenance of hisfriend.”

10.

CERTAIN RULES EXEMPLIFIED INTHE ANCIENT DYNASTIES, TO BE FOLLOWED INGOVERNING:—A REPLY TO YEN YUEN. 1. Thedisciple modestly put his question with reference to thegovernment of a State, but the Master answers it accordingto the disciple’s ability, as if it had beenabout the ruling of the empire. 2. The three great ancientdynasties began the year at different times. According to anancient tradition, “Heaven was opened at the time tsze; Earth appeared at the time ch‘ow; and Man was bornat the time yin. Tsze commences in ourDecember, at the winter solstice; ch‘ow a month later; and yin a month after ch‘ow. The Chow dynasty began its yearwith tsze; the Shang with ch‘ow; and the Hea with yin. As human life then commenced, theyear in reference to human labours, naturally proceeds fromthe spring, and Confucius approved the rule of the Headynasty. His decision has been the law of all dynastiessince the Ts‘in. See the “ Discours Préliminaire, ChapterI., ” in Gaubil’s Shoo King.3. The state carriage of the Yin dynasty was plain andsubstantial, which Confucius preferred to the moreornamented ones of Chow. 4. Yet he does not object to themore elegant cap of that dynasty, “thecap,” says Choo He, “being a smallthing, and placed over all the body.” 5. The shaou was the music of Shun; see III. xxv., the“dancers,” or“pantomimes,” kept time to the music.See the Shoo-king II. Bk II. 21. 6. “The soundsof Ch‘ing,” meaning both the songs ofCh‘ing and the appropriate music to which theywere sung. Those songs form the seventh book of the firstdivision of the She-king, and are here characterizedjustly.

11.

THE NECESSITY OF FORETHOUGHTAND PRECAUTION.

12.

THERARITY OF A TRUE LOVE OF VIRTUE. “It isall over,”—see V. xxvi.; the rest is arepetition of IX. xvii., said to have been spoken byConfucius when he was in Wei, and saw the duke riding outopenly in the same carriage withNan-tsze.

13.

AGAINST JEALOUSY OF OTHERS’TALENTS;—THE CASE OF TSANG WĂN,AND HWUY OF LEW-HEA. TsangWăn-chung,—see V. xvii. TsangWăn would not recommend Hwuy, because he was anabler and better man than himself. Hwuy is a famous name inChina. He was an officer of Loo, styled Hwuy after death,and derived his revenue from a town called Lew-hea, thoughsome say that it was a lew or willowtree, overhanging his house, which made him to be known asLew-hea Hwuy—“Hwuy that lived underthe willow tree.” See Mencius II. Bk. I.ix.

14.

THEWAY TO WARD OFF RESENTMENTS.

15.

NOTHING CAN BE MADE OF PEOPLEWHO TAKE THINGS EASILY, NOT GIVING THEMSELVES THETROUBLE TO THINK. Compare VII.viii.

16.

AGAINST FRIVOLOUS TALKERS AND SUPERFICIALSPECULATORS. “A hard case,” i. e., they will make nothing out,and nothing can be made of them.

17.

THECONDUCT OF THE SUPERIOR MAN IS RIGHTEOUS, COURTEOUS,HUMBLE, AND SINCERE.

18.

OUROWN INCOMPETENCY, AND NOT OUR REPUTATION, THE PROPERBUSINESS OF CONCERN TO US. See XIV. xxxii., et al.

19.

THESUPERIOR MAN WISHES TO BE HAD IN REMEMBRANCE. Not,say the commentators, that the superior man cares aboutfame, but fame is the invariable concomitant of merit. Hecan’t have been the superior man, if he be notremembered.

20.

HIS OWN APPROBATION IS THESUPERIOR MAN’S RULE. THE APPROBATION OFOTHERS IS THE MEAN MAN’S. Compare XIV.xxv.

21.

THESUPERIOR MAN IS DIGNIFIED AND AFFABLE WITHOUT THE FAULTSTO WHICH THOSE QUALITIES OFTLN LEAD. Compare II.xiv., and VII. xxx.

22.

THESUPERIOR MAN IS DISCRIMINATING IN HIS EMPLOYMENT OF MENAND JUDGING OF STATEMENTS.

23.

THEGREAT PRINCIPLE OF RECIPROCITY IS THE RULE OF LIFE. Compare V. xi. It is singular that Tsze-kung professes thereto act on the principle here recommended tohim.

24.

CONFUCIUS SHOWED HIS RESPECT FOR MEN BY STRICTTRUTHFULNESS IN AWARDING PRAISE OR CENSURE. Themeaning of this chapter seems to be this:—First,Confucius was very careful in according praise or blame. Ifhe ever seemed to go beyond the truth, it was on the side ofpraise, and even then he saw something in the individualwhich made him believe that his praise of him would in thefuture be justified. Second, In this matter, Confucius actedas the founders of the three great dynasties had done.Third, Those founders and himself were equally influenced bya regard to the truth-approving nature of man. This was therule for the former in their institutions, and for him inhis judgments.

25.

INSTANCES OF THE DEGENERACY OF CONFUCIUS TIMES. The appointment of the historiographer is referred toHwang-te or “The Yellow emperor,” theinventor of the cycle. The statutes of Chow mention no fewerthan five classes of such officers. They were attached alsoto the fendal courts, and what Confucius says, is, that, inhis early days, a historiographer, on any point about whichhe was not sure, would leave a blank; so careful were theyto record only the truth. This second sentence is explainedin Ho An:—“If any one had a horsewhich he could not tame, he would lend it to another to rideand exercise it!”—The commentator Hoosays well that the meaning of the chapter must be left inuncertainty.

26.

THEDANGER OF SPECIOUS WORDS AND OF IMPATIENCE. Thesubject of the second sentence is not “a littleimpatience,” but impatience in little things;“the hastiness,” it is said,“of women and smallpeople.”

27.

INJUDGING OF A MAN WE MUST NOT BE GUIDED BY HIS BEINGGENERALLY LIKED OR DISLIKED. Compare XIII.xxiv.

28.

PRINCIPLES OF DUTY AN INSTRUMENT IN THE HAND OFMAN. This sentence is quite mystical in itssententiousness. One writer says—“Thesubject here is the path of duty, which all men, in theirvarious relations, have to pursue, and man has the threevirtues of knowledge, benevolence, and fortitude, wherewithto pursue that path, and so he enlarges it. That virtue,remote, occupying an empty place, cannot enlarge man, needsnot to be said.” That writer’s accountof the subject here is probably correct, and“duty unapprehended,” “inan empty place,” can have no effect on any man;but this is a mere truism. Duty apprehended is constantlyenlarging, elevating, and energizing multitudes who hadpreviously been uncognizant of it. The first clause of thechapter may be granted but the second is not in accordancewith truth.

29.

THECULPABILITY OF NOT REFORMING KNOWN FAULTS. CompareI. viii. Choo He’s commentary appears to make themeaning somewhat different. Hesay:—“If one having faults can changethem, he comes back to the condition of having no faults.But if he do not change them, then they go on to theircompletion, and will never come to bechanged.”

30.

THEFRUITLESSNESS OF THINKING WITHOUT READING. CompareII. xv., where the dependence of acquisition and reflectionon each other is set forth.—Many commentators saythat Confucius merely transfers the things which he herementions to himself for the sake of others, not that it everwas really thus with himself.

31.

THESUPERIOR MAN SHOULD NOT BE MERCENARY, BUT HAVE TRUTH FORHIS OBJECT. “Want may be in the midst ofploughing,”— i.e., husbandry is the way to plenty, and yet despitethe labours of the husbandman, a famine or scarcitysometimes occurs. The application of this to the case oflearning, however, is not very apt. Is the emolument thatsometimes comes with learning a calamity likefamine?—Ch‘ingK‘ang-shing’s viewis:—“Although a man may plough, yet,not learning, he will come to hunger. If he learn, he willget emolument, and though he do not plough, he will not bein want. This is advising men tolearn!”

32.

HOWKNOWLEDGE WITHOUT VIRTUE IS NOT LASTING, AND TOKNOWLEDGE AND VIRTUE A RULER SHOULD ADD DIGNITY AND THERULES OF PROPRIETY.

33.

HOWTO KNOW THE SUPERIOR MAN AND THE MEAN MAN AND THEIRCAPACITIES. Choo He says, “The knowinghere is our knowing the individuals.” The“little matters” are ingenious buttrifling arts and accomplishments, in which a really greatman may sometimes be deficient while a small man will befamiliar with them. The “knowing” isnot, that the parties are keun-tsze and small men, but what attainmentsthey have, and for what they are fit. The difficulty, onthis view, is with the conclusion. Ho An gives the view ofWang Shuh:—“The way of the keun-tsze is profound and far-reaching.He may not let his knowledge be small, and he may receivewhat is great. The way of the seaou-jin is shallow and near. He may let his knowledge be small, andhe may not receive what isgreat.”

34.

VIRTUE MORE TO MAN THAN WATER OR FIRE, AND NEVERHURTFUL TO HIM. “The people’srelation to, or dependence on, virtue.” The caseis easily conceivable of men’s suffering death onaccount of their virtue. There have been martyrs for theirloyalty and other virtues, as well as for their religiousfaith. Choo He provides for this difference in hisremarks:—“The want of fire and wateris hurtful only to man’s body, but to be withoutvirtue is to lose one’s mind (the higher nature),and so it is more to him than water or fire.” Seeon IV. viii.

35.

VIRTUE PERSONAL AND OBLIGATORY ON EVERYMAN.

36.

THESUPERIOR MAN’S FIRMNESS IS BASED ONRIGHT.

37.

THEFAITHFUL MINISTER.

38.

THEEFFECT OF TEACHING. Choo He says onthis:—“The nature of all men is good,but we find among them the different classes of good andbad. This is the effect of physical constitution and ofpractice. The superior man, in consequence, employs histeaching and all may be brought back to the state of good,and there is no necessity of speaking any more of thebadness of some.” This is very extravagant.Teaching is not so omnipotent:—The oldinterpretation is simply that in teaching there should be nodistinction of classes.

39.

AGREEMENT IN PRINCIPLE NECESSARY TO CONCORD INPLANS.

40.

PERSPICUITY THE CHIEF VIRTUEOF LANGUAGE.

41.

CONSIDERATION OF CONFUCIUS FOR THE BLIND. Anciently, the blind were employed in the offices of music,partly because their sense of hearing was more thanordinarily acute, and partly that they might be made of someuse in the world. Meen had come to Confucius’house, under the care of a guide, but the sage met him, andundertook the care of him himself.

*

HEADING AND SUBJECTS OF THISBOOK. “The chief of the Ke.”Throughout this book, Confucius is spoken of as“K‘ung, the philosopher,” and neverby the designation, “The Master.” Then, thestyle of several of the chapters (IV.—XI.) is not likethe utterances of Confucius to which we have been accustomed. Fromthese circumstances, one commentator. Hung Kwŏh, supposedthat it belonged to the Ts‘e recensus of these analects; the other books belonging tothe Loo recensus. This supposition, however, isnot otherwise supported.

1.

CONFUCIUS EXPOSES THE PRESUMPTUOUS AND IMPOLITICCONDUCT OF THE CHIEF OF THE KE FAMILY IN PROPOSING TOATTACK A MINOR STATE. AND REBUKES YEN YEW AND TSZE-LOOFOR ABETTING THE DESIGN. 1. Chuen-yu was a smallterritory in Loo, whose ruler was of the fourth order ofnobility. It was one of the States called“attached,” whose chiefs could notappear in the presence of the emperor, excepting in thetrain of the prince within whose jurisdiction they wereembraced. Their existence was not from a practice like thesub-infeudation, which belonged to the feudal system ofEurope. They held of the lord paramount or emperor, but withthe restriction which has been mentioned, and with a certainsubservience also to their immediate superior. Itsparticular position is fixed by its proximity to Pe, and tothe Mung hill. The word “to attack,”is not merely “to attack,” but“to attack and punish,”—anexercise of judicial authority, which could emanate onlyfrom the emperor. The term is used here, to show thenefarious and presumptuous character of the contemplatedoperations. 2. There is some difficulty here, as, accordingto the “Historical Records,” the twodisciples were not in the service of the Ke family at thesame time. We may suppose, however, that Tsze-loo, returningwith the sage from Wei on the invitation of Duke Gae, tookservice a second time, and for a short period, with the Kefamily, of which the chief was then Ke K‘ang.This brings the time of the transaction to BC 483, or 482. 3. Confucius addresseshimself only to K‘ew, as he had been aconsiderable time, and very active, in the Ke service. 4. Itwas the prerogative of the princes to sacrifice to the hillsand rivers within their jurisdictions;—here wasthe chief of Chuen-yu, imperially appointed (the“former king” is probablyCh‘ing, the second emperor of the Chow dynasty)to be the lord of the Mung mountain, that is, to presideover the sacrifices offered to it. This raised him highabove any mere ministers or officers of Loo. The mountainMung is in the present district of Pe, in the department ofE-chow. It was called eastern, to distinguish it fromanother of the same name in Shen-se, which was the westernMung. “It is in the midst of the territory of ourState,”—this is mentioned, to showthat Chuen-yu was so situated as to give Loo no occasion forapprehension. “Its ruler is a minister in directconnection with the emperor” is, literally,“a minister of the altars to the spirits of theland and grain.” To those spirits only, theprince had the prerogative of sacrificing. The chief ofChuen-yu having this, how dared an officer of Loo to thinkof attacking him? The term “minister”is used of his relation to the emperor. Choo He makes thephrase = “a minister of the ducalhouse,” saying that the three families hadusurped all the dominions proper of Loo, leaving only thechiefs of the “attached” States toappear in the ducal court. I prefer the formerinterpretation 6. Chow Jin is by Choo He simplycalled—“a good historiographer ofancient times.” Some trace him back to the Shangdynasty, and others only to the early times of the Chow.There are other weighty utterances of his in vogue, besidesthat in the text. From this point, Confucius speaks of thegeneral disorganization of Loo under the management of thethree families, and especially of the Ke. 12. All this is tobe understood of the head of the Ke family, as controllingthe government of Loo and as being assistedby the two disciples, so that the reproof fallsheavily on them. 13. “Within the screen of theirown court” is, literally, “in theinside of the wall of reverence.”“Officers, on reaching the screen, which they hadonly to pass, to find themselves in the presence of theirhead, were supposed to become more reverential,”and hence the expression in thetext—“among his own immediateofficers.”

2.

THE SUPREME AUTHORITY OUGHTEVER TO MAINTAIN ITS POWER. THE VIOLATION OF THIS RULEALWAYS LEADS TO RUIN, WHICH IS SPEEDIER AS THE RANK OFTHE VIOLATOR IS LOWER. In these utterances,Confucius had reference to the disorganized state of theempire, when “the son of Heaven” wasfast becoming an empty name, the princes of States were inbondage to their great officers, and those again at themercy of their family ministers.

3.

ILLUSTRATION OF THE PRINCIPLES OF THE LASTCHAPTER. In the year BC 608, at the death of Duke Wan, his rightful heir was killed,and the son of a concubine raised to the dukedom. He is inthe annals as Duke Seuen, and after him came Shing, Seang,Ch‘aou, and Ting, in whose time this must havebeen spoken. These dukes were but shadows, pensionaries oftheir great officers, so that it might be said the revenuehad gone from them. “The three Hwan”are the three families, as being all descended from DukeHwan, see on II. v. Choo He appears to have fallen into amistake in enumerating the four heads of the Ke family whohad administered the government of Loo as Woo, Taou,P‘ing, and Hwan, as Taou died before his father,and would not be said therefore to have the government inhis hands. The right enumeration is Wăn, Woo,P‘ing, and Hwan.

4.

THREE FRIENDSHIPSADVANTAGEOUS, AND THREEINJURIOUS.

5.

THREE SOURCES OF ENJOYMENTADVANTAGEOUS, AND THREEINJURIOUS.

6.

THREE ERRORS IN REGARD TOSPEECH TO BE AVOIDED IN THE PRESENCE OF THE GREAT. “Without looking at thecountenance,”— i.e., to see whether he is paying attention ornot.—The general principle is that there is atime to speak. Let that be observed, and these three errorswill be avoided.

7.

THEVICES WHICH YOUTH, MANHOOD AND AGE HAVE TO GUARDAGAINST. As to what causal relation Confucius mayhave supposed to exist between the state of the physicalpowers and the several vices indicated, that is notdeveloped. Hing Ping explains the first cautionthus:—“Youth embraces all the periodbelow 29. Then, the physical powers are still weak, and thesinews and bones have not reached their vigour, andindulgence in lust will injure thebody.”

8.

CONTRAST OF THE SUPERIOR AND THE MEAN MAN IN REGARD TOTHE THREE THINGS OF WHICH THE FORMER STANDS IN AWE. “The ordinances of Heaven,” accordingto Choo He, means the moral nature of man, conferred byHeaven. High above the nature of other creatures, it layshim under great responsibility to cherish and cultivatehimself. The old interpreters take the phrase to indicateHeaven’s moral administration by rewards andpunishments. The “great men” are menhigh in position and great in wisdom and virtue, the royalinstructors, who have been raised up by Heaven for thetraining and ruling of mankind. So, the commentators; butthe verb employed suggests at once a more general and alower view of the phrase.

9.

FOUR CLASSES OF MEN INRELATION TO KNOWLEDGE. On the first clause, see onVII. xix., where Confucius disclaims for himself beingranked in the first of the classes here mentioned. In theconcluding words, “They are the lowest of thepeople,” I suppose “thepeople”= men. The term is elsewhere so used.

10.

NINE SUBJECTS OF THOUGHT TOTHE SUPERIOR MAN:—VARIOUS INSTANCES OF THEWAY IN WHICH HE REGULATES HIMSELF. The concisenessof the text contrasts here with the verbosity of thetranslation, and yet the many words of the latter seemnecessary.

11.

THE CONTEMPORARIES OFCONFUCIUS COULD ESCHEW EVIL, AND FOLLOW AFTER GOOD, BUTNO ONE OF THE HIGHEST CAPACITY HAD APPEARED AMONGTHEM. 1. The two first clauses here, and in thenext paragraph also, are quotations of old sayings, currentin Confucius’ time. Such men were several of thesage’s own disciples. 2. “To studytheir aims” is, literally, “seekingfor their aims;” i.e., meditating on them, studying them, fixing them, to beprepared to carry them out, as in the next clause. Such menamong the ancients were the great ministers E-Yin andT‘ae-kung. Such might the disciple Yen Hwuy havebeen, but an early death snatched him away before he couldhave an opportunity of showing what was inhim.

12.

WEALTH WITHOUT VIRTUE AND VIRTUE WITHOUTWEALTH:—THEIR DIFFERENT APPRECIATIONS. This chapter is plainly a fragment. As it stands, it wouldappear to come from the compilers and not from Confucius.Then the second paragraph implies a reference to somethingwhich has been lost. Under XII. x., I have referred to theproposal to transfer to this place the last paragraph ofthat chapter, which might be explained so as to harmonizewith the sentiment of this.—The Duke King ofTs‘e,—see XII. xi. Pih-e andShuh-ts‘e,—see VI. xxii. The mountainShow-yang is to be found probably in the department ofP‘oochow in Shan-se.

13.

CONFUCIUS’ INSTRUCTION OF HIS SON NOTDIFFERENT FROM HIS INSTRUCTION OF HIS DISCIPLESGENERALLY. Ch‘in K‘ang is theTsze-k‘in of I. x. When Confucius’eldest son was born, the duke of Loo sent the philosopher apresent of a carp, on which account he named the child Le(the carp), and afterwards gave him the designation ofPih-yu (Fish, the elder).

14.

APPELLATIONS FOR THE WIFE OF A PRINCE. Thischapter may have been spoken by Confucius to rectity somedisorder of the times, but there is no intimation to thateffect. The different appellations may be thusexplained:—“Wife” is“she who is her husband’sequal.” The designation foo-jin is equivalent to“help-meet.” The wife modestly callsherself Seaou-t‘ung, “the little girl.” The oldinterpreters take—most naturally— keun foo-jin as =“our prince’s help-meet,”but the modern commentators take keun to be a verb, with reference to the office of the wife to“preside over the internal economy of thepalace.” On this view keunfoo-jin is “the domestichelp-meet.” The ambassador of a prince spoke ofhim by the style of k‘wa-keun, “myprince of small virtue.” After that example ofmodesty, his wife was styled to the people of other States,“our small prince of small virtue.”The people of other States had no reason to imitate hersubjects in that, and so they styledher—“your prince’shelp-meet,” or “the domestichelp-meet.”

*

HEADING AND SUBJECTS OF THISBOOK. “Yang Ho.” As the last bookcommenced with the presumption of the head of the Ke family, whokept his prince in subjection, this begins with an account of anofficer, who did for the head of the Ke what he did for the duke ofLoo. For this reason—some similarity in the subjectmatter of the first chapters—this book, it is said, isplaced after the former. It contains twenty-sixchapters.

1.

CONFUCIUS’ POLITE BUT DIGNIFIED TREATMENT OFA POWERFUL, BUT USURPING AND UNWORTHY, OFFICER. Yang Ho, known also as Yang Hoo, was nominally the principalminister of the Ke family; but its chief was entirely in hishands, and he was scheming to arrogate the whole authorityof the state of Loo to himself. He first appears in theChronicles of Loo about the year BC 514, acting against the exiled Duke Ch‘aou; in BC 504, we find him keeping hisown chief, Ke Hwan, a prisoner, and, in BC 501, he is driven out, on the failure ofhis projects, a fugitive into Ts‘e. At the timewhen the incidents in this chapter occurred, Yang Ho wasanxious to get, or appear to get, the support of a man ofConfucius’ reputation, and finding that the sagewould not call on him, he adopted the expedient of sendinghim a pig, at the time when Confucius was not at home, therules of ceremony requiring that when a great officer sent apresent to a scholar, and the latter was not in his house onits arrival he had to go to the officer’s houseto acknowledge it. See the Le-ke XIII. in 20. Confucius,however, was not to be entrapped. He also timed Hoo’s being away from home, andwent to call on him.

2.

THE DIFFERENCES IN THECHARACTERS OF MEN ARE CHIEFLY OWING TO HABIT. “Nature,” it is contended, is here notthe moral constitution of man absolutely considered, but hiscomplex, actual nature, with its elements of the material,the animal, and the intellectual, by association with whichthe perfectly good moral nature is continually being ledastray. The moral nature is the same in all, and though thematerial organism and disposition do differ in differentindividuals, they are at first, more nearly alike than theysubsequently become. No doubt, it is true thatmany—perhaps most—of the differencesamong men are owing to habit.

3.

ONLYTWO CLASSES WHOM PRACTICE CANNOT CHANGE. This is asequel to the last chapter, with which it is incorporated inHo An’s edition. The case of the“stupid of the lowest class,” wouldseem to be inconsistent with the doctrine of the perfectgoodness of the moral nature of all men. Moderncommentators, to get over the difficulty, say that they arethe “self violators,” “selfabandoners,” of Mencius, IV. Bk I.x.

4.

HOWEVER SMALL THE SPHERE OFGOVERNMENT, THE HIGHEST INFLUENCES OF PROPRIETIES ANDMUSIC SHOULD BE EMPLOYED. Wooshing was in thedistrict of Pe. Tsze-yew appears as the commandant of it, inVI. xii. We read, “The town was named Woo, from its position, precipitous andfavourable to military operations, but Tsze-yew had beenable, by his course, to transform the people, and make themchange their mail and helmets for stringed instruments andsinging. This was what made the Masterglad.”

5.

THE LENGTHS TO WHICH CONFUCIUSWAS INCLINED TO GO, TO GET HIS PRINCIPLES CARRIED INTOPRACTICE. Kung-shan Fuh-jaou was a confederate ofYang Ho (chapter I.), and, according to K‘ungGan-kwŏ, it was after the imprisonment by them,in common, of Ke Hwan, that Fuhjaou sent this invitation toConfucius. Others make the invitation subsequent toHo’s discomfiture and flight to Ts‘e.We must conclude, with Tsze-loo, that Confucius ought not tohave thought of accepting the invitation of such a man. Theoriginal seat of the Chow dynasty lay west from Loo, and therevival of the principles and government of Wănand Woo in Loo, or even in Pe, which was but a part of it,might make an eastern Chow, so that Confucius would performthe part of King Wăn—After all, thesage did not go to Pe.

6.

FIVE THINGS THE PRACTICE OFWHICH CONSTITUTES PERFECTVIRTUE.

7.

CONFUCIUS, INCLINED TO RESPOND TO THE ADVANCES OF ANUNWORTHY MAN, PROTESTS AGAINST HIS CONDUCT BEING JUDGEDBY ORDINARY RULES. Compare chapter V., but theinvitation of Peih Heih was subsequent to that of Kung-shanFuh-jaou, and after Confucius had given up office in Loo. 1.Peih Heih was commandant of Chung-mow, for the chief of the Chaou family, in the State ofTsin. 2. There were two places of the name of Chung-mow, onebelonging to the State of Ch‘ing, and the otherto the State of Tsin, which is that intended here, and isreferred to the present district of T‘ang-yin,department of Chang-tih, in Ho-nan province. 3. Theapplication of the proverbial sayings is to Confuciushimself, as, from his superiority, incapable of beingaffected by evil communications.

8.

KNOWLEDGE, ACQUIRED BY LEARNING, IS NECESSARY TO THECOMPLETION OF VIRTUE, BY PRESERVING THE MIND FROM BEINGBECLOUDED. 1. “The six words”are the benevolence, knowledge, sincerity,straight-forwardness, boldness, and firmness, mentionedbelow, all virtues, but yet each, when pursued withoutdiscrimination, tending to becloud the mind. 2.“Sit down.”—Tsze-loo hadrisen, according to the rules of propriety, to give hisanswer; see the Le-ke, I. Pt I. iii. 21; and Confucius tellshim to resume his seat. 3. I give here the paraphrase of the“Daily Lesson,” on the first virtueand its beclouding, which may illustrate the manner in whichthe whole paragraph is developed.—“Inall matters, there is a perfect right and unchangeableprinciple, which men ought carefully to study, till theyhave thoroughly examined and apprehended it. Then theiractions will be without error, and their virtue may beperfected. For instance, loving is what rules inbenevolence. It is certainly a beautiful virtue, but if youonly set yourself to love men, and do not care to study tounderstand the principle of benevolence, then your mind willbe beclouded by that loving, and you will be following a maninto a well to save him, so that both he and you willperish. Will not this be foolishsimplicity?”

9.

BENEFITS DERIVED FROM STUDYINGTHE BOOK OF POETRY.

10.

THE IMPORTANCE OF STUDYINGTHE CHOW-NAN AND SHAOU-NAN. Chow-nan and Shaou-nanare the titles of the first two books in the National Songsor first part of the She-king. For the meaning of thetitles, see the She-king, Pt I. Bk I., and Pt I. Bk II. Theyare supposed to inculcate important lessons about personalvirtue and family government. A man “with hisface against a wall” cannot advance a step, norsee anything. This chapter in the old editions isincorporated with the preceding one.

11.

IT IS NOT THE EXTERNALAPPURTENANCES WHICH CONSTITUTE PROPRIETY, NOR THE SOUNDOF INSTRUMENTS WHICH CONSTITUTESMUSIC.

12.

THEMEANNESS OF PRESUMPTION AND PUSILLANIMITYCONJOINED. The last clause shows emphatically towhom, among the low, mean people, the individual spoken ofis like,—a thief, namely, who is in constant fearof being detected.

13.

CONTENTMENT WITH VULGAR WAYS AND VIEWS INJURIOUS TOVIRTUE. See the sentiment of this chapter explainedand expanded by Mencius, VII. Pt II. xxxvii., 7,8.

14.

SWIFTNESS TO SPEAK INCOMPATIBLE WITH THE CULTIVATION OFVIRTUE. It is to be understood that what has beenheard contains some good lesson. At once to be talking of itwithout revolving it, and striving to practise it, shows anindifference to our own improvement.

15.

THE CASE OF MERCENARYOFFICERS, AND HOW IT IS IMPOSSIBLE TO SERVEONE’S PRINCE ALONG WITHTHEM.

16.

THEDEFECTS OF FORMER TIMES BECOME VICES IN THE TIME OFCONFUCIUS.

17.

A repetition of I.iii.

18.

CONFUCIUS’ INDIGNATION AT THE WAY IN WHICHTHE WRONG OVERCAME THE RIGHT. On the firstclause,—see X. vi. 2. “The songs orsounds of Ch‘ing,’—see XV.x. “The Ya,”—see on IX.xiv.

19.

THEACTIONS OF CONFUCIUS WERE LESSONS AND LAWS, AND NOT HISWORDS MERELY. Such is the scope of this chapter,according to Choo He and his school. The older commentatorssay that it is a caution to men to pay attention to theirconduct rather than to their words. This interpretation isfar-fetched but on the other hand, it is not easy to defendConfucius from the charge of presumption in comparinghimself to Heaven.

20.

HOW CONFUCIUS COULD BE NOT ATHOME, AND YET GIVE INTIMATION TO THE VISITOR OF HISPRESENCE. Of Joo Pei little is known. He was a manof Loo, and had at one time been in attendance on Confuciusto receive his instructions. There must have been somereason—some fault in him—why Confuciuswould not see him on the occasion in the text, and that hemight understand that it was on that account, and not thathe was really sick, that he declined his visit, the sageacted as we are told. But what was the necessity for sendinga false message in the first place? In the notes to theE-le. III. 1, it is said that Joo Pei’s fault wasin trying to see the master without using the services of aninternuncius.

21.

THEPERIOD OF THREE YEARS’ MOURNING FOR PARENTS;IT MAY NOT ON ANY ACCOUNT BE SHORTENED; THE REASON OFIT. 1. On the three years’ mourning, seethe 31st book of the Le-ke. Nominally extending to threeyears, that period comprehended properly but twenty-fivemonths, and at most twenty-seven months. 2. Tsae Wo findshere a reason for his view in the necessity of“human affairs.” 3. He finds here areason for his view in “the seasons ofheaven.” Certain woods were assigned to theseveral seasons, to be employed for getting fire byfriction, the elm and willow, for instance, to spring, thedate and almond trees to summer, c., so that Wosays, “In boring to get fire, we have changedfrom wood to wood through the ones appropriate to the fourseasons.” 4. Coarse food and coarse clothing wereappropriate, though in varying degree, to all the period ofmourning. Tsae Wo is strangely insensible to the home-putargument of the Master. 7. “This showsYu’s want of virtue” responds to allthat has gone before, and forms a sort of apodosis. Confucius added, it is said, the remarksin this paragraph, that they might be reported to Tsae Wo,lest he should “feel at ease” to goand do as he said he could. Still the reason which theMaster finds for the statute-period of mourning for parentsmust be pronounced puerile.

22.

THEHOPELESS CASE OF GLUTTONY AND IDLENESS. “Gamesters andchess-players:”—Of the game of chess,the Chinese have two kinds. There is what is called the“surrounding chess,” which is playedwith 361 pieces, and is referred to the Emperor Yaou as itsinventor. This is still not uncommon, though I have neverseen it played myself. There is also what is called the“elephant chess,” played with 32pieces, and having a great analogy to our game, which indeedwas borrowed from the East. “Theelephant” is the piece corresponding to our“bishop,” though his movement is morelike that of a double knight. The invention of this isascribed to the first emperor of the Chow dynasty ( BC 1122), though some date it a fewhundred years later. “Gamesters” inthe text are different from the chess-players. The gamespecially intended was one played with twelve dice, theinvention of which is ascribed to the time of one or otherof the tyrants, with whom the dynasties of Hea and Shangterminated. I have also seen it referred to a much laterdate, and said to have been imported from India. If it wereso, then we do not know what game Confucius had in his mind.Commentators are much concerned to defend him from thesuspicion of giving in this chapter any sanction togambling. He certainly expresses his detestation of the idleglutton very strongly.

23.

VALOUR TO BE VALUED ONLY IN SUBORDINATION TORIGHTEOUSNESS; ITS CONSEQUENCES APART FROMTHAT.

24.

CHARACTERS DISLIKED BY CONFUCIUS AND TSZE-KUNG. Tsze-kung is understood to have intended Confucius himselfby “the superiorman.”

25.

THEDIFFICULTY HOW TO TREAT CONCUBINES AND SERVANTS. The text does not speak here of women generally, as Collie has translated, but of girls, i.e., concubines. The commentators findin the chapter a lesson for the great in the ordering oftheir harems; but there is nothing in the language to makeus restrict the meaning in any way.

26.

THEDIFFICULTY OF IMPROVEMENT IN ADVANCED YEARS. According to Chinese views, at forty a man is at his best inevery way:—Youth is doubtless the season forimprovement, but the sentiment of the chapter is too broadlystated.

*

HEADING AND CONTENTS OF THISBOOK. —“The viscount ofWei” This book, consisting of only eleven chapters,treats of various individuals famous in Chinese history, as eminentfor the way in which they discharged their duties to theirsovereign, or for their retirement from public service. Itcommemorates also some of the worthies of Confucius’days, who lived in retirement rather than be in office in sodegenerate times. The object of the whole is to illustrate andvindicate the course of Confucius himself.

1.

THEVISCOUNTS OF WEI AND KE, AND PE-KAN:—THREEWORTHIES OF THE YIN DYNASTY. 1. Wei-tsze andKe-tsze are continually repeated by Chinese, as if they wereproper names. But Wei and Ke were the names of two smallStates, presided over by chiefs of the Tsze, or fourth,degree of nobility, called viscounts, for want of a more exact term. They both appear to have beenwithin the limits of the present Shan-se, Wei being referredto the district of Loo-ch‘ing, departmentLoo-gan, and Ke to Yu-shay, department Leaou-chow. The chiefof Wei was an elder brother (by a concubine) of the tyrantChow, the last emperor of the Yin dynasty, BC 1153—1122. The chief of Ke,and Pe-kan, were both, probably, uncles of the tyrant. Thefirst, seeing that remonstrances availed nothing, withdrewfrom court, wishing to preserve the sacrifices of theirfamily, amid the ruin which he saw was impending. The secondwas thrown into prison, and, to escape death, feignedmadness. He was used by Chow as a buffoon. Pe-kan,persisting in his remonstrances, was put barbarously todeath, the tyrant having his heart torn out, that he mightsee, he said, a sage’s heart.

2.

HOW HWUY OF LEW-HEA, THOUGHOFTEN DISMISSED FROM OFFICE, STILL CLAVE TO HISCOUNTRY. Lew-hea Hwuy,—see XV. xiii. Theoffice which Hwuy held is described in the Chow-le, XXXIV.iii. He was under the minister of Crime, but with manysubordinate magistrates under him.—Some remarksakin to that in the text are ascribed to Hwuy’swife. It is observed by the commentator Hoo, that thereought to be another paragraph, giving Confucius’judgment upon Hwuy’s conduct, but it has beenlost.

3.

HOWCONFUCIUS LEFT TS‘E, WHEN THE DUKE COULD NOTAPPRECIATE AND EMPLOY HIM. It was in the year BC 516, that Confucius went toTs‘e. The remarks about how he should be treated,c., are to be understood as having taken place inconsultation between the duke and his ministers, and beingafterwards reported to the sage. The Măng family(see II. v.) was, in the time of Confucius, much weaker thanthe Ke. The chief of it was only the lowest noble of Loo,while the Ke was the highest. Yet for the duke ofTs‘e to treat Confucius better than the duke ofLoo treated the chief of the Măng family, was notdishonouring the sage. We must suppose that Confucius leftTs‘e, because of the duke’s concludingremarks.

4.

HOW CONFUCIUS GAVE UP OFFICIALSERVICE IN LOO. In the fourteenth year of the DukeTing, Confucius reached the highest point of his officialservice. He was minister of Crime, and also, according tothe general opinion, acting premier. He effected in a fewmonths a wonderful renovation of the State, and theneighbouring countries began to fear that under hisadministration, Loo would overtop and subdue them all. Toprevent this, the duke of Ts‘e sent a present toLoo of fine horses and of eighty highly accomplishedbeauties. The duke of Loo was induced to receive these bythe advice of the head of the Ke family, Ke Sze or Ke Hwan.The sage was forgotten; government was neglected. Confucius,indignant and sorrowful, withdrew from office, and for atime, from the country too.

5.

CONFUCIUS AND THE MADMAN OFTS‘OO WHO BLAMES HIS NOT RETIRING FROM THEWORLD. 1. Ts‘eĕ-yu was thedesignation of one Luh T‘ung, a native ofTs‘oo, who feigned himself mad, to escape beingimportuned to engage in public service. It must have beenabout the year BC 489, that theincident in the text occurred. By the fung or phœnix, his satirizer oradviser intended Confucius, see IX. viii.

6.

CONFUCIUS AND THE TWORECLUSES, CH‘ANG-TSEU ANDKEĔ-NEIH; WHY HE WOULD NOT WITHDRAW FROM THEWORLD. 1. The surnames and names of these worthiesare not known. It is supposed that they belonged toTs‘oo, like the hero of the last chapter, andthat the interview with them occurred about the same time.The designations in the text are descriptive of theircharacter, and=“the longRester,” and “the firmRecluse.” What kind of field labour is heredenoted cannot be determined. 2. The original of“he knows the ford,” indicates that“he” is emphatic,=he, goingabout everywhere, and seeking to be employed, ought to knowthe ford. The use of “his Master” inthe last paragraph is remarkable. It must mean“his Master” and not “theMaster.” The compiler of this chapter can hardlyhave been a disciple of the sage.

7.

TSZE-LOO’S RENCONTRE WITH AN OLD MAN, ARECLUSE: HIS VINDICATION OF HIS MASTER’SCOURSE. The incident in this chapter was probablynearly contemporaneous with those which occupy the twoprevious ones. Some say that the old man belonged toShĕ, which was a part of Ts‘oo.“The five grains” are“rice, millet, sacrificial millet, wheat, andpulse.” But they are sometimes otherwiseenumerated. We have also “the sixkinds,” “the eight kinds,”“the nine kinds,” and perhaps otherclassifications. 2. Tsze-loo, standing with his arms acrosshis breast, indicated his respect, and won upon the old man.5. Tsze-loo is to be understood as here speaking thesentiments of the Master, and vindicating his course. By“the relations between old and young,”he refers to the manner in which the old man had introducedhis sons to him the evening before, and to all the orderlyintercourse between old and young, which he had probablyseen in the family.

8.

CONFUCIUS’ JUDGMENT OF FORMER WORTHIES WHOHAD KEPT FROM THE WORLD. HIS OWN GUIDING PRINCIPLE. 1. On the word “retired” with whichthis chapter commences, it issaid:—“Retirement here is not that ofseclusion, but is characteristic of men of large souls, whocannot be measured by ordinary rules. They may display theircharacter by retiring from the world. They may display italso in the manner of their discharge of office.”The phrase is guarded in this way, I suppose, because of itsapplication to Hwuy of Lew-hea, who did not obstinatelywithdraw from the world. Pih-e, andShuh-ts‘e,—see V. xxii. Yu-chungshould probably be Woo-chung. He was the brother ofT‘ae-pih, called Chung-yung, and is mentioned inthe note on VIII. i. He retired with T‘ae-pihamong the barbarous tribes, then occupying the country ofWoo, and succeeded to the chieftaincy of them on hisbrother’s death. “E-vih andChoo-chang,” says Choo He, “are notfound in the classics and histories. From a passage in theLe-ke, XXI i. 14, it appears that Shaou-leen belonged to oneof the barbarous tribes on the east, but was well acquaintedwith, and observant of, the rules of propriety, particularlythose relating to mourning. 4. “Living inretirement, they gave a license to theirwords,”—this is intended to show thatin this respect they were inferior to Hwuy and Shaou-leen.5. Confucius’s openness to act according tocircumstances is to be understood as being always insubordination to right and propriety.

9.

THE DISPERSION OF THEMUSICIANS OF LOO. The dispersion here narrated issupposed to have taken place in the time of Duke Gae. Whenonce Confucius had rectified the music of Loo (IX. xiv.),the musicians would no longer be assisting in theprostitution of their art, and so, as the disorganizationand decay proceeded, the chief among them withdrew to othercountries, or from society altogether. 1. “Themusic-master, Che,”—see VIII. xv. 2.The princes of China, it would appear, had music at theirmeals, and a separate band performed at each meal, orpossibly, the band might be the same, but under thesuperintendence of a separate officer at each meal. Theemperor had four meals a day, and the princes of States onlythree, but it was the prerogative of the duke of Loo to usethe ceremonies of the imperial household. Nothing is saidhere of the band-master at the first meal, perhaps becausehe did not leave Loo, or nothing may have been known of him.3. “The river” is of course“the Yellow River.” 5. It was fromScang that Confucius learned to play on thelute.

10.

INSTRUCTIONS OF CHOW-KUNG TOHIS SON ABOUT GOVERNMENT, A GENEROUS CONSIDERATION OFOTHERS TO BE CHERISHED. See VI. v. It would seemthat the duke of Chow was himself appointed to theprincipality of Loo, but being detained at court by hisduties to the young Emperor Ch‘ing, he sent hisson, here called “the duke of Loo,” tothat State as his representative.

11.

THE FRUITFULNESS OF THE EARLYTIME OF THE CHOW DYNASTY OFFICERS. The eightindividuals mentioned here are said to have been brothers,four pairs of twins by the same mother. This is intimated intheir names, the two first being primi, the next pair secundi, the third tertii and the last two ultimi. One mother, bearing twins four times insuccession, and all proving distinguished men, showed thevigour of the early days of the dynasty in all that wasgood.—It is disputed to what reign these brothersbelonged, nor is their surnameascertained.

*

HEADING AND CONTENTS OF THISBOOK. “Tsze-chang—No XIX.”Contueius does not appear personally in this book at all. Choo Hesays.—“This book records the words of thedisciples, Tsze-hea being the most frequent speaker, and Tsze-kungnext to him. For in the Confucian school, after Yen Yuen there wasno one of such discriminating understanding as Tsze-kung, and, afterTsang Sin no one of such firm sincerity as Tsze-hea.” Thedisciples deliver their sentiments very much after the manner oftheir master, and yet we can discern a falling off fromhim.

1.

TSZE-CHANG’S OPINION OF THE CHIEF ATTRIBUTESOF THE TRUE SCHOLAR.

2.

TSZE-CHANG ONNARROW-MINDEDNESS AND A HESITATING FAITH. Hing Pinginterprets this chapter in the followingway:—“If a man grasp hold of hisvirtue, and is not widened and enlarged by it, although hemay believe good principles, he cannot be sincere andgenerous.” But it is better to take the clausesas coordinate, and not dependent on eachother.

3.

THEDIFFERENT OPINIONS OF TSZE-HEA AND TSZE-CHANG ON THEPRINCIPLES WHICH SHOULD REGULATE OUR INTERCOURSE WITHOTHERS. It is strange to me that the disciples ofTsze-hea should begin their answer to Tsze-chang with thedesignation Tsze-hea, instead of saying “ourMaster” Hing Ping expounds Tsze-hea’srule thus:—“If the man be worthy, fitfor you to have intercourse with, then have it, but if he benot worthy,” c. On the other hand, wefind:—“If the man will advantage you,he is a fit person, then maintain intercourse withhim,” c. This seems to be merelycarrying out Confucius’ rule, I. viii. 3. ChooHe, however, approves of Tsze chang’s censure ofit, while he thinks also that Tsze-chang’s ownview is defective:—Paou Heensays:—“Our intercourse with friendsshould be according to Tsze-hea’s rule; generalintercourse according toTsze-chang’s.”

4.

TSZE-HEA’S OPINIONOF THE INAPPLICABILITY OF SMALL PURSUITS TO GREATOBJECTS. Gardening, husbandry, divining, and thehealing art, are all mentioned by Choo He as instances ofthe “small ways,” here intended,having their own truth in them, but not available for higherpurposes, or what is beyond themselves.

5.

THE INDICATIONS OF A REAL LOVEOF LEARNING:—BY TSZEHEA.

6.

HOW LEARNING SHOULD BE PURSUEDTO LEAD TO VIRTUE:—BYTSZE-HEA.

7.

LEARNING IS THE STUDENT’SWORKSHOP:—BY TSZE-HEA. A certain quarterwas assigned anciently in Chinese towns and cities formechanics, and all of one art were required to have theirshops together. A son must follow his father’sprofession, and, seeing nothing but the exercise of thataround him, it was supposed that he would not be led tothink of anything else, and would so become very proficientin it.

8.

GLOSSING HIS FAULTS THE PROOF OF THE MEANMAN:—BY TSZE-HEA. Literally,“The faults of the mean man mustgloss,” i.e., he is sure togloss.

9.

CHANGING APPEARANCES OF THESUPERIOR MAN TO OTHERS:—BY TSZE-HEA. Tsze-hea probably intended Confucius by the Keun-tsze, but there is a general applicability inhis language and sentiments:—The description isabout equivalent to our “ fortiterin re suaviter inmodo. ”

10.

THE IMPORTANCE OF ENJOYINGCONFIDENCE TO THE RIGHT SERVING OF SUPERIORS ANDORDERING OF INFERIORS:—BYTSZE-HEA.

11.

THE GREAT VIRTUES DEMAND THECHIEF ATTENTION, AND THE SMALL ONES MAY BE SOMEWHATVIOLATED:—BY TSZE-HEA. The sentimenthere is very questionable. A different turn, however, isgiven to the chapter in the older interpreters. Hing Ping,expanding K‘ung Gankwŏsays:—“Men of great virtue never gobeyond the boundary-line; it is enough for those who arevirtuous in a less degree to keep near to it, going beyondand coming back.” We adopt the more naturalinterpretation of Choo He.

12.

TSZE-HEA’S DEFENCE OF HIS OWN GRADUATEDMETHOD OF TEACHING:—AGAINST TSZE-YEW. 1.The sprinkling, c., are the things boys weresupposed anciently to be taught, the rudiments of learning,from which they advanced to all that is inculcated in the“Great Learning.” But asTsze-hea’s pupils were not boys, but men, weshould understand. I suppose, these specifications as but acontemptuous reference to his instructions, as embracingmerely what was external. The general scope ofTsze-hea’s reply is sufficiently plain, but theold interpreters and new differ in explaining the severalsentences. After dwelling long on it, I have agreedgenerally with the new school, and followed Choo He in thetranslation. Tsze-hea did not teach what he taught as beingin itself more important than what he for the time leftuntouched. He communicated knowledge as his disciples wereable to bear it.

13.

THEOFFICER AND THE STUDENT SHOULD ATTEND EACH TO HIS PROPERWORK IN THE FIRST INSTANCE:—BYTSZE-YEW.

14.

THETRAPPINGS OF MOURNING MAY BE DISPENSEDWITH:—BY TSZE-YEW. The sentiment here isperhaps the same as that of Confucius in III. iv., but thesage guards and explains hisutterance.—K‘ung Gankwŏ,following an expression in the “Classic of FilialPiety,” makes the meaning to be that the mournermay not endanger his health or life by excessive grief andabstinence.

15.

TSZE-YEW’S OPINIONOF TSZE-CHANG, AS MINDING TOO MUCH HIGHTHINGS.

16.

THEPHILOSOPHER TSANG’S OPINION OF TSZE-CHANG, ASTOO HIGH-PITCHED FOR FRIENDSHIP.

17.

HOWGRIEF FOR THE LOSS OF PARENTS BRINGS OUT THE REAL NATUREOF MAN:—BY TSANG SIN.

18.

THEFILIAL PIETY OF MANG CHWANG:—BY TSANGSIN. Chwang was the honorary epithet of Suh, thehead of the Măng family, not long anterior toConfucius. His father, according to Choo He, had been a manof great merit, nor was Chwang inferior to him, but hisvirtue especially appeared in what the textmentions.—Ho An gives the comment of Ma Yung,that though there were bad men among his father’sministers, and defects in his government, yet Chwang made nochange in the one or the other, during the three years ofmourning, and that it was this which constituted hisexcellence.

19.

HOWA CRIMINAL JUDGE SHOULD CHERISH COMPASSION IN HISADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE:—BY TSANG SIN. Seven disciples of Tsăng Sin are moreparticularly mentioned, one of them being this Yang Foo.“Disorganized,” literally“scattered,” is to be understood ofthe moral state of the people, and not, physically, of theirbeing scattered from their dwellings.

20.

THE DANGER OF A BADNAME:—BY TSZE-KUNG. “Not sobad as the name implies,” is, literally,“not so very bad asthis,”—the this is understood by Hing Ping as referring to the epithet Chow,which cannot be called honorary in this instance. Accordingto the laws for such terms, it means “cruel andunmerciful, injurious to righteousness.” If the this does not in this way refer tothe name, the remark would seem to have occurred in aconversation about the wickedness ofChow.

21.

THESUPERIOR MAN DOES NOT CONCEAL HIS ERRORS, NOR PERSIST INTHEM:—BY TSZE-KUNG. Such is the lessonof this chapter, as expanded in the “DailyLessons.” The sun and the moon being here spokenof together, the term must be confined to“eclipses,” but it is also applied tothe ordinary waning of the moon.

22.

CONFUCIUS’ SOURCES OF KNOWLEDGE WERE THERECOLLECTIONS AND TRADITIONS OF THE PRINCIPLES ON WANAND WOO:—BY TSZE-KUNG. 1. Of thequestioner here we have no other memorial. His surnameindicates that he was a descendant of some of the dukes ofWei. Observe how he calls Confucius by his designation ofChung-ne or “Ne secundus. ” (There was an elder brother, aconcubine’s son, who was called Pih-ne). The lastclause is taken by modern commentators as assertingConfucius’ connate knowledge, butGan-kwŏ finds in it only a repetition of thestatement that the sage found teacherseverywhere.

23.

TSZE-KUNG REPUDIATES BEING THOUGHT SUPERIOR TOCONFUCIUS, AND, BY THE COMPARISON OF A HOUSE AND WALL,SHOWS HOW ORDINARY PEOPLE COULD NOT UNDERSTAND THEMASTER. 1. “Woo” was thehonorary epithet of Chow Kew, one of the chiefs of theShuh-sun family. From a mention of him in the“Family Sayings,” we may conclude thathe was given to envy and detraction. The term rendered“house” is now the common word for a“palace,” but here it is to be takengenerally for a house or building. It is a poor house, asrepresenting the disciple, and a ducal mansion, asrepresenting his master. Many commentators make the wall tobe the sole object in the comparison; but it is better totake both the house and the wall as members of thecomparison. The wall is not a part of the house, but oneinclosing it.

24.

CONFUCIUS IS LIKE THE SUN OR MOON, HIGH ABOVE THE REACHOF DEPRECIATION:—BYTSZE-KUNG.

25.

CONFUCIUS CAN NO MORE BE EQUALLED THAN THE HEAVENS CANBE CLIMBED:—BY TSZE-KUNG. We find itdifficult to conceive of the sage’s disciplesspeaking to one another, as Tsze-k‘in does hereto Tsze-kung; and Hing Ping says that this was not thedisciple Tsze-k‘in, but another man of the samesurname and designation. But this is inadmissible,especially as we find the same parties, in I. x., talkingabout the character of their master. I think it likely theconversation took place after the sage’s death,in which case the tenses in the translation would in severalcases have to be altered. Unfortunately the Chinese languagehas no inflexions of any kind, and in concise compositionsuch as that of these Analects the adjunctive indications ofmood and tense seldom occur.

*

HEADING AND CONTENTS OF THISBOOK. —“Yaou said” HingPing says:—“This records the words of the twoemperors, the three kings, and Confucius, throwing light on theexcellence of the ordinances of Heaven, and the transforming powerof government. Its doctrines are all those of sages, worthy of beingtransmitted to posterity. On this account, it brings up the rear ofall the other books, without any particular relation to the oneimmediately preceding.”

1.

PRINCIPLES AND WAYS OF YAOU, SHUN, YU,T‘ANG, AND WOO. The first fiveparagraphs here are mostly compiled from different parts ofthe Shoo-king. But there are many variations of language.The compiler may have thought it sufficient, if he gave thesubstance of the original in his quotations, without seekingto observe a verbal accuracy, or, possibly, the Shoo-king,as it was in his days, may have contained the passages as hegives them, and the variations be owing to the burning ofmost of the classical books by the founder of theTs‘in dynasty, and their recovery and restorationin a mutilated state. 1. We do not find this address of Yaouto Shun in the Shoo-king. Pt I., but the different sentencesmay be gathered from I’t II. Bk II. 14, 15, 17,where we have the charge of Shun to Yu. Yaou’sreign commenced BC 2356, and afterreigning 73 years, he resigned the administration to Shun.He died, BC 2256, and, two yearsafter, Shun occupied the throne, in obedience to the will ofthe people. “The Heaven-determined order ofsuccession” is, literally, “therepresented and calculated numbers of heaven,” i.e., the divisions of the year,its terms, months, and days, all described in a calendar, asthey succeed one another with determined regularity. Here,ancient and modern interpreters agree in giving to theexpression the meaning which appears in the translation. Imay observe here, that Choo He differs often from the oldinterpreters in explaining these passages of the Shoo-king,but I have followed him, leaving the correctness orincorrectness of his views to be considered in theannotations on the Shoo-king. 3. At the commencement of thisparagraph we must understand T‘ang, the founder of the Shangdynasty. The sentences here may in substance be collected ina measure from the Shoo-king, Pt IV. Bk III. 4, 8. Thesinner is Keĕ, the tyrant, and last emperor ofthe Hea dynasty. “The ministers ofGod” are the able and virtuous men, whomT‘ang had called, or would call, to office. 4. Inthe Shoo-king, Pt V. Bk III. 9, we find King Woo saying,“He distributed great rewards through the empire,and all the people were pleased and submitted.”5. See the Shoo-king, Pt V. Bk I. sect. ii. 6, 7. Thesubject is Chow, the tyrant of the Yin dynasty. The peoplefound fault with King Woo, because he did not come to savethem from their sufferings, by destroying their oppressor.The remaining paragraphs are descriptive of the policy ofKing Woo, but cannot, excepting the eighth one, be traced inthe present Shoo-king.

2.

HOW GOVERNMENT MAY BECONDUCTED WITH EFFICIENCY, BY HONOURING FIVE EXCELLENTTHINGS, AND PUTTING AWAY FOUR BAD THINGS:—ACONVERSATION WITH TSZE-CHANG. It is understood thatthis chapter, and the next, give the ideas of Confucius ongovernment, as a sequel to those of the ancient sages andemperors, whose principles are set forth in the lastchapter, to show how Confucius was their propersuccessor.

3.

THEORDINANCES OF HEAVEN, THE RULES OF PROPRIETY, AND THEFORCE OF WORDS, ALL NECESSARY TO BEKNOWN.

*

TITLE OF THEWORK. —“The Great Learning.” I havepointed out, in the prolegomena, the great differences which are foundamong Chinese commentators on this Work, on almost every point connectedwith the criticism and interpretation of it. We encounter them here onthe very threshold. The name itself is simply the adoption of the twocommencing characters of the treatise, according to the custom noticedat the beginning of the Analects, but in explaining those twocharacters, the old and new schools differ widely. I have contentedmyself with the title—“The GreatLearning,” which is a literal translation of thecharacters.

**

THE INTRODUCTORY NOTE. —Ihave thought it well to translate this, and all the other notes andsupplements appended by Choo He to the original text, because theyappear in nearly all the editions of the work which fall into the handsof students, and his view of the classics is what must be regarded asthe orthodox one. The translation, which is here given, is also, for themost part, according to his views, though my own differing opinion willbe found freely expressed in the notes. Another version, following theorder of the text, before it was transposed by him and his masters, theCh‘ing, and without reference to its interpretations, will befound in the translation of the Le-ke. The Ch‘ing here is thesecond of the two brothers, to whom reference is made in theprolegomena. But how can we say that “The GreatLearning” is a work left by Confucius? Even Choo He ascribesonly a small portion of it to the Master, and makes the rest to be theproduction of the disciple Tsăng, and before his time, thewhole work was attributed generally to the sage’sgrandson.

***

CHAPTER I. THE TEXT OF CONFUCIUS. Such Choo He, as will be seen from his concluding note, determinesthis chapter to be, and it has been divided into two sections, thefirst containing three paragraphs, occupied with the heads of “the Great Learning,” andthe second containing four paragraphs, occupied with the particulars of those.

Par. 1.

The heads of the GreatLearning. —“To illustrateillustrious virtue”=the illustriousvirtue is the virtuous nature which man derives from Heaven.This is perverted as man grows up through defects of thephysical constitution, through inward lusts, and throughoutward seductions, and the great business of life shouldbe, to bring the nature back to its originalpurity.—“To renovate thepeople,”—this object of“the Great Learning” is made out, bychanging the character in the text which means“to love,” into another signifying“to renovate.” The Ch‘ingfirst proposed the alteration, and Choo He approved of it.When a man has entirely illustrated his own illustriousnature, he has to proceed to bring about the same result inevery other man, till “under heaven”there be not an individual, who is not in the same conditionas himself.—“The highestexcellence” is understood of the two previousmatters. It is not a third and different object of pursuit,but indicates a perseverance in the two others, till theyare perfectly accomplished.—According to theseexplanations, the objects contemplated in “theGreat Learning, are not three, but two. Suppose themrealized, and we should have the whole world of mankindperfectly good, every individual what he ought tobe!

Against the above interpretation, we have toconsider the older and simpler.“Virtue” is there not the nature, but simply virtue, or virtuousconduct, and the first object in “the GreatLearning” is the making of one’s selfmore and more illustrious in virtue, or in the practice ofbenevolence, reverence, filial piety, kindness, andsincerity. There is nothing, of course, of the renovating of the people, in thisinterpretation. The second object of “the GreatLearning” is “to love thepeople.”—The third object is said byYing-tă to be “in resting in conductwhich is perfectly good,” and here, also, therewould seem to be only two objects, for what essentialdistinction can we make between the first and third?“To love the people” is, doubtless,the second thing taught by “the GreatLearning.”—Having the heads of“the Great Learning” now before us,according to both interpretations of it, we feel that thestudent of it should be an emperor, and not an ordinaryman.

Par. 2.

The mental process by which the point of rest may beattained. I confess that I do not well understandthis paragraph, in the relation of its parts in itself, norin relation to the rest of the chapter. Perhaps it justintimates that the objects of “the GreatLearning” being so great, a calm, seriousthoughtfulness is required in proceeding to seek theirattainment.

Par. 3. Theorder of things and methods in the two precedingparagraphs. So, according to Choo He, does thisparagraph wind up the two preceding. “Theillustration of virtue,” he says, “isthe root, and the renovation of thepeople is the completion (literally, the branches ). Knowing where torest is the beginning, and being ableto attain is the end. The root andbeginning are what is first. Thecompletion and end are what islast. ”—The adherents of the oldcommentators say, on the contrary, that this paragraph isintroductory to the succeeding ones. They contend that theillustration of virtue and renovation of the people are doings, and not things. According to them the things are the person, heart, thoughts,c., mentioned below, which are “theroot,” and the family, kingdom, and empire, whichare “the branches.” The affairs are the various processes putforth on those things.—This, it seems to me, isthe correct interpretation.

Par. 4.

The different steps by which the illustration ofillustrious virtue throughout the empire may be broughtabout. Of the several steps described, the centralone is “the cultivation of theperson,” which, indeed, is called “theroot,” in paragraph 6. This requires“the heart to be correct,” and thatagain “that the thoughts be sincere.”“The heart” is the metaphysical partof our nature, all that we comprehend under the terms ofmind or soul, heart, and spirit. This is conceived of asquiescent, and when its activity is aroused, then we havethoughts and purposes relative to what affects it. The“being sincere” is explained by“real.” The sincerity of the thoughtsis to be obtained by “carrying our knowledge toits utmost extent, with the desire that there may be nothingwhich it shall not embrace.” This knowledgefinally is realized, through “exhausting byexamination the principles of things and affairs, with thedesire that their uppermost point may bereached.”—We feel that thisexplanation cannot be correct, or that, if it be correct,the teaching of the Chinese sage is far beyond and above thecondition and capacity of men. How can we suppose that, inorder to secure sincerity of thought and ourself-cultivation, there is necessarily the study of all thephenomena of physics and metaphysics, and of the events ofhistory?

Par. 5.

The synthesis of the precedingprocesses.

Par. 6.

The cultivation of the person is the prime, radicalthing required from all. I have said above that“the Great Learning” is adapted onlyto an emperor, but it is intimated here that the people also may take part in it in theirdegree.

Par. 7.

Reiteration of the importance of attending to theroot.

*

CONCLUDING NOTE. It hasbeen shown in the prolegomena that there is no ground forthe distinction made here between so much oracular teachingattributed to Confucius, and so much commentary ascribed tohis disciple Tsăng. The invention of paper isascribed to Ts‘ae Lun, an officer of the Handynasty, in the time of the Emperor Ho, AD 89—104. Before that time, andlong after also, slips of wood and of bamboo were used towrite and engrave upon. We can easily conceive how acollection of them might get disarranged, but whether thosecontaining “the Great Learning” did doso is a question vehemently disputed.

1.

THEILLUSTRATION OF ILLUSTRIOUS VIRTUE. 1. See theShoo-king, Pt V. Bk ix. 3. The words are part of the addressof King Woo to his brother Fung, called alsoK‘ang-shuh, on appointing him to the marquisateof Wei. The subject is King Wăn, to whose exampleK‘ang-shuh is referred. 2. See the Shoo-king, PtIV. Bk V. i. 2. The sentence is part of the address of thepremier, E Yin, to T‘ae-keă, thesecond emperor of the Shang dynasty, BC 1752—1718. The subject of“contemplated” isT‘ae-kea’s grandfather, the greatT‘ang. 3. See the Shoo-king, Pt I. 2. It is ofthe Emperor Yaou that this is said.

2.

THE RENOVATION OF THEPEOPLE. Here the character“new,” “torenovate,” occurs five times, and it was to findsomething corresponding to it at the commencement of thework, which made the Ch‘ing change the old text.But the terms here have nothing to do with the renovation ofthe people. This is self-evident in the first and thirdparagraphs. The heading of the chapter, as above, is amisnomer. 1. This fact about T‘ang’sbathing-tub had come down by tradition. At least, we do notnow find the mention of it anywhere but here. It wascustomary among the ancients, as it is in China at thepresent day, to engrave, all about them, on the articles oftheir furniture, such moral aphorisms and lessons. 2. Seethe Book quoted, p. 7, where K‘ang-shuh isexhorted to assist the emperor “to settle thedecree of Heaven, and to make the bad people of Yin intogood people, or to stir up the new people,” i.e., new, as recently subjected toChow. 3. See the She-king, Pt III. Bk I. i. 1. The subjectof the ode is the praise of King Wăn, whosevirtue led to the possession of the empire by his house,more than a thousand years after its first rise. 3. The“superior man” is here the man of rankand office probably, as well as the man of virtue; but I donot, for my own part, see the particular relation of this tothe preceding paragraphs, nor the work which it does inrelation to the whole chapter.

3.

ONRESTING IN THE HIGHEST EXCELLENCE. 1. See theShe-king, Pt IV. Bk III. iii. 4. The ode celebrates the riseand establishment of the Shang or Yin dynasty. A thousand le around the capital constitutedthe imperial demesne. The quotation shows, according to ChooHe, that “everything has the place where it oughtto rest.” But that surely is a very sweepingconclusion from the words. 2. See the She-king, Pt II. BkVIII. vi. 2, where we have the complaint of a down-troddenman, contrasting his position with that of a bird.“The yellow bird” is known by avariety of names. It seems to be a species of oriole. The“Master said,” is worthy ofobservation. If the first chapter of the classical text, asChoo He calls it, really contains the words of Confucius, wemight have expected it to be headed by these characters. 3.See the She-king, Pt III. Bk I. i. 4. 4. See the She-king,Pt I. Bk V. i. 1. The ode celebrates the virtue of the DukeWoo of Wei, in his laborious endeavours to cultivate hisperson. The transposition of this paragraph by Choo He tothis place does seem unhappy. It ought evidently to come inconnection with the work of the seventh chapter. 5. See theShe-king, Pt II. Bk I. Sect. I. iv. 3. The former kings areWăn and Woo, the founders of the Chow dynasty.According to Ying-tă, “this paragraphillustrates the business of having the thoughtssincere.” According to Choo He, it tells that howthe former kings renovated the people, was by their restingin perfect excellence, so as to be able, throughout theempire and to future ages, to effect that there should notbe a single thing but got its properplace.

4.

EXPLANATION OF THE ROOT ANDTHE BRANCHES. See the Analects, XII. xiii., fromwhich we understand that the words of Confucius terminate at“no litigations,” and that whatfollows is from the compiler. According to the oldcommentators, this is the conclusion of the chapter onhaving the thoughts made sincere, and that this is the root. But according to Choo He, it isthe illustration of illustrious virtue which is the root, while the renovation of thepeople is the result therefrom. Lookingat the words of Confucius, we must conclude that sincerity was the subject in hismind.

5.

ON THE INVESTIGATION OFTHINGS, AND CARRYING KNOWLEDGE TO THE UTMOSTEXTENT. 1. This is said by one of theCh‘ing to be “superfluoustext.” 2. Choo He considers this to be theconclusion of a chapter which is now lost. But we have seenthat the two sentences come in, as the work stands in theLe-ke, at the conclusion of what is deemed the classicaltext. It is not necessary to add anything here to what hasbeen said there, and in the prolegomena, on the newdispositions of the work from the time of the Sung scholars,and the manner in which Choo He has supplied this supposedmissing chapter.

6.

ON HAVING THE THOUGHTSSINCERE. 1. The sincerity of thethoughts obtains, when they more without effort to whatis right and wrong, and, in order to this, a man must bespecially on his guard in his solitary moments. 2. An enforcement of the concluding clausein the last paragraph. “His heart andreins,” is, literally, “the lungs andliver,” but with the meaning which we attach tothe expression substituted for it. The Chinese make thelungs the seat of righteousness, and the liver the seat ofbenevolence. 3. The use of “Tsăng thephilosopher” at the beginning of this paragraph(and extending, perhaps, over to the next) should suffice toshow that the whole work is not his, as assumed by Choo He.“Ten” is a round number put for many. The recent commentator, LoChung-fan, refers Tsăng’s expressionsto the multitude of spiritual beings, servants of Heaven orGod, who dwell in the regions of the air, and arecontinually beholding men’s conduct. But they areprobably only an emphatic way of exhibiting what is said inthe preceding paragraph. 4. This paragraph is commonlyreferred to Tsăng Sin, but whether correctly soor not cannot be positively affirmed. It is of the samepurport as the two preceding, showing that hypocrisy is ofno use. Compare Mencius, VII. Pt. I. xxi. 4. It is only thefirst of these paragraphs from which we can in any wayascertain the views of the writer on making the thoughtssincere. The other paragraphs contain only illustration orenforcement. Now, the gist of the first paragraph seems tobe in “allowing no self-deception.”After knowledge has been carried to the utmost, this remainsto be done, and it is not true that, when knowledge has beencompleted, the thoughts become sincere. This fact overthrowsChoo He’s interpretation of the vexed passages inwhat he calls the text of Confucius. Let the student examinehis note appended to this chapter, and he will see that Choowas not unconscious of this pinch of thedifficulty.

7.

ONPERSONAL CULTIVATION AS DEPENDENT ON THE RECTIFICATIONOF THE MIND.

8.

THENECESSITY OF CULTIVATING THE PERSON, IN ORDER TO THEREGULATION OF THE FAMILY. The lesson here isevidently, that men are continually falling into error, inconsequence of the partiality of their feelings andaffections. How this error affects their personalcultivation, and interferes with the regulating of theirfamilies, is not specially indicated.

9.

ON REGULATING THE FAMILY ASTHE MEANS TO THE WELL-ORDERING OF THE STATE. 1. There is here implied the necessity ofself-cultivation to the rule, both of the family and ofthe State; and that being supposed to exist, it is shownhow the virtues that secure the regulation of the familyhave their corresponding virtues in the wider sphere ofthe State. 2. See the Shoo-king. Pt V. Bk IX. 9.Both in the Shoo-king and here, some verb, like act, must be supplied. This paragraphseems designed to show that the ruler mustbe carried on to his object by an inward, unconstrainedfeeling, like that of the mother for her infant. LoChung-fan insists on this as harmonizing with “tolove the people,” as the second object proposedin the Great Learning. 3. How certainly andrapidly the influence of the family extends to theState. The “one man” is theruler. “I, the one man,” is a way inwhich the emperor speaks of himself, see Analects XX. i. 5.4. An illustration of the last part of thelast paragraph. But from the examples cited, thesphere of influence is extended from the State to theempire, and the family, moreover, does not intervene betweenthe empire and the ruler. 6. See the She-king, Pt I. Bk I.vi. 3. The ode celebrates the wife of King Wan and the happyinfluence of their family government. 7. See the She-king,Pt II. Bk II. ix. 3. The ode was sung at entertainments,when the emperor feasted the princes. It celebrates theirvirtues. 8. See the She-king, Pt I. Bk XIV. iii. 3. Itcelebrates, according to Choo He the praises of some keun-tsze, or ruler.

10.

ON THE WELL-ORDERING OF THESTATE AND MAKING THE WHOLE EMPIRE PEACEFUL ANDHAPPY. The key to this chapter is in the phrase“a measuring square,” the principle ofreciprocity, the doing to others as we would that theyshould do to us, though here, as elsewhere, it is put forthnegatively. It is implied in the fifth paragraph of the lastchapter, but it is here discussed at length, and shown inits highest application. The following analysis of thechapter is translated freely from a nativework;—“This chapter explains thewell-ordering of the State, and the tranquillization of theempire. The greatest stress is to be laid on thephrase— the measuringsquare. That, and the expression in the generalcommentary— loving and hatingwhat the people love and hate, and not thinking only ofthe profit, exhaust the teaching of the chapter. Itis divided into five parts. The first, embracing the two first paragraphs, teaches, that the way tomake the empire tranquil and happy is in the principle ofthe measuring square. The second partembraces three paragraphs, and teaches that the applicationof the measuring square is seen in loving, and hating, incommon sympathy with the people. The consequences of losing and gaining are mentioned for the first time in the fourth paragraph towind up the chapter so far, showing that the decree ofHeaven goes or remains, according as the people’shearts are lost or gained. The third part embraces eight paragraphs, and teaches that the mostimportant result of loving and hating in common with thepeople is seen in making the root theprimary subject, and the branch onlysecondary. Here, in paragraph eleven, mention is again madeof gaining and losing, illustrating the meaning of the quotationin it, and showing that to the collection of dissipation ofthe people the decree of Heaven is attached. The fourth part consists of fiveparagraphs, and exhibits the extreme results of loving andhating, as shared with the people, or on one’sown private feeling, and it has special reference to thesovereign’s employment of ministers, becausethere is nothing in the principle more important than that.The nineteenth paragraph speaks of gainingand losing, for the third time, showing that fromthe fourth paragraph downwards, in reference both to thehearts of the people and the decree of Heaven, theapplication or nonapplication of the principle of the measuring square depends on the mind ofthe sovereign. The fifth part embracesthe other paragraphs. Because the root of the evil of asovereign’s not applying that principle, lies inhis not knowing how wealth is produced, and employs mean menfor that object, the distinction between righteousness andprofit is here much insisted on, the former bringing with itall advantages, and the latter leading to all evilconsequences. Thus the sovereign is admonished, and it isseen how to be careful of his virtue is the root of theprinciple of the measuring square; andhis loving and hating, in common sympathy with the people,is its reality.”

1. There is here noprogress of thought, but a repetition of what has beeninsisted on in the two last chapters. But it having beenseen that the ruler’s example is so influential,it follows that the minds of all men are the same insympathy and tendency. He has then only to take his ownmind, and measure therewith the minds of others. If he actaccordingly, the grand result—the empire tranquiland happy—will ensue. 2. Alengthened description of the principle ofreciprocity. 3. See the She-king, Pt II. Bk II. v.3. The ode is one that was sung at festivals, and celebratesthe virtues of the princes present. 4. See the She-king, PtII. Bk IV. vii. 1. The ode complains of the Emperor Yew, forhis employing unworthy ministers. 5. See the She-king, PtIII. Bk I. i. 6. The ode is supposed to be addressed to KingCh‘ing, to stimulate him to imitate the virtuesof his grandfather Wăn.“Yin.”=“thesovereigns of the Yin dynasty.” The capital ofthe Shang dynasty was changed to Yin byP‘wan-kang, BC 1400,after which the dynasty was so denominated. 6.“Virtue” here, according to Choo He,is the “illustrious virtue” at thebeginning of the book. His opponents say that it is theexhibition of virtue; that is, of filial piety, brotherlysubmission, c. This is more in harmony with thefirst paragraph of the chapter. 10. The“words” are to be understood ofgovernmental orders and enactments. Ourproverb—“Goods ill-gotten goill-spent” might be translated by the charactersin the text. 11. See the Book quoted, p. 23. 12. The Book ofTs‘oo is found in the “Narratives ofthe States,” a collection purporting to be of theChow dynasty, and, in relation to the other States, whatConfucius’ “Spring andAutumn” is to Loo. The exact words of the text donot occur, but they could easily be constructed from thenarrative. An officer of Ts‘oo being sent on anembassy to Tsin, the minister who received him asked about afamous girdle of Ts‘oo, how much it was worth.The officer replied that his country did not look on suchthings as its treasures, but on its able and virtuousministers. 13. “Uncle Fan:” that is,uncle to Wăn, the duke of Ts‘in. SeeAnalects XIV. xvi. Wăn is the“fugitive.” In the early part of hislife he was a fugitive, and suffered many vicissitudes offortune. Once, the duke of Ts‘in having offeredto help him, when he was in mourning for his father who hadexpelled him, to recover Tsin, his uncle Fan gave the replyin the text. The that in thetranslation refers to “getting thekingdom.” 14. “The declaration of the duke of Ts‘in is thelast book in the Shoo-king. It was made by one of the dukesof Ts‘in to his officers, after he had sustaineda great disaster, in consequence of neglecting the advice ofhis most faithful minister. Between the text here, and thatwhich we find in the Shoo-king, there are some differences,but they are unimportant. 17. This is spoken of the rulernot having respect to the common feelings of the people inhis employment of ministers, and the consequences thereof tohimself. 18. This paragraph speaks generallyof the primal cause of gaining and losing, and shows howthe principle of the measuring square must have its rootin the ruler’s mind. The great course isexplained by Choo He as—“the art ofoccupying the throne, and therein cultivating himself andgoverning others.” Ying-tă says itis—“the course by which he practisesfilial piety, fraternal duty, benevolence, andrighteousness.” 19. This is understood byK‘ang-shing as requiring the promotion ofagriculture; and that is included, but does not exhaust themeaning. The consumers are the salaried officers of thegovernment. The sentiment of the whole isgood;—where there is cheerful industry in thepeople, and an economical administration of the government,the finances will be flourishing. 20. The sentiment here issubstantially the same as in paragraphs seven and eight. Theold interpretation is different:—“Thevirtuous man uses his wealth so as to make his persondistinguished. He who is not virtuous, toils with his bodyto increase his wealth.” 21. This shows how thepeople respond to the influence of the ruler, and thatbenevolence, even to the scattering of his wealth on thepart of the latter, is the way to permanent prosperity andwealth. 22. Heen was the honorary epithet of Chung-sunMeĕ, a worthy minister of Loo, under the twodukes, who ruled before the birth of Confucius. His sayings,quoted here, were preserved by tradition or recorded in somework which is now lost. On a scholar’s beingfirst called to office, he was gifted by his prince with acarriage and four horses. He was then supposed to withdrawfrom petty ways of getting wealth. The high officers of aState kept ice for use in their funeral rites andsacrifices.

*

THE TITLE OF THE WORK. — Chung Yung. “The Doctrine of theMean.” It is hardly possible amid the conflicting views ofnative scholars, and the various meanings of which the terms arecapable, to decide categorically on the exact force of the terms in thetitle. The Work treats of the human mind:—in its state of chung, absolutely correct, as it is in itself, andin its state of harmony, acting ad extra, accordingto its correct nature.—In the version of the Work, given inthe collection of “ Mémoiresconcernant l’histoire, les sciences, c., desChinois, ” vol. I., it isstyled—“ JusteMilieu. ” Remusat calls it “ L‘invariable Milieu, ” afterCh‘ing E. Intorcetta, and his coadjutors, callit—“ Medium constans velsempiternum. ” The book treats, they say,“ De MEDIO SEMPITERNO, sive de aurea mediocritate illa, quæ est, ut ait Cicero, inter nimium etparvum, constanter et omnibus in rebus tenenda. ”Morrison says. “ Chung Yung, the constant(golden) medium.” Collie calls it—“Thegolden medium.” The objection which I have to all these namesis, that from them it would appear as if the first term were a noun, andthe other a qualifying adjective, whereas they are co-ordinateterms.

1.

It has been stated, inthe prolegomena, that the current division of the Chung Yunginto chapters was made by Choo He, as well as their subdivisioninto paragraphs. The thirty-three chapters, which embrace thework, are again arranged by him in five divisions, as will beseen from his supplementary notes. The first and last chaptersare complete in themselves, as the introduction and conclusionof the treatise. The second part contains ten chapters; thethird, nine, and the fourth, twelve.

Par. 1.

Theprinciples of duty have their root in the evidenced will ofHearen, and their full exhibition in the teaching ofsages. What is taught seems to be this—Toman belongs a moral nature, conferred on him by Heaven or God,by which he is constituted a law to himself. But as he is proneto deviate from the path in which, according to his nature, heshould go, wise and good men—sages—haveappeared, to explain and regulate this, helping all by theirinstructions to walk in it.

Par. 2.

The pathindicated by the nature may never be left, and the superiorman—he who would embody all principles of rightand duty—exercises a most sedulous care that hemay attain thereto.

Par. 3.

It seems to me that thesecrecy here must be in the recesses of one’s ownheart, and the minute things, the springs of thought andstirrings of purpose there. The full development of what isintended here is probably to be found in all the subsequentpassages about“sincerity.”

Par. 4.

“This,” says Choo He,“speaks of the virtue of the nature and passions, toillustrate the meaning of the statement that the path may not beleft.” It is difficult to translate the paragraph,because it is difficult to understand it.

Par. 5.

On this Intorcetta andhis colleagues observe:—“ Quis non videt eo dumtaxat collimasse philosophum, uthominis naturam, quam ab origine sua rectam, sed deindelapsam et depravatam passim Sinenses docent, adprimæium innocentiæ statum reducere?Atque ita reliquas res creatas, homini jam rebelles, et inejusdem ruinam armatas, ad pristinum obsequium velutirevocaret. Hoc f. I. s. I. libri Ta Heŏ, hoc itemhic et alibi non semel indicat. Etsi autem nesciretphilosophus nos a prima felicitate propter peccatum primiparentis excidisse, tamen et tot rerum quæadversantvr et infestæ sunt homini, et ipsiusnaturæ humanæ ad deteriora tampronæ, longo usu et contemplatione didicissevidetur, non posse hoc universum, quod homo vitiatus quodammodo vitiarat, connaturali suæ integritatvetordini restitui, nisi prius ipse homo per victoriam suiipsius, eam, quam amiserat, integritatem et ordinemrecuperaret. ” I fancied something of thesame kind, before reading their note. According to Choo He, theparagraph describes the Work and influence of sage and spiritualmen in the highest issues. The subject is developed in thefourth part of the Work, in very extravagant and mysticallanguage. The study of it will modify very much our assent tothe views in the above passage. There is in this whole chapter amixture of sense and mysticism,—of what may begrasped, and what tantalizes and eludes themind.

**

CONCLUDING NOTE. The writer Yang, quotedhere, was a distinguished scholar and author in the reign ofYing-Tsung, AD 1064-1085. He was adisciple of Ch‘ing Haou, and a friend both of him andhis brother, E.

2.

ONLY THE SUPERIOR MAN CAN FOLLOWTHE MEAN; THE MEAN MAN IS ALWAYS VIOLATING IT. 1. WhyConfucius should here be quoted by his designation, or marriagename, is a moot-point. It is said by some that disciples mightin this way refer to their teacher, and a grandson to hisgrandfather, but such a rule is constituted probable on thestrength of this instance, and that in chapter xxx. Others saythat it is the honorary designation of the sage, and= the “Father ne, ” which Duke Gae used in reference toConfucius, in eulogizing him after his death. See the Le-ke, II.Pt I. iii. 43. This, and the ten chapters which follow, allquote the words of Confucius with reference to the Chung-yung, to explain the meaning of thefirst chapter, and “though there is no connection ofcomposition between them,” says Choo He,“they are all related by theirmeaning.”

3.

THE RARITY, LONG EXISTING INCONFUCIUS’ TIME, OF THE PRACTICE OF THEMEAN. See the Analects VI. xxvii.K‘ang-shing and Ying-tă take the lastclause as=“few can practise itlong.” But the view in the translation isbetter.

4.

HOW IT WAS THAT FEW WERE ABLE TOPRACTISE THE MEAN. 2. We have here not a comparison,but an illustration which may help to an understanding of theformer paragraph, though it does not seem very apt. Peopledon’t know the true flavour of what they eat anddrink, but they need not go beyond that to learn it. So, theMean belongs to all the actions of ordinary life, and might bediscerned and practised in them, without looking for it inextraordinary things.

5.

Choo He says:—“From not beingunderstood, therefore it is not practised.” Accordingto K‘ang-shing, the remark is a lament that there wasno intelligent sovereign to teach the path. But the two viewsare reconcileable.

6.

HOW SHUN PURSUED THE COURSE OF THEMEAN. This example of Shun, it seems to me, is adducedin opposition to the knowing of chapter iv. Shun, though a sage,invited the opinions of all men, and found truth of the highestvalue in their simplest sayings, and was able to determine fromthem the course of the Mean. “The twoextremes,” are understood by K‘ang-shingof the two errors of exceeding and coming short of the Mean.Choo He makes them—“the widest differencesin the opinions which he received.” I conceive themeaning to be that he examined the answers which he got, intheir entirety, from beginning to end. Compare Analects IX. vii.His concealing what was bad, and displaying what was good, wasalike to encourage people to speak freely to him.K‘ang-shing makes the last sentence to turn on themeaning of Shun when applied as an honorary epithet of the dead,= “Full, all-accomplished,” butShun was so named when he was alive.

7.

THEIR CONTRARY CONDUCT SHOWSMEN’S IGNORANCE OF THE COURSE AND NATURE OF THEMEAN. The first “We are wise” isto be understood with a generalreference,—“We are wise,” i.e., we can very well take care ofourselves. Yet the presumption of such a profession is seen inmen’s not being able to take care of themselves. Theapplication of this illustration is then made to the subject inhand, the second “We are wise,” being tobe specially understood, with reference to the subject of theMean. The conclusion in both parts is left to be drawn by thereader for himself.

8.

HOW HWUY HELD FAST THE COURSE OFTHE MEAN. Here the example of Hwuy is likewise adducedin opposition to those mentioned in chapteriv.

9.

THE DIFFICULTY OF ATTAINING TO THECOURSE OF THE MEAN. “The empire,”we should say—“empires,” butthe Chinese know only of one empire, andhence this name, “all under heaven,” forit. The empire is made up of States, and each State, ofFamilies. See the Analects V. vii.; XII. xx.

10.

ON FORCEFULNESS IN ITS RELATION TOTHE MEAN. In the Analects we find Tsze-loo, on variousoccasions, putting forward the subject of his valour, andclaiming, on the ground of it, such praise as the Master awardedto Hwuy. We may suppose, with the old interpreters, that hearingHwuy commended, as in chapter viii., he wanted to know whetherConfucius would not allow that he also could, with his forcefulcharacter, seize and hold fast the Mean, 1. I have ventured tocoin the term “forcefulness.” Choo Hedefines the original term correctly—“thename of strength, sufficient to overcome others.” 3.That climate and situation have an influence on character is notto be denied, and the Chinese notions on the subject may be seenin the amplification of the ninth ofK‘ang-he’s celebrated maxims. But to speakof their effects, as Confucius here does, is extravagant. Thebarbarism of the south, according to the interpretationmentioned above, could not have been described by him in theseterms. The forcefulness of mildness and forbearance, thusdescribed, is held to come short of the Mean: and therefore“the good man” is taken with a low andlight meaning, far short of what it has in paragraph five. 4.This forcefulness of the north, it is said, is in excess of theMean, and the “therefore,” at thebeginning of paragraph five, = “these twokinds of forcefulness being thus respectively in defect andexcess.” This illustrates the forcefulness which isin exact accord with the Mean, in the individual’streatment of others, in his regulation of himself, and inrelation to public affairs.

11.

ONLY THE SAGE CAN COME UP TO THEREQUIREMENTS OF THE MEAN. 3. The name Keun-tsze has here its very highest signification, and= the “sage,” in the lastclause. It will be observed how Confucius declines saying thathe had himself attained to this higheststyle.—“With this chapter,”says Choo He, “the quotations by Tsze-sze of theMaster’s words, to explain the meaning of the firstchapter, stop. The great object of the work is to set forthwisdom, benevolent virtue, and valour, as the three grandvirtues whereby entrance is effected into the path of the Mean,and therefore, at its commencement, they are illustrated byreference to Shun, Yen Yuen, and Tsze-loo, Shun possessing thewisdom, Yen Yuen the benevolence, and Tsze-loo the valour. Ifone of these virtues be absent, there is no way of advancing tothe path, and perfecting the virtue. This will be found fullytreated of in the twentieth chapter.” So, Choo He.The student forming a judgment for himself, however, will notsee very distinctly any reference to these cardinal virtues. Theutterances of the sage illustrate the phrase Chung-Yung, showing that the course of the Mean hadfallen out of observance, some overshooting it, and otherscoming short of it. When we want some precise directions how toattain to it, we come finally to the conclusion that only thesage is capable of doing so. We greatly want teaching morepractical and precise.

12.

THE COURSE OF THE MEAN REACHES FARAND WIDE, BUT YET IS SECRET. With this chapter thethird part of the work commences and the first sentence may beregarded as its text. Mysteries have been found in the terms ofit; but I believe that the author simply intended to say, thatthe way of the superior man reachingeverywhere,—embracing all duties,—yet hadits secret spring and seat in the Heaven-gifted nature, theindividual consciousness of duty in every man. 2. I confess tobe all at sea in the study of this paragraph. Choo He quotesfrom the scholar How, that what the superior man fails to know,was exemplified in Confucius having to ask about ceremonies, andabout offices; and what he fails to practise, was exemplified inConfucius not being on the throne, and in Yaou andShun’s being dissatisfied that they could not makeevery individual enjoy the benefits of their rule. He adds hisown opinion, that wherein men complained of Heaven and Earth,was the partiality of their operations in overshadowing andsupporting, producing and completing, the heat of summer, thecold of winter, c. If such things were intended by thewriter, we can only regret the vagueness of his language, andthe want of coherence in his argument. See the She-king, Pt III.Bk I. v. 3. The ode is in praise of the virtue of KingWăn. The application of the words of the ode doesappear strange.

13.

THE PATH OF THE MEAN IS NOT FAR TOSEEK. EACH MAN HAS THE LAW OF IT IN HIMSELF, AND IT IS TO BEPURSUED WITH EARNEST SINCERITY. 1. Literally we shouldread,—“When men practise a course, and wish to be far from men.” Themeaning is as in the translation. 2. See the She-king, Pt I. BkXV. v. 2. The object of the paragraph seems to be to show thatthe rule for dealing with men, according to the principles ofthe Mean, is nearer to us than the axe in the hand is to the onewhich is to be cut down with, and fashioned after, it. Thebranch is hewn, and its form altered from its natural one. Notso with man. The change in him only brings him to his properstate. 3. Compare Analects, IV. xv. 4. Compare Analects, VII.i., ii., xix., et al. The admissions madeby Confucius here are important to those who find it necessary,in their intercourse with the Chinese, to insist on his havingbeen, like other men, compassed with infirmity. It must beallowed, however, that the cases, as put by him, are in ameasure hypothetical, his father having died when he was achild. In the course of the paragraph, he passes from speakingof himself by his name, to speak of the keun-tsze, and the change is most naturally made afterthe last “I have notattained.”

14.

HOW THE SUPERIOR MAN, IN EVERYVARYING SITUATION, PURSUES THE MEAN, DOING WHAT IS RIGHT,AND FINDING HIS RULE IN HIMSELF.

15.

IN THE PRACTICE OF THE MEAN THEREIS AN ORDERLY ADVANCE FROM STEP TO STEP. 2. See theShe-king, Pt II. Bk I. iv. 7, 8. The ode celebrates, in aregretful tone, the dependence of brethren on one another, andthe beauty of brotherly harmony. Maousays:—“Although there may be the happyunion of wife and children, like the music of lutes and harpsyet there must also be the harmonious concord of brethren, withits exceeding delight, and then may wife and children beregulated and enjoyed. Brothers are near to us, while wife andchildren are more remote. Thus it is, that from what is near weproceed to what is remote.” He adds that ancientlythe relationship of husband and wife was not among the fiverelationships of society, because the union of brothers is fromheaven, and that of husband and wife is from man! 3. This isunderstood to be a remark of Confucius on the ode. From wife,and children, and brothers, parents at last are reached,illustrating how from what is low we ascend to what ishigh.—But all this is far-fetched andobscure.

16.

AN ILLUSTRATION, FROM THEOPERATION AND INFLUENCE OF SPIRITUAL BEINGS, OF THE WAY OFTHE MEAN. What is said of the kwei-shin, or “ghosts andspirits”=spiritual beings, in thischapter, is only by way of illustration. There is no design onthe part of the sage to develope his views on those beings oragencies. The key of it is to be found in the last paragraph,where the language evidently refers to that of paragraph 3, inchapter i. This paragraph, therefore, should be separated fromthe others, and not interpreted specially of the kwei-shin. I think that Dr Medhurst, in rendering it(Theology of the Chinese, p. 22)—“Howgreat then is the manifestation of their abstruseness! Whilst displaying their sincerity, they are not tobe concealed,” was wrong, notwithstanding that he maybe defended by the example of many Chinese commentators. Thesecond clause of paragraph 5 appears altogether synonymous withthe “what truly is within will be manifestedwithout,” in the Commentary of the Great Learning,chapter vi. 2, to which chapter we have seen that the whole ofchapter i. pp. 2, 3, has a remarkable similarity. However we maybe driven to find a recondite, mystical meaning for“ sincerity, ” inthe fourth part of this work, there is no necessityto do sohere. With regard to what is said of the kwei-shin, it is only the first two paragraphs whichoccasion difficulty. In the third paragraph the sage speaks ofthe spiritual beings that are sacrificed to. The same is thesubject of the fourth paragraph; or rather, spiritual beingsgenerally, whether sacrificed to or not, invisible themselvesand yet able to behold our conduct. See the She-king, Pt III. BkIV. ii. 7. The ode is said to have been composed by one of thedukes of Wei, and was repeated daily in his hearing for hisadmonition. In the context of the quotation, he is warned to becareful of his conduct when alone as when in company. For intruth we are never alone. “Millions of spiritualbeings walk the earth,” and can take note of us. Whatnow are the kwei-shin in the first twoparagraphs? Are we to understand by them something differentfrom what they are in the third paragraph, to which they run onfrom the first as the nominative or subject of the verb“to cause”? I think not. The precisemeaning of what is said of “their entering into allthings,” and “there being nothing withoutthem,” cannot be determined. The old interpreters saythat the meaning of the whole is—“that ofall things there is not a single thing which is not produced bythe breath (or energy) of the kwei-shin. ” This is all that we learn fromthem. The Sung school explain the terms with reference to theirphysical theory of the universe, derived, as they think, fromthe Yih-king. Choo He’s master,Ch‘ing, explains:—“The kwei-shin are the energetic operations ofHeaven and Earth, and the traces of production andtransformation.” The scholar Changsays:—“The kwei-shin are the easily acting powers of the two breaths ofnature.” Choo He’s own account is“If we speak of two breaths, then by kwei is denoted the efficaciousness of the secondaryor inferior one, and by shin, that of thesuperior one. If we speak of one breath, then by shin is denoted its advancing and developing, and by kwei, its returning and reverting. Theyare really only one thing.” It isdifficult—not to say impossible—toconceive to one’s-self what is meant by suchdescriptions. And nowhere else in the Four Books is there anapproach to this meaning of the phrase.

Rémusattranslates the first paragraph:—“ Que les certus des esprits sontsublimes! ” His Latin versionis:—“ spirituumgeniorumque est virtus: ea capax! ”Intorcetta renders:—“ spiritibus inest operativa virtus et efficacitas, ethæc o quam præstans est! quammultiplex! quam sublimis! ” In a note, he andhis friends say that the dignitary of the empire who assistedthem, rejecting other interpretations, understood by kwei-shin here—“thosespirits for the veneration of whom and imploring their help,sacrifices were instituted.” Shin signifies “spirits,”“a spirit,”“spirit:” and kwei “a ghost,” or“demon.” The former is used for the animus, or intelligent soul separated fromthe body, and the latter for the anima, oranimal, grosser, soul, so separated. In the text, however, theyblend together, and are not to be separately translated. Theyare together equivalent to shin alone inparagraph four, “spirits,” or“spiritual beings.”

17.

THE VIRTUE OF FILIAL PIETY,EXEMPLIFIED IN SHUN AS CARRIED TO THE HIGHEST POINT, ANDREWARDED BY HEAVEN. 1. One does not readily see theconnection between Shun’s great filial piety, and allthe other predicates of him that follow. The paraphrasts,however, try to trace it in this way:—“Ason without virtue is insufficient to distinguish his parents.But Shun was born with all knowledge, and acted without anyeffort;—in virtue, a sage. How great was thedistinction which he thus conferred on his parents!”And so with regard to the other predicate. 2. The whole of thisis to be understood with reference to Shun. He died at the ageof one hundred years. The word “virtue”takes here the place of “filial piety,” inthe last paragraph, according to Maou, because that is the root,the first and chief, of all virtues. 4. See the She-king, PtIII. Bk II. v. 1. The prince spoken of is king Wăn,who is thus brought forward to confirm the lesson taken fromShun. That lesson, however, is stated much too broadly in thelast paraagraph. It is well to say that only virtue is a solidtitle to eminence; but to hold forth the certain attainment ofwealth and position as an inducement to virtue is not favourableto morality. The case of Confucius himself, who attained neitherto power nor to long life, may be adduced as inconsistent withthese teachings.

18.

ON KING WAN, KING WOO, AND THEDUKE OF CHOW. 1. Shun’s father was bad, andthe fathers of Yaou and Yu were undistinguished, Yaou andShun’s sons were both bad, and Yu’s notremarkable. But to Wăn neither father nor son gaveoccasion but for satisfaction and happiness. King Ke was theDuke Ke-leih, the most distinguished by his virtues and prowessof all the princes of his time. He prepared the way for theelevation of his family. 2. King T‘ae—thiswas the Duke T‘an-foo, the father of Ke-leih, aprince of great eminence, and who, in the decline of the Yindynasty, drew to his family the thoughts of the people.“He did not lose his distinguishedreputation,” that is, though he proceeded against hisrightful sovereign, the people did not change their opinion ofhis virtue. 3. “When old:”—Woowas eighty-seven when he became emperor, and he only reignedseven years. His brother Tan, the duke of Chow (see Analects,VI, xxii., VII. v.), acted as his chief minister. The house ofChow traced their lineage up to the Emperor Kub, BC 2432; but in various passages of theShoo-king, king T‘ae and king K‘e arespoken of, as if the conference of those titles had been by kingWoo. On this there are very long discussions. The truth seems tobe, that Chow-kung, carrying out his brother’s wishesby laws of state, confirmed the titles, and made the generalrule about burials and sacrifices which is described. From“this rule,” c., to the end, weare at first inclined to translate in the present tense, but thepast with a reference to Chow-kung is more correct. The“year’s mourning” is thatprincipally for uncles and cousins, and it does not extendbeyond the great officers, because their uncles, c.,being the subjects of the princes and of the emperor, feelingsof kindred must not be allowed to come into collision with therelation of governor and governed. On the “threeyears’ mourning,” see Analects XVII.xxi.

19.

THE FAR-REACHING FILIAL PIETY OFKING WOO, AND OF THE DUKE OF CHOW. 2. This definitionof “filial piety” is worthy of notree. Itsoperation ceases not with the lives of parents andparents’ parents. 3. In spring and autumn; theemperors of China sacrificed, as they still do, to theirancestors every season. Though spring and autumn only arementioned in the text, we are to understand that what is said ofthe sacrifices in those seasons applies to all the others. 4. Itwas an old interpretation that the sacrifices and accompanyingservices, spoken of here, were not the seasonal services ofevery year, which are the subject of the preceding paragraph,but the still greater sacrifices (see one of them spoken of inAnalects, III. x., xi.); and to that view I would give in myadhesion. The emperor had seven shrines, or apartments, in thehall of the ancestral temple. One belonged to the remoteancestor to whom the dynasty traced its origin. At the greatsacrifices, his spirit-tablet was placed fronting the east, andon each side were ranged, three in a row, the tablets belongingto the six others, those of them which fronted the south being,in the genealogical line, the fathers of those who fronted thenorth. As fronting the south, the region of brilliancy, the former were called chaou, the latter, from the north, the sombre region, were called muh. As the dynasty was prolonged, and successive emperors died, theold tablets were removed, and transferred to what was called the“apartments of displaced shrines,” yet soas that one in the bright line displacedthe topmost of the row, and so with the sombre tablets. At the sacrifices, the imperialkindred arranged themselves as they were descended from a“bright” emperor, on the left, and from a“sombre” one, on the right, and thus agenealogical correctness of place was maintained among them. Theceremony of “general pledging” occurredtowards the end of the sacrifice. To have anything to do atthose services was accounted honourable, and after the emperorhad commenced the ceremony by taking “a cup ofblessing,” all the juniors presented a similar cup tothe seniors, and thus were called into employment. 5.“They occupied their places,” according toK‘ang-shing, is—“ascended theirthrones,” according to Choo He it is “trodon— i.e., occupied—their places in the ancestraltemple.” On either view, the statement must be takenwith allowance. The ancestors of king Woo had not been emperors,and their place in the temples had only been those of princes.The same may be said of the four particulars which follow. By“those whom they”— i.e., theirprogenitors—“honoured” areintended their ancestors, and by “those whom theyloved,” their descendants, and indeed all the peopleof their government. The two concluding sentences are important,as the Jesuits mainly based on them the defence of theirpractice in permitting their converts to continue the sacrificesto their ancestors. We read in “ Confucius Sinarumphilosophus, ”—the work of Intorcettaand others, to which I have made frequentreference:— Ex plurimis etclarissimis textibus Sinicis probari potest, legitimumprædicti axiomatis sensum esse, quod eademintentione et formali motivo Sinenses naturalem pietatem etpoliticum obsequium erga defunctos exerceant, sicuti ergaeosdem adhuc superstites exercebant, ex quibus et ex infradicendis prudens lector facile deducet, hos ritus circadefunctos fuisse mere civiles, institutos dumtaxat inhonorem et obsequium parentum, etiam post mortem nonintermittendum; nam si quid illic divinum agnovissent, curdiceret Confucius—Priscos servire solitosdefunctis, uti usdem serviebant viventibus. ”This is ingenious reasoning, but it does not meet the fact thatsacrifice is an entirely new element introduced into the serviceof the dead. 6. I do not understand how it is that theirsacrifices to God are adduced here as an illustration of thefilial piety of king Wăn and king Woo. What is saidabout them, however, is important, in reference to the viewswhich we should form about the ancient religion of China. Boththe old interpreters of the Han dynasty and the more eminentamong those of the Sung, understand the two sacrifices firstspoken of to be those to Heaven and Earth,—the formeroffered at the winter solstice, in the southern suburb of theimperial city, and the latter offered in the northern suburb, atthe summer solstice. They think, however, that for the sake ofbrevity, the words for “and the sovereignearth,” are omitted after“God,” literally, “supremeruler.” Some modern interpreters understand thatbesides the sacrifices to Heaven and Earth, those to tutelarydeities of the soil are spoken of. But these various opinions donot affect the judgment of the sage himself, that the service ofone being—even of God—was designed by allthose ceremonies. See my “Notions of the Chineseconcerning God and Spirits,” pp.50-52.

20.

ON GOVERNMENT: SHOWING PRINCIPALLYHOW IT DEPENDS ON THE CHARACTER OF THE OFFICERSADMINISTERING IT, AND HOW THAT DEPENDS ON THE CHARACTER OFTHE SOVEREIGN HIMSELF. We have here one of the fullestexpositions of Confucius’ views on this subject,though he unfolds them only as a description of the governmentof the kings Wăn and Woo. In the chapter there is theremarkable intermingling, which we have seen in “TheGreat Learning,” of what is peculiar to a ruler, andwhat is of universal application. From the concludingparagraphs, the transition is easy to the next and mostdifficult part of the Work. This chapter is found also in the“Family Sayings,” but with considerableadditions.

1. Duke Gae. The old commentators took what Ihave called an “easily-growing rush” asthe name of an insect (so it is defined in the Urh Ya), a kindof bee, said to take the young of the mulberry caterpiller, andkeep them in its hole, where they are transformed into bees. So,they said, does government transform the people. This is inaccordance with the paragraph, as we find it in the“Family Sayings.” But we cannot hesitatein preferring Choo He’s, as in the translation. Theother is too absurd. 5. “Benevolence isman.” We find the same language in Mencius, and inthe Le-ke, XXXII. 15. This virtue is called MAN, “because loving, feeling, and theforbearing nature belong to man, as he is born. They are thatwhereby man is man.” 6. This has crept into the texthere by mistake. It belongs to paragraph 17, below. We do notfind it here in the “Family Sayings.” 7. Ifail in trying to trace the connection between the differentparts of this paragraph. “He may not be withoutknowing men”—Why?“Because,” we are told, “it isby honouring and being courteous to the worthy, and securingthem as friends, that a man perfects his virtue, and is able toserve his relatives.” “He may not bewithout knowing Heaven”—Why?“Because,” it is said, “thegradations in the love of relatives and the honouring theworthy, are all heavenly arrangements, and a heavenly order,natural, necessary principles.” But in thisexplanation, “Knowing men” has a verydifferent meaning from what it has in the previous clause. 8.From this down to paragraph 11, there is brought before us thecharacter of the “ men, ” mentioned in paragraph 2, on whom dependsthe flourishing of “ government, ” which government is exhibited inparagraphs illegible “The duties of universalobligation” is literally “the paths properto be trodden by all under heaven”=thepath of the Mean. Of the three virtues, the first is the knowledge necessary to choose the detailedcourse of duty; the second, is“benevolence,” “theunselfishness of the heart”= magnanimity (so I style it for want of abetter term), to pursue it, the third is the valiant energy, which maintains the permanence of thechoice and the practice. The last clause is, literally.“Whereby they are practised is one,” andthis, according to Ying-tă,means—“From the various kings downwards inthe practising these five duties, and three virtues, there hasbeen but one method. There has been no change in modern timesand ancient.” This, however, is not satistactory. Wewant a substantive meaning for “one.” ThisChoo He gives us. He says:—“The one is simply sincerity:” thesincerity, that is, on which the rest of the work dwells withsuch strange predication. I translate, therefore, the term hereby singleness. There seems a reference inthe term to the being alone in ch. i. p. 3.The singleness is that of the soul in the apprehension andpractice of the duties of the Mean, which is attained to bywatchfulness over one’s self, when alone. 9. Compare Analects, XVI. ix. But is there thethreefold difference in the knowledge ofthe duties spoken of? And who are they who can practise themwith entire ease? 10. Choo He observes that “TheMaster said” is here superfluous. In the“Family Sayings,” however, we find thelast paragraph followed by—“The duke said,Your words are beautiful and perfect, but I am stupied, andunable to accomplish this.” Then comes thisparagraph—“Confueius said,”c. The words in question, therefore, prove thatTsze-sze took this chapter from some existing document, thatwhich we have in the “Family Sayings,” orsome other. Confucius’ words were intended toencourage and stimulate the duke, telling him that the threegrand virtues might be nearly if not absolutely, attained to.11. “These three things” are the threethings in the last paragraph, which make an approximation atleast to the three virtues which connect with the discharge ofduty attainable by every one. What connects the various steps ofthe climax is the unlimited confidence in the power of theexample of the ruler, which we have had occasiou to point out sofrequently in “The Great Learning.” 12.These nine standard rules, it is to be borne in mind, constitutethe government of Wăn and Woo referred to inparagraph 2. Commentators arrange the fourth and fifth rulesunder the second, and the sixth, seventh, eighth, and ninth,under the third, so that after “the cultivation ofthe person,” we have here an expansion of paragraph5. By “the men of talents and virtue” areintended the “three Kung” and“three Koo,” who composed the“Inner Council” of the Chow emperors, andby the “great ministers,” the heads of thesix departments of their government:—of all of whomthere is an account in the Shoo-King, Pt V. Bk XX.5—13. The emperors of China have always assumed to bethe “fathers of the people,” and to dealwith them as their children. The eighth rule did not, probably,in Confucius’ mind, embrace any but travellingmerchants coming into the imperial domains from the other Statesof the empire; but in modern times it has been construed as therule for the treatment of foreigners by the government ofChina,—which, moreover, would affirm that it hasobserved it. 13. This paragraph describes the happy effects ofobserving the above nine rules. We read in the “DailyLessons.” “About these nine rules, theonly trouble is, that sovereigns are not able to practise themstrenuously. Let the ruler be really able to cultivate hisperson, then will the universal duties and universal virtues beall-complete so that he shall be an example to the whole empirewith its States and families. Those duties will be set up, andmen will know what to imitate.” On “theresources of expenditure being ample,” Choo Hesays:—“The resort of all classes ofartisans being encouraged, there is an intercommunication of theproductions of labour, and an interchange of men’sservices, and the husbandman and the trafficker are aiding toone another. Hence the resources for expenditure aresufficient.” I suppose that Choo He felt a want ofsome mention of agriculture in connection with these rules, andthought to find a place for it here. 14. After “Thewhole empire is brought to revere him,” we have inthe “Family Sayings.” “The dukesaid, How are these rules to bepractised? ” and then follows this paragraph,preceded by “Confucius said.” The blendingtogether, in the first clause, as equally important, attentionto inward purity and to dress, seems strange enough to a westernreader. The trials and examinations, with the rations spoken ofin the seventh clause, show that the artisans are not to beunderstood of such dispersed among the people, but as collectedunder the superintendence of the government. Ambassadors fromforeign countries have been received up to the present century,according to the rules in the eighth clause, and the two lastregulations are quite in harmony with the moral and politicalsuperiority that China claims over the countries which they mayrepresent. But in the case of travellers, and travellingmerchants, passing from one State to another, there wereanciently regulations, which may be adduced to illustrate allthe expressions here. 16. The “all things”is to be understood with reference to the universal duties, theuniversal virtues, and the nine standard rules. 17. The objectof this paragraph seems to be to show that the singleness, orsincerity, lies at the basis of that previous preparation, whichis essential to success in any and every thing. The steps of theclimax conduct us to it as the mental state necessary to allvirtues, and this sincerity is again made dependent on theunderstanding of what is good, upon which point see the nextchapter. 19. There are here described the different processeswhich lead to the attainment of sincerity. 20. Here we have thedetermination which is necessary in the prosecution of the aboveprocesses, and paragraph 21 states the result of it. Choo Hemakes a pause at the end of the first clause in each part of theparagraph, and interprets thus:—“If he donot study, well. But if he do, he will not give over till heunderstands what he studies,” and so on. But it seemsmore natural to carry the supposition over the whole of everypart, as in the translation, which moreover substantially agreeswith Ying-tă’s interpretation. Hereterminates the third part of the Work. It was to illustrate, asChoo He told us, how “the path of the Mean cannot beleft.” The author seems to have kept this pointbefore him in chapters xiii.—xvi., but the next threeare devoted to the one subject of filial piety, and thetwentieth, to the general subject of government. Some things aresaid worthy of being remembered, and others which require acareful sifting but, on the whole, we do not find ourselvesadvanced in an understanding of the argument of theWork.

21.

THE RECIPROCAL CONNECTION OFSINCERITY AND INTELLIGENCE. With this chapter commencesthe fourth part of the Work which, as Choo observes in hisconcluding note is an expansion of the eighteenth paragraph ofthe preceding chapter. It is, in a great measure, aglorification of the sage, finally resting in the person ofConfucius: but the high character of the sage, it is maintained,is not unattainable by others. He realizes the ideal ofhumanity, but by his example and lessons the same ideal isbrought within the reach of many, perhaps of all. The ideal ofhumanity,—the perfect character belonging to thesage, which ranks him on a level with Heaven,—isindicated by a single character, and we have no single term inEnglish which can be considered as the complete equivalent ofit. The Chinese themselves had great difficulty in arriving atthat definition of it which is now generally acquiesced in. Weare told that “the Han scholars were all ignorant ofits meaning. Under the Sung dynasty, first came Le Pang-Chih,who defined it by freedom from alldeception. After him, Seu Chung-Keu said that it meant ceaselessness. Then one of theCh‘ing called it freedom from allmoral error; and finally, Choo He added to this thepositive element of truth and reality, onwhich the definition of the term was complete.”Rémusat calls it— laperfection, and “ laperfection morale. ” Intorcetta and hisfriends call it— vera solidaqueperfectio. Simplicity or singleness of soul seems to bewhat is chiefly intended by the term; the disposition to andcapacity of what is good, without any deteriorating element,with no defect of intelligence, or intromission of selfishthoughts. This belongs to Heaven, to Heaven and Earth, and tothe sage. Men, not naturally sages, may, by cultivating theintelligence of what is good, raise themselves to thiselevation.

Here, at the outset, I may observe that, inthis portion of the Work, there are specially the threefollowing dogmas, which are more thanquestionable:—1st, That there are somemen—sages—naturally in a state of moralperfection; 2nd, That the same moral perfection is attainable byothers, in whom its development is impeded by their materialorganization, and the influence of external things; and 3rd,That the understanding of what is good will certainly lead tosuch moral perfection.

22.

THE RESULTS OF SINCERITY; AND HOWTHE POSSESSOR OF IT FORMS A TERNION WITH HEAVEN ANDEARTH. What I have called “giving fulldevelopment to the nature,” is, literally,“exhausting the nature,” but, by whatprocesses and in what way, the character tells us nothing. The“giving full development to his nature,”however, may be understood with Maou,as=“pursuing THE PATH in accordance with his nature, so that what Heaven has conferredon him is displayed without shortcoming or let.” The“giving its development to the nature of othermen” indicates the sage’s helping them, byhis examples and lessons, to perfect themselves. “Hisexhausting the nature of things,” i.e., of all other beings, animate and inanimate, is,according to Choo He, “knowing them completely, anddealing with them correctly,”“so,” add the paraphrasts,“that he secures their prosperous increase anddevelopment according to their nature.” Here,however, a Buddhist idea appears in Choo He’scommentary. He says:—“The nature of othermen and things (= animals) is the same with mynature,” which, it is observed in Maou’swork, is the same with the Buddhist sentiment, that“a dog has the nature of Buddha,” and withthat of the philosopher Kaou, that “adog’s nature is the same as aman’s.” Maou himself illustrates the“exhausting the nature of things,” byreference to the Shoo-king, IV. Bk IV. 2, where we are told thatunder the first sovereigns of the Hea dynasty, “themountains and rivers all enjoyed tranquillity, and the birds andbeasts, the fishes and tortoises, all realized the happiness oftheir nature. It is thus that the sage “assistsHeaven and Earth.” K‘ang-shing, indeed,explains this by saying:—“The sage,receiving Heaven’s appointment to the imperialthrone, extends everywhere a happy tranquillity.”Evidently there is a reference in the language to the mysticalparagraph at the end of the first chapter. “Heavenand Earth” take the place here of the singleterm—“Heaven,” in chapter xx.,paragraph 18. On this Ying-tăobserves:—“It is said above, sincerity is the may of Heaven, and heremention is made also of Earth. The reasonis, that the reference above, was to the principle of sincerityin its spiritual and mysterious origin, and thence theexpression simple.— The may ofHeaven; but here we have the transformation andnourishing seen in the production of things, and hence Earth is associated with Heaven. ” This is not very intelligible, butit is to bring out the idea of a ternion, that the great, supreme, ruling Power is thus dualized. Theoriginal term means “a file of three,” andI employ “ternion” to express the idea,just as we use “quarternion” for a file offour. What is it but blasphemy, thus to file man with thesupreme Power?

23.

THE WAY OF MAN;—THEDEVELOPMENT OF PERFECT SINCERITY IN THOSE NOT NATURALLYPOSSESSED OF IT. There is some difficulty here aboutthe term which I have translated shoots. Itproperly means “crooked.” and, with a badapplication, often signifies “deflection from what isstraight and right.” Yet it cannot have a bad meaninghere, for if it have, the use of it will be, in the connection,unintelligible. One writer uses thiscomparison:—“Put a stone on a bambooshoot, or where the shoot would show itself, and it will travelround the stone, and come out crookedly atits side.” So it is with the good nature, whose freedevelopment is repressed. It shows itself in shoots, but if theybe cultivated and improved, a moral condition and influence maybe attained, equal to that of the sage.

24.

THAT ENTIRE SINCERITY CANFOREKNOW. “Luckyomens;”—these are intimated by two terms,denoting respectively unusual appearances of things existing ina country, and appearances of things new. “Unluckyomens” are in the same way indicated by two terms,the former being spoken of “prodigies of plants, andof strangely dressed boys singing ballads,” and thelatter of prodigious animals. For the milfoil and tortoise, seethe Yih-king, Appendix I. xi.; and the notes on the Shoo-king,V. Bk. IV. 20—30. The “fourlimbs” are by K‘ang-shing interpreted ofthe feet of the tortoise, each foot being peculiarly appropriateto divination in a particular season. Choo He interprets them ofthe four limbs of the human body. “Like aspirit” must be left as indefinite in the translationas it is in the text.—The whole chapter is eminentlyabsurd, and gives a character of ridiculousness to all themagniloquent teaching about “entiresincerity.” The foreknowledge attributed to thesage,—the mate of Heaven,—is only aguessing by means of augury, sorcery, and otherfollies.

25.

HOW FROM SINCERITY COMESSELF-COMPLETION, AND THE COMPLETION OF OTHERS AND OFTHINGS. I have had difficulty in translating thischapter, because it is difficult to understand it. We wish thatwe had the writer before us to question him; but if we had, itis not likely that he would be able to afford us muchsatisfaction. Persuaded that what he denominates sincerity is a figment, we may not wonder at theextravagance of its predicates. 2. I translate the expansion ofthis in the “DailyLesson:”—“All that fill up thespace between heaven and earth are things They end and theybegin again; they begin and proceed to an end; every changebeing accomplished by sincerity, and every phenomenon havingsincerity unceasingly in it. So far as the mind of man isconcerned, if there be not sincerity, then every movement of itis vain and false. How can an unreal mind accomplish realthings? Although it may do something, that is simply equivalentto nothing. Therefore, the superior man searches out the sourceof sincerity, and examines the evil of insincerity, chooses whatis good, and firmly holds it fast, so seeking to arrive at theplace of truth and reality.” Maou’sexplanation is:—“Now, since the reason whythe sincerity of spiritual beings is so incapable of beingrepressed, and why they foreknow, is because they enter intothings, and there is nothing without them:—shallthere be anything which is without the entirely sincere man, whois as a spirit?” I have given these specimens ofcommentary, that the reader may, if he can, by means of them,gather some apprehensible meaning from thetext.

26.

A PARALLEL BETWEEN THE SAGEPOSSESSED OF ENTIRE SINCERITY, AND HEAVEN AND EARTH, SHOWINGTHAT THE SAME QUALITIES BELONG TO THEM. The first sixparagraphs show the way of the sage; the next three show the wayof Heaven and Earth; and the last brings the two ways together,in their essential nature, in a passage from the She-king. Thedoctrine of the chapter is liable to the criticisms which havebeen made on the twenty-second chapter. And, moreover, there isin it a sad confusion of the visible heavens and earth with theimmaterial power and reason which govern them; in a word, withGod. 1. Choo He is condemned by recent writers for making a newchapter to commence here. Yet the matter is sufficientlydistinct from that of the preceding one. Where the“Hence” takes hold of the text above,however, it is not easy to discover. One interpreter says thatit indicates a conclusion from all the preceding predicatesabout sincerity. “Entire sincerity” is tobe understood, now in the abstract, now in the concrete. But thefifth paragraph seems to be the place to bring out the personalidea, as I have done. The last predicate is, literally,“without bounds,”= our infinite. Surely it isstrange—passing strange—to apply that termin the description of any created being. 7. What I said was theprime idea in “sincerity,” viz.,“simplicity,” “singleness ofsoul,” is very conspicuous here. It surprises us,however, to find Heaven and Earth called “ things, ” at the same time thatthey are represented as by their entire sincerity producing allthings. 9. This paragraph is said to illustrate theunfathomableness of Heaven and Earth in producing things,showing how it springs from their sincerity, or freedom fromdoubleness. I have already observed how it is only the materialheavens and earth which are presented to us. And not onlyso;—we have mountains, seas, and rivers, set forth asacting with the same unfathomableness as those entire bodies andpowers. The “Complete Digest” says onthis:—“The hills and waters are whatHeaven and Earth produce, and that they should yet be ablethemselves to produce other things, showsstill more how Heaven and Earth: in the producing of things, areunfathomable.” The confusion and error in suchrepresentations are very lamentable.

27.

THE GLORIOUS PATH OF THE SAGE; ANDHOW THE SUPERIOR MAN ENDEAVOURS TO ATTAIN TO IT. Thechapter thus divides itself into two parts, one containing fiveparagraphs, descriptive of the SAGE, and theother two, descriptive of the superior man, which two appellations are to be here distinguished. 1.“This paragraph,” says Choo He,“embraces the two that follow.” They are,indeed, to be taken as exegetical of it. 3. By the“rules of ceremony,” we are to understandthe greater and more general principles of propriety,“such as capping, marriage, mourning, andsacrifice;” and by those of“demeanour” are intended all the minuterobservances of those. 300 and 3000 are round numbers. Referenceis made to these rules and their minutiæ, to showhow, in every one of them, as proceeding from the sage, there isa principle, to be referred to the Heaven-given nature. 4.Compare chapter xx. 2. In “ ConfuciusSinarum Philosophus, ” it is suggested thatthere may be here a prophecy of the Saviour, and that the writermay have been “under the influence of that spirit bywhose moving the Sibyls formerly prophesied ofChrist.” There is nothing in the text to justity sucha thought.

28.

AN ILLUSTRATION OF THE SENTENCE INTHE LAST CHAPTER—“IN A LOW SITUATIONHE IS NOT INSUBORDINATE.” There does seem tobe a connection of the kind thus indicated between this chapterand the last, but the principal object of what is said here isto prepare the way for the eulogium of Confuciusbelow,—the eulogium of him, a sage without thethrone. 1. The different clauses here may be understoodgenerally, but they have a special reference to the generalscope of the chapter. Three things are required to give law tothe empire: virtue (including intelligence); rank; and the righttime. The “ignorant man” is he who wantsthe virtue; the next is he who wants the rank; and the lastclause describes the absence of the right time.—Inthis last clause, there would seem to be a sentiment whichshould have given course in China to the doctrine of Progress.2. This and the two next paragraphs are understood to be thewords of Tsze-sze, illustrating the preceding declarations ofConfucius. We have here the imperial prerogatives, which mightnot be usurped. “Ceremonies” are the rulesregulating religion and society: “themeasures” are the prescribed forms and dimensions ofbuildings, carriages, clothes, c. The term translated“characters” is said by Choo He, afterK‘ang-shing, to be “the names of thewritten characters.” But it is properly the form ofthe character, representing, in the original characters of thelanguage, the figure of the object denoted; and in the text mustdenote both the form and sound of the character. There is a longand eulogistic note here, in “ Confucius Sinarum Philosophus, ” on theadmirable uniformity secured by these prerogatives throughoutthe Chinese empire. It was natural for Roman Catholic writers toregard Chinese uniformity with sympathy. But the value, or,rather, no value, of such a system in its formative influence onthe characters and institutions of men may be judged, both inthe empire of China and in the Church of Rome. 3.“Now” is said with reference to the timeof Tsze-sze. The paragraph is intended to account forConfucius’ not giving law to the empire. It was notthe time. 4. “Ceremonies ormusic,”—but we must understand also“the measures” and“characters” in paragraph 2. The paragraphwould seem to reduce most emperors to the condition of rois faineants. 5. See the Analects III.ix., xiv., which chapters are quoted here; but in regard to whatis said of Sung, with an important variation. This paragraphillustrates how Confucius himself “occupied a lowstation, without beinginsubordinate.”

29.

AN ILLUSTRATION OF THE SENTENCE INTHE XXVIITH CHAPTER—“WHEN HE OCCUPIESA HIGH SITUATION, HE IS NOT PROUD:” OR RATHER,THE SAGE AND HIS INSTITUTIONS SEEN IN THEIR EFFECT ANDISSUE. 1. Different opinions have obtained as to whatis intended by the “three important things. ” K‘ang-shing says theyare “the ceremonies of the three kings,” i.e. the founders of the threedynasties. Hea, Yin, and Chow. This view we may safely reject.Choo He makes them to be the imperial prerogatives, mentioned inthe last chapter, paragraph 2. This view may, possibly, becorrect. But I incline to the view of the commentator Luh, ofthe T‘ang dynasty, that they refer to the virtue,station, and time, which we have seen, in the notes on the lastchapter, to be necessary to one who would give law to theempire. Maou mentions this view, indicating his own approval ofit. 3. By “the Ruler” is intended theemperor sage of paragraph 1. “Attestation of hisinstitutions is given by the masses of the people;” i.e. the people believe in such aruler, and follow his regulations, thus attesting theiradaptation to the general requirements of humanity.“The three kings,” as mentioned above, arethe founders of the three dynasties, viz. the great Yu,T‘ang, the Successful, and Wăn and Woo,who are so often joined together, and spoken of as one. I hardlyknow what to make of “He sets them up before Heavenand Earth.” Choo Hesays:—“Heaven and Earth here simply meanright reason. The meaning is—I set up my institutions here, and there is nothing in themcontradictory to right reason.” This, of course, isexplaining the text away. But who can do anything better withit? I interpret “He presents himself with them beforespiritual beings” with reference to sacrificialinstitutions, or the general trial of a sovereign’sinstitutions by the efficacy of his sacrifice, in beingresponded to by the various spirits whom he worships. This isthe view of Ho Ke-chen, and is preferable to any other I havemet with. 6. See the She-king, Pt IV. Bk I. Sect. II. iii. 2. Itis a great descent to quote that ode here, however, for it isonly praising the feudal princes of Chow.“There” means their own States; and“here” is the imperialcourt.

30.

THE EULOGIUM OF CONFUCIUS, AS THEBEAU-IDEAL OF THE PERFECTLY SINCERE MAN, THE SAGE, MAKING ATERNION WITH HEAVEN AND EARTH. 1.Chung-ne—See chapter ii. The various predicates hereare explained by K‘ang-shing, and Ying-tă,with reference to the “Spring and Autumn,”making them descriptive of it, but such a view will not standexamination. Chinese writers observe that in what he handed downConfucius began with Yaou and Shun, because the times of Fuh-heand Shin-nung were very remote. Was not the true reason this,that he knew of nothing in China more remote than Yaou and Shun?By “the times of heaven” are denoted theceaseless regular movement, which appears to belong to theheavens: and by the “water and the land,”we are to understand the earth, in contradistinction fromheaven, supposed to be fixed and immovable. The scope of theparagraph is, that the qualities of former sages, of Heaven, andof Earth, were all concentrated in Confucius. 2.“This describes,” says Choo He,“the virtue of the sage.” 3. The wonderfuland mysterious course of nature, or—as the Chineseconceive—of the operations of Heaven and Earth, aredescribed to illustrate the previous comparison ofConfucius.

31.

THE EULOGIUM OF CONFUCIUSCONTINUED. Choo He says that this chapter is anexpansion of the clause in the last paragraph of thepreceding.—“The smaller energies are likeriver currents.” Even if it be so, it will still havereference to Confucius, the subject of the preceding chapter.K‘ang-shing’s account of the firstparagraph is:—“It describes how no one,who has not virtue such as this, can rule the empire, being alamentation over the fact that while Confucius had the virtue,he did not have the appointment,” that is, of Heaven,to occupy the throne. Maou’s account of the wholechapter is:—“Had it been that Chung-nepossessed the empire, then Chung-ne was a perfect sage. Being aperfect sage, he would certainly have been able to put forth thegreater energies, and the smaller energies of his virtue, so asto rule the world, and show himself the coequal of Heaven andEarth, in the manner here described.” Considering thewhole chapter to be thus descriptive of Contucius, I wasinclined to translate in the pasttense,—“It was onlyhe, who could.” c. Still the author hasexpressed himself so indefinitely that I have preferredtranslating the whole, that it may read as the description ofthe ideal man, who found, or might have found, his realizationin Confucius. 1. The sage here takes theplace of the man possessed of entiresincerity. Collie translates:—“Itis only the most HOLY man.”Rémusat:—“ Il n’y a dans l’universqu’un SAINT, qui illegible So the Jesuits: “ Hiccommemorat et commendat summe SANCTI virtutes. ” But holiness and sanctity are termswhich indicate the humble and pious conformity of humancharacter and life to the mind and will of God. The Chinese ideaof the “sage man” is far enough from this.3. “He is seen;”—withreference, it is said, to “the robes andcap,” the visibilities of the ruler. “Hespeaks,”—with reference to his“instructions, declarations, orders.”“He acts;”—with reference tohis “ceremonies, music, punishments, and acts ofgovernment.” 4. This paragraph is the glowingexpression of grand conceptions.

32.

THE EULOGIUM OF CONFUCIUSCONCLUDED. “The chapter,” saysChoo He, “expands the clause in the last paragraph ofchapter xxix., that the greater energies are seen in mightytransformations.” The sage is here not merely equalto Heaven:—he is another Heaven, an independentbeing, a God. 1. King and Lun are processes in the manipulation of silk, theformer denoting the first separating of the threads, and thelatter the subsequent bringing of them together, according totheir kinds.—“The great invariabilities ofthe world.” I translate the expansion of the lastclause which is given in “ ConfuciusSinarum Philosophus: ” “Theperfectly holy man of this kind, therefore, since he is such andso great, how can it in any way be, that there is anything inthe whole universe on which he leans, or in which he inheres oron which he behoves to depend, or to be assisted by it in thefirst place, that he may afterwards operate?” 2. Thethree clauses refer severally to the three in the precedingparagraph. The first it speaks of is virtuoushumanity in all its dimensions and capacities, existingperfectly in the sage. Of the sage being “adeep.” I do not know what to say. The oldcommentators interpret the second and third clauses, as if therewere an “as” before“deep” and “heaven”against which Choo He reclaims, and justly. In one work weread:—“Heaven and man are not originallytwo, and man is separate from Heaven only by his having thisbody. Of their seeing and hearing, their thinking and revolving,their moving and acting, men all say— It is from ME. Every one thus brings out his SELF, and his smallness becomes known. Butlet the body be taken away, and all would be Heaven. How can thebody be taken away? Simply by subduing and removing thatself-having of the ego. This is the takingit away. That being done, so wide and great as Heaven is, mymind is also so wide and great, and production andtransformation cannot be separated from me. Hence it issaid— How vast is hisHeaven. ” Into such wandering mazes of mysteriousspeculation are Chinese thinkers conducted by thetext,—only to be lost in them. As it is said, inparagraph 3, that only the sage can know the sage, we may beglad to leave him.

33.

THE COMMENCEMENT AND THECOMPLETION OF A VIRTUOUS COURSE. The chapter isunderstood to contain a summary of the whole Work, and to have aspecial relation to the first chapter. There, a commencement ismade with Heaven, as the origin of our nature, in which aregrounded the laws of virtuous conduct. This ends with Heaven,and exhibits the progress of virtue, advancing step by step inman, till it is equal to that of High Heaven. There are eightcitations from the Book of Poetry, but to make the passages suithis purpose, the author allegorizes them, or alters theirmeaning, at his pleasure. Origen took no more license with theScriptures of the Old and New Testament than Tsze-sze and evenConfucius himself do with the Book of Poetry. 1. The first requisite in the pursuit of virtue is, that thelearner think of his own improvement, and do not act from aregard to others. See the She-king, Pt I. Bk V. iii. 1.The ode is understood to express the condolence of the peoplewith the wife of the duke of Wei, worthy of, but denied, theaffection of her husband. 2. The superior mangoing on to virtue, is watchful over himself when he isalone. See the She-king, Pt II. Bk IV. viii. 11. Theode appears to have been written by some officer who wasbewailing the disorder and misgovernment of his day. This is oneof the comparisons which he uses;—the people are likefish in a shallow pond, unable to save themselves by diving tothe bottom. The application of this to the superior man, dealingwith himself, in the bottom of his soul, so to speak, andthereby realizing what is good and right, is very far-fetched.3. We have here substantially the same subject as in the lastparagraph. The ode is the same which is quoted in chapter xvi.4, and the citation is from the same stanza of it. We mighttranslate it:

- “When looked at in your chamber,

- Are you there as free from shame in the house’sleak?”

“The house’s leak,”according to Choo He, was the north-west corner of ancientapartments, the spot most secret and retired. But the singlepanes, in the roofs of Chinese houses, go now by the name, thelight of heaven leaking in through them. Looking at the wholestanza of the ode, we must conclude that there is reference tothe light of heaven, and the inspection of spiritual beings, asspecially connected with the spot intended. 4. The result of the processes described in the two precedingparagraphs. See the She-king, Pt IV. Bk III. ii. 2. Theode describes the imperial worship of T‘ang, thefounder of the Shang dynasty. The first clause belongs to theemperor’s act and demeanour; the second to the effectof these on his assistants in the service. They were awed toreverence, and had no striving among themselves. The“hatchet and battle-axe” were ancientlygiven by the emperor to a prince, as symbolic of his investiturewith a plenipotent authority to punish the rebellious andrefractory. The second instrument is described as alarge-handled axe, eight catties in weight. I call it abattle-axe, because it was with one that king Woo despatched thetyrant Chow. 5. The same subject continued. See the She-king. Pt IV. Bk I. Sect I. iv. 3. But in theShe-king we must translate,—“There isnothing more illustrious than the virtue of thesovereign, all the princes will follow it.”Tsze-sze puts another meaning on the words, and makes themintroductory to the next paragraph. The “superiorman” must here be “he who has attained tothe sovereignty of the empire,” the subject ofchapter xxix. Thus it is that a constant shuffle of terms seemsto be going on, and the subject before us is all at once raisedto a higher and inaccessible platform. 6. Virtuein its highest degree and influence. See the She-king,Pt III. Bk I. viii. 7. The “ I ” is God, who announces to king Wănthe reasons why he had called him to execute his judgments.Wăn’s virtue, not sounded nor emblazoned,might come near to the being without display of the lastparagraph, but Confucius fixes on the word“great” to show its shortcoming. It had some, though not large exhibition. He therefore quotes again from PtIII. Bk III. vi. 6, though away from the original intention ofthe words. But it does not satisfy him that virtue should belikened even to a hair. He thereforefinally quotes Pt III. Bk I. i. 7, where the imperceptibleworking of Heaven, in producing the overthrow of the Yindynasty, is set forth as without sound or smell. That is hishighest conception of the nature and power ofvirtue.

Table of Contents

About Liberty Fund

About The Online Library of Liberty

Copyright and Fair Use

PRELIMINARY ESSAYS.

CHAPTER I.: OF THE CHINESE CLASSICS GENERALLY.

SECTION I.: BOOKS INCLUDED UNDER THE NAME OF THE CHINESE CLASSICS.

SECTION II.: the authority of the chinese classics.

CHAPTER II.: OF THE CONFUCIAN ANALECTS.

SECTION I.: FORMATION OF THE TEXT OF THE ANALECTS BY THE SCHOLARS OF THE HAN DYNASTY.

SECTION II.: AT WHAT TIME, AND BY WHOM, THE ANALECTS WERE WRITTEN; THEIR PLAN; AND AUTHENTICITY.

SECTION III.: OF COMMENTARIES UPON THE ANALECTS.

CHAPTER III.: OF THE GREAT LEARNING.

SECTION I.: HISTORY OF THE TEXT; AND THE DIFFERENT ARRANGEMENTS OF IT WHICH HAVE BEEN PROPOSED.

SECTION II.: OF THE AUTHORSHIP, AND DISTINCTION OF THE TEXT INTO CLASSICAL TEXT AND COMMENTARY.

SECTION III.: ITS SCOPE AND VALUE.

CHAPTER IV.: THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN.

SECTION I.: ITS PLACE IN THE LE KE, AND ITS PUBLICATION SEPARATELY.

SECTION II.: ITS AUTHOR; AND SOME ACCOUNT OF HIM.

SECTION III.: ITS SCOPE AND VALUE.

CHAPTER V.: CONFUCIUS; HIS INFLUENCE AND DOCTRINES.

SECTION I.: LIFE OF CONFUCIUS.

SECTION II.: HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS.

II.: THE CLASSICS

CONFUCIAN ANALECTS*

BOOK I**

BOOK II*

BOOK III*

BOOK IV*

BOOK V.*

BOOK VI.*

BOOK VII.*

BOOK VIII.*

BOOK IX.*

BOOK X.*

BOOK XI.*

BOOK XII.*

BOOK XIII.*

BOOK XIV.*

BOOK XV.*

BOOK XVI.*

BOOK XVII.*

BOOK XVIII.*

BOOK XIX.*

BOOK XX.*

THE GREAT LEARNING.***

THE TEXT OF CONFUCIUS.***

COMMENTARY OF THE PHILOSOPHER TSANG.

THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN.*