The words are part of a raptrous and heavenly song, utter’d by a devout, inspir’d and transported mother in Israel, upon a great and joyful occasion. If the Divine Eternal Spirit please to inspire and speak by a gracious woman, it is the same thing to us, and requires our reverend attention as much, as if he raise up a Moses or an Elias, or make his revelations by a Paul or John.

Samuel, the rare and wonderful son of inspir’d Hannah, never outspake his lovely mother in any of his prayers or acts of praise. Eli would have sat at her feet, and laid himself in the dust, at the hearing of this flowing torrent of fervent devotion from her beauteous lips; and saints thro’ all ages hang on the heavenly music of her tongue.

Great things are here said of God, and of his government, in the families and kingdoms of men; and such wise and just observations are made, as are worthy of deep contemplation by the greatest and best of men. Had she like Deborah been the princess of the tribes of Israel, she could not have spoken with more loftiness and majesty, with more authority and command; nor better have address’d the nobles and rulers, the captains and the mighty men; to humble and lay ’em low before God.

“She celebrates the Lord God of Israel,* his unspotted purity, his almighty power, his unsearchable wisdom, and his unerring justice”:

In the praises of these she joys and triumphs, her heart was exalted and her mouth enlarged.

“She adores the divine sovereignty in its disposals of the affairs of the children of men; in the strange and sudden turns given to them; in the rise & fall of persons, families & countries. “She observes how the strong are soon weakned, and the weak are soon strengthned, when God pleases: How the rich are soon impoverish’d, and the poor inriched on a sudden: How empty families are replenish’d, and numerous families diminished[”]: All this is of the Lord;

Thus my text is introduced as a reason for those dispensations of God towards a person, a family, or a people, which at any time are to us most surprising and admirable.

1. The things spoken of are great and mighty; the Pillars of the Earth. The earth is a vast fabrick, and in proportion to its mighty bulk must its pillars be.

The metaphor is plainly taken from architecture; as in stately, spacious and magnificent structures we often see rows of pillars, to sustain the roof and lofty towers. But whether we apply this manner of expression to the natural or moral earth, it is figurative and not literal.

The natural earth has no pillar. The will and word of God is its only basis. It seems to us who dwell on it fix’d and immoveable in the air. It keeps it’s place and line there, as if it were set on some lasting solid pillars, and never mov’d at all.

We darkly philosophise upon the point, and talk of the poles of heaven; which are more unintelligible to a common audience than the pillars of it. We speak obscurely of the earth’s being fixed on it’s own center. And we discourse more intelligibly of the secret power of magnetism which is in matter; whereby bodies mutually attract or gravitate toward each other; by which the mighty globes of the universe preserve their distance, motion and order.

This seems to be the only natural pillar of the earth: The amazing work and power of God. And the planets which roll in the same circle with us, have all of ’em the same pillars. That is to say, all bodies thro’ the whole solar system attract or gravitate toward each other, with forces according to their quantities of matter.

But after all this fine doctrine in our new philosophy, concerning the centripetal forces of the sun and planets; a plain Christian is much more edified by the simple and vulgar account which the sacred pages give us of this mysterious thing:* “He stretcheth out the North over the empty space, and hangeth the Earth upon nothing! He hath founded it upon Edition: current; Page: [13] the Seas, and established it upon the Floods.” Which is to say, No man knows how or where, this vast material frame finds it’s basis and station.

Let us hear God again on the point, and say no more upon it;

We see then that the natural earth has no pillars, in any proper sense; Neither has the moral earth, (i.e. the inhabitants of it) any, but in a metaphorical sense: And so the princes and rulers of it are called it’s pillars; because the affairs of the world ly upon their shoulders, and turn upon their conduct and management, in a very great degree.

And thus the text explains it self, and is to be interpreted from the scope of our context; which speaks of the Bows of the mighty Men, and of the Thrones of Princes, and then adds—the Pillars of the Earth. So that by pillars we are to understand governours and rulers among men; but not the persons that bear rule, so much as the order it self, government and magistracy. For the persons may be weak and slender reeds, little able of themselves to bear up any thing; and here and there they may fall; but the order stands and doth indeed uphold the world.

2. The things said of these pillars of the earth are also very great: “They are the Lord’s, and He has set the World upon them.[”] That is to say, The order and happiness of this lower world, the peace and weal of it, depend on the civil government which God has ordained in it. All this is very elegant and rhetorical, a high and noble strain of speech, upon the highest subject that belongs to this our earth.

doct[rine]

The Great God has made the governments and rulers of the earth it’s pillars, and has set the world upon them.

1. The governments and rulers of the earth are it’s pillars.

2. These pillars of the earth are the Lord’s.

3. He has set the world upon them.

I. The governments and rulers of the earth are it’s pillars.

The pillar is a part of great use and honour in the building: So is magistracy in the world. One style in scripture for it is, foundations and corner-stones. Where we read of the Chief* of the People, in the Hebrew it is the corners. We read also of the† Foundations of the Earth being out of Course. The meaning is, the government of it was so. Kings bear up and support the inferior pillars of government, and a righteous administration restores a dissolving state: Psal. lxxv. 3. The Earth and all the Inhabitants thereof are dissolved: I bear up the Pillars of it.

In like manner, wise and faithful ministers are pillars in the Church: Which is built on the Prophets and Apostles, Jesus Christ being the chief Corner-stone, Eph. ii. 20. The prophet Jeremiah was made by God an iron pillar: And of Peter, James and John we read, that they seemed to be Pillars: Gal. ii. 9. They were deservedly so reputed, and truly so in the Church of Christ. Famous are the Lord’s words to Peter, Matth. xvi. 18. Thou art Peter, and on this Rock will I build my Church. And when John had the vision of the New-Jerusalem, descending out of heaven from God, it is said that the Wall of the City had twelve Foundations, and in them the Names of the twelve Apostles of the Lamb.

Now the design and use of pillars in a building is one of these two, or both together: 1. For strength to uphold it, or 2. For beauty to adorn it.

1. The governments and rulers of the earth are its pillars in respect of strength to uphold and support the virtue, order and peace of it. Pillars should be made strong, and commonly are so; of stone and marble, iron and brass. And it had need be a strong Rod to be a Sceptre to Rule, Ezek. xix. 14. Magistrates need be strong, for government is a great weight; and it is laid upon their shoulders. Moses felt the weight and said, I am not able to bear this People alone

2. The governments and rulers of the earth are it’s pillars for ornament, to adorn it. Pillars in a fine building are made as beautiful as may be; they are plan’d and polish’d, wrought and carv’d with much art and cost, painted and gilded, for sight as well as use. As the legs Edition: current; Page: [15] are to a body, comely in it’s goings: Such are pillars in a stately structure for beauty to the eye. It is the allusion of the spouse, recounting the beauties of her beloved, Cant. v. 15. His Legs are as Pillars of Marble, set upon Sockets of fine Gold. A bold and elegant comparison, becoming the pen of Solomon, who had built the temple of God with all it’s pillars. They represented the strength of Christ and his stability, to bear the weight of the government laid upon him; and also the magnificence of the Goings of God our King in the Sanctuary: Likewise the steadiness of the divine administration. So those in power and magistracy are to be supposed, men adorn’d with superior gifts, powers and beauties of mind: Men that adorn the world wherein they live, and the offices which they sustain. And then their office adorns them also, and sets them in conspicuous places, where what is great and good in them is seen of all. To be sure, government and magistracy adorn the world as well as preserve it.

1. Magistrates uphold and adorn the world, as pillars do a fabrick, by employing their superior wisdom and knowledge, skill and prudence, discretion and judgment for the publick good. These accomplishments are to be supposed in the civil order, and they render ’em the pillars of the earth.

Wisdom is both strength and beauty, a defence and ornament. So Solomon shines among kings, for the Wisdom of God was in Him. God gave him Wisdom and Knowledge exceeding much, and Largeness of Heart even as the Sand upon the Sea-shore. Angels excel in strength, and rulers should be wise as the angels of God. The government is laid on Christ because in him are hid all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge. He is the wisdom of God and the power of God. As God at first founded the earth by his wisdom, and by his understanding established the heavens; so by the communication of wisdom and understanding to some, he preserves the order and happiness of others on it. What is said of a house is true of a state,

Thro’ Wisdom it is builded, and by Understanding it is established, and by Knowledge shall the Chambers be filled with all precious and pleasant Riches: A wise Man is strong, yea a Man of Knowledge increaseth Strength.*

But then, Is the pillar for ornament? What is more beautiful than knowledge and wisdom? What more adorns a man, a place, a country? Edition: current; Page: [16] The queen of Sheba came far to hear the wisdom of Solomon, and Huram was as much struck as she was: 2 Chron. ii. 12. Blessed be the Lord God of Israel, who hath given to David the King a wise Son, endued with Prudence and Understanding, who may build a House for the Lord, and an House for the Kingdom.

2. Integrity, uprightness, faithfulness added to knowledge and wisdom, makes men strong and beautiful pillars, whether in church or state. Every man is ready to pretend to a competency of wisdom, and as ready to proclaim his own Goodness; but a faithful Man who can find? Prov. xx. 6. He is a rare and beauteous spectacle, as Moses, Joshua, Samuel, Jehojada, Hezekiah and Nehemiah, in their times, and to the end of time. All that rule over men should be like to these, just men ruling in the fear of the Lord, and then they are to the world as the light and rain, without which the earth must perish. As darkness vanishes before the light, so a King that sitteth upon the Throne of Judgment scattereth away all Evil with his Eyes. David, that pillar of Israel, came into the government with that noble purpose and resolution, Psal. lxxv. 3. When I shall receive the Congregation, I will judge uprightly. So he fed them in the integrity of his heart, and led them by the skilfulness of his hands. God’s righteousness and faithfulness, justice and judgment, are the foundation of his everlasting government, the habitation of his throne. See the pillars of the divine government; Psal. xxxvi. 5, 6. Thy Faithfulness reacheth to the Clouds, thy Righteousness is as the great Mountains. Nor can the kingdoms and provinces on the earth stand, but on the like basis of a just and righteous humane government. Psal. lxxii. 3. The Mountains shall bring Peace to the People, and the little Hills by Righteousness. “Both the superior and inferior magistrates shall minister abundantly to the stability and tranquility of the state.[”]

3. A publick and enlarged spirit for the common weal and a single regard thereunto, without suffering our selves to be misled by private and selfish views. This renders men pillars to the world, in the places wherein Providence sets ’em. And so,

4. A spirit of peace and love, meekness and humility, candour and gentleness; whereby persons are ready to unite their counsels, and act in concert with one another; paying a just deference one to another and preferring one another in honour; glad to receive light from any one, and well pleased to reflect it from them; all pursuing one end, as the many pillars in a great house stand quietly near to one another, Edition: current; Page: [17] and all help to bear it up: This spirit of power, and of love, and of a sound mind, render men strong and beautiful pillars of the earth. But if the peace of God rule not in mens hearts; if their passions shake ’em and they clash with one another; the house totters, the high arches above cleave asunder, and the roof falls in; as when Sampson bow’d the pillars of Dagons house, and buried the lewd assembly in one vast ruine.

5. A pillar implies fortitude and patience; resolution, firmness and strength of mind, under weight and burden: Not to be soon shaken in mind, nor moved away from what is right and just; but giving our reason in the meekness of wisdom, and hearing the reasons of others in the same spirit of meekness, to form an impartial judgment, and abide by it; But yet with submission to the publick judgment and determination. The unstable are as water, and more fitly likened to the waves of the sea, than to a pillar on shore. And the irresolute, discouraged and sinking mind is at best but a pillar built upon the sand; which falls when the wind blows and the storm beats upon it, because of its weak foundation.

There is a passive courage, ever necessary in an accomplish’d ruler, as much it may be as an active. The pillar stands regardless thro’ the weather beat on it, or tho’ dirt be cast on it. True it will wear under the injuries of time, but it looks still great, and stands while it wears away. The wise, the meek & strong Moses stood as many shocks, as ever man did from an impatient, murmuring, ungrateful people.

But this for the first head; the governments and rulers of the earth are its pillars.

II. These pillars of the earth are the Lord’s.

The earth is the Lord’s and the fulness thereof; the world and they that dwell therein. All are God’s rightful propriety & dominion. The shields of the earth belong to him. These are the same with the pillars of it.

1. The Lord makes these pillars, forms fashions ’em, polishes and adorns ’em. He gifts, qualifies and furnishes all whom he calls out to public service. He makes the more plain and rough, and he orders the carved work and gilding in his house. He, the Father of Light & Glory, gives men their natural powers and excellencies; and all their acquired gifts are from him.

He gave to David integrity, and to Solomon wisdom; and both were pillars of his framing.

2. Both the order & the persons are of the Lord’s ordering, constituting and appointing. Civil government is of divine institution, and God commissions and entrusts with the administration whom he pleases. The great King of the World has order’d a government in it, and he raises up governours, supream and subordinate. There is no Power but of God; the Powers that be are ordained of Him. He puts the scepter into the hand, and the spirit of government into the heart.

3. The pillars are the Lord’s, for he disposes of them as he pleases; places and fixes them where he will; rears ’em when he sees fit; and when he will removes, or takes ’em down: Or if he has no pleasure in them, breaks ’em to pieces and throws ’em away.

Thus the sovereign GOD forms the pillars of the earth, prepares ’em, sets ’em up, ordains the places and times of their standing; takes ’em down and puts others in their room. He calls, and uses whom he will, inclines and spirits how he will, and improves to what degree he will. They are his therefore, and his is the greatness and the glory and the majesty! And to him it must be ascribed both by the persons endowed and raised by him, and by others interested in them: 1 Chron. xxix. 12, 13. Both Riches and Honour come of Thee, and in thy Hand is Power and Might, and in thy Hand it is to make Great, and to give Strength unto all: Now therefore, our GOD, we praise Thee, and bless thy Name for ever and ever.

But to do the utmost honour to the civil order among men, and to give yet greater glory to GOD, let us come to the third and last part of our text.

III. GOD hath set the world upon the governments and rulers, whom he has made the pillars of it.

The natural world is in the hand of GOD, and is upheld in it’s being and order by his power. The moral world is most upon his heart, and govern’d in a way and manner suted to the nature and present state of man. And as he governs the spirits of men when he pleases by immediate impressions on them; so as more proper to the present order and happiness of mankind, he has appointed the government of men to be by men. So the peace, tranquility and flourishing of places are made to depend on the wisdom and fidelity of their rulers, in the good administration of the government. While the utmost misery and confusion befals those places where the government is ill administred. The reason is given in the text, GOD has set the World on this foot; it can’t stand on any other bottom. The virtue and religion of a people, their riches and trade, their power, honour and reputation; and the favour of GOD toward them, with his blessing on them; do greatly depend on the pious, righteous and faithful government which they are under.

GOD hath set: As well in the nature of things, as in his word. Government is not a creature of man’s lust and will, but of divine constitution, and from a necessity in the nature of things. The very being and weal of society depends thereon.

Government was not in the original of it assumed or usurped by any one man. For instance, not by Lamech before the Flood, nor by Nimrod after it. Indeed the spirit of tyranny, and the lust of dominion, seem to have began in them; but order & rule was before them. Mankind naturally went into that, and these were the men who made the first breaches on it; the one being of the race of Cain, the other of Ham; who have had some of their likeness in every place, and thro’ all generations; that would turn the world upside down and overthrow the foundations which GOD has laid.

In a word, magistracy, like the other ordinances of heaven, stands by the power and blessing of GOD; who effectually owns it and works by it, establishes the earth and it abideth. He has graven it deep in the hearts of men, even as the desire of happiness and self-preservation. Edition: current; Page: [20] He has as much ordained, that while the earth remaineth civil order and government shall not cease; as he has sworn that seed time and harvest, cold and heat, summer and winter, day and night, shall not. Both the one and the other equally continue to the world’s end, absolutely necessary to the life, comfort and welfare of mankind.

use

I shall now make a few reflections, by way of practical inference and improvement.

1. See the divine wisdom and goodness in ordaining and establishing a magistracy and government in the world. It is one of the many great instances, wherein the Supream Governour of the world has taken care for the universal and perpetual weal of it. And they that would be lawless and ungoverned, despising dominion and speaking evil of dignity, distinction, authority and rule among men, act as madly and mischievously as one would do, that should go into a house and sap the foundation of it, till it fall upon him and crush him to death.

It is one evident mark of the Romish imposture, and of the spirit of Antichrist, that it has invaded, usurp’d upon and subverted the authority of kings and princes, governments and states, over their subjects. The popes claim of supremacy transfers the allegiance of subjects to a foreign power, and absolves ’em from their oaths. This alone is a sufficient mark of the Beast and of the man of sin. What confusion and vexation has the world suffered from this insolent & monstrous doctrine! And how strange is it that so many kingdoms and nations of Europe should so long wander after it, to their infinite misrule & distraction! But the word & dreadful judgment of GOD must be fulfilled on a wicked world.

The Reformed churches took early care to protest against this doctrine of devils. They declared for a “conscientious subjection and obedience to the laws and magistrates under which they liv’d, and by whom they were protected & defended in their just rights and liberties.[”] “Every kind of magistracy (say the Helvetian churches) is instituted by GOD, for the peace and happiness of man, and all subjects should own the goodness of GOD in the institution of a magistrate, by honouring him as the minister of GOD.[”]

These are some of the just and true principles of the Protestant religion, according to the oracles of GOD in this matter:

Let us very gratefully observe these precepts, for they are very graciously given us for the good of the world.

2. Are magistrates the pillars of the earth? Are they the Lord’s? and has he set the world upon them? Let us then devoutly observe the governing Providence of GOD in disposing of persons and offices, both with respect unto our selves and others.

As to our selves, let GOD lead, and Providence open our way, and let us follow humbly & obediently. Let us think soberly of our selves, and not vainly pine after honour and power, or wickedly push for it like Absalom. But neither need we hide our selves like Saul, when the divine call is plain, nor insist on excuses like the meek and accomplished Moses. Or if again Providence lays us by, why should we not retire with Samuel’s humility and greatness of soul.

And then as to others, Let us not think our selves neglected or overlook’d, be envious and discontent, if GOD prefer them. Suffer the Most High to rule in the kingdoms of men, and to give the provinces that belong to ‘em to whomsoever he will. Let us know and keep our own place, and do our duty to those whom GOD sets over us.

Let people reverence & honour their worthy rulers, and let the highest among men be very humble before GOD. They are pillars, but of the earth. The earth and its pillars are dissolving together. Government abides, in a succession of men, while the earth endures, but the persons, however good & great, must die like other men. We must not look too much at the loftiness of any, nor lean too much on any earthly pillar: Put not your Trust in Princes, nor in the Son of Man in Edition: current; Page: [22] whom there is no Help: His Breath goeth forth, he returneth to his Dust. Nor may the highest among mortals behold themselves with elation & security, as the vain king of Babylon once; but let them fear and tremble before the God of heaven, who inherits all nations, and stands in the congregation of the mighty, and judgeth among the gods.

3. Are rulers the pillars of the earth; are they the Lord’s? and has he set the world upon ’em? Let all that are in public offices consider their obligations to be pillars, in the places wherein Providence hath set ’em.

Let rulers consider what they owe to GOD, who has rear’d and set ’em up; and to the publick which GOD has set upon them. Let ’em seek wisdom & strength, grace and conduct from GOD, that they may answer the title given ’em in my text. Let ’em stand, and bear, and act for GOD; whose they are, and who has set ’em where they are. Let the publick good be their just care; that it may be seen that GOD has set the world in their heart, as well as laid it on their shoulders. Let ’em act uprightly, that they may stand secure and strong. Let ’em fear GOD, and rule by his word, that they may be approved by GOD, and accepted always by men with all thankfulness.

As government is the pillar of the earth, so religion is the pillar of government. Take away the fear of GOD’s government & judgment, and humane rule utterly falls, or corrupts into tyranny. But if religion rule in the hearts and lives of rulers, GOD will have glory, and the people be made happy.

Fathers of our country, let me freely say to you, that the devotion and virtue of our humble, but illustrious ancestors (the first planters of New-England), laid the foundation of our greatness among the provinces: And it is this that must continue and establish it under the divine favour & blessing. Emulate their piety and godliness, and generous regards to the publick, and be acknowledged the pillars, the strength and ornament of your country!

But let me move you by a greater argument, even a far more exceeding and eternal weight of glory, which the Holy Ghost has set before you in a most illustrious promise;

Christ will erect a monumental pillar, that shall stand for ever, in honour of all them who in their station here, be they high or low, faithfully endeavour to uphold his church and kingdom.

It is a triumphant promise taken from the Roman manner of pillars rear’d to the memory of illustrious persons and patriots, on which were inscrib’d their names and worthy deeds; together with that of the empire, city or province, which they were so happy as to serve and help to save.

Infinitely more glory and honour shall be done to him who serves the Lord CHRIST, his kingdom, people and interest, in his life here on earth: When he comes into his temple above he shall have a pillar of celestial glory rear’d to eternize his name; and on it shall be written (O divine honour!) “This was a faithful Servant of his GOD, and Saviour, and of the Church on Earth.[”]

There let him stand for ever, “A monument of free grace, never to be defaced or removed.” While the names of famous emperors, kings and generals, graven in brass or cut in marble, on stately pillars and triumphant arches, shall moulder into dust.

So the pillars in Solomon’s porch were broken down, and carried away by the Chaldeans: But he that is made a pillar in the celestial temple shall go no more out. Yea the pillars of the literal earth and heavens will shortly tremble, and be shaken out of their place; but he that believes in Christ, and has his glorious name written on him, shall remain unshaken and immoveable; and remain, like his living saviour, stedfast for ever.

This infinite and eternal glory we wish to all in this worshipping assembly, the greater and the less, high and low, rich and poor together: As in the act of worship, we are all on a level before the throne of GOD. And the lowest in outward condition may be the highest in grace, and in the honours that come from above.

But in a more especial manner we wish this mercy and blessing of our GOD and king, out of his house to your Excellency our governour: Whose return to your country, and your advancement to the government of it, we cannot but congratulate in the most publick manner, with hearts full of joy, and sincere thankfulness to GOD.

The Lord GOD of our fathers, who hath spread our heavens, and laid the foundations of our earth, make you a pillar to us both in the state & church.

As it hath pleased him to chuse, adorn & set you up; so may he please to fix & establish you, and long continue you a father, and illustrious blessing to your people.

And may the name of Christ, and of these churches of our Lord Jesus, be graven deep upon your heart: And your faithful services to them be an everlasting name to you, which shall not be cut off.

So, not only erect your self a pillar in every pious and grateful heart, that loves our civil and religious liberties; and let their prayers and blessings come upon you; but also lay a good foundation against the world to come, for everlasting fame and renown, and to be called great in the kingdom of heaven.

In this book we have a very memorable and instructive history. The prophet Jonah, whose name the book bears, was call’d of God to go to Nineveh, the capital of the Assyrian monarchy, and cry against it: He criminally attempted to fly from the presence of the Lord, by going to Joppa, and from thence to Tarshish; but that God whom the winds and sea obey, raised such a storm as made the heathen mariners conclude there was something very extraordinary, and accordingly they propose to cast lots, that they might know for whose cause this evil was upon them. Jonah is taken, and cast into the sea; upon which it ceased from raging: And thus, by the wonderful Providence of God, he became a type of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, who having appeased the wrath of God by his obedience unto death, lay buried in the earth three days, Matth. 12. 40. For as Jonas was three Days and three Nights in the Whale’s Belly: So shall the Son of Man be three Days and three Nights in the Heart of the Earth. Jonah having cried to God, as out of the Belly of Hell, was delivered from his dreadful confinement. Chap. 2. v. 10. The Lord spake unto the Fish, and it vomited Jonah upon the dry Land. Thus the brute creation, even the mighty whales, obey the word of God’s power, while men transgress his law. Jonah, being thus delivered from the depth of distress, obeys the second call of God to him, Ch. 3. v. 1. Happy is that rebuke, how sharp soever, which is sanctified to make us return to God and our duty. And here it is observ’d, in the third verse, that Nineveh was an exceeding great city, great to or of God,* “Things great and eminent have the name of God put upon them in scripture[,]” of three days journey. It is computed to have been sixty miles in compass, which may well be reckon’d three days journey for a footman, twenty miles a day, says Mr. Henry; or as the same author observeth, walking slowly and gravely, as Jonah must, when he went Edition: current; Page: [30] about preaching, it would take him up at least three days to go thro’ all the principal streets and lanes of the city, to proclaim his message, that all might have notice of it.” However, no greatness or wordly glory will be any security against God’s destroying judgments, if such places go on obstinately in their sins. O let not London! let not Boston, presume to deal unjustly in the Land of Uprightness, lest the holy God say of them as of his ancient people, You have I known of all the Families of the Earth: Therefore I will punish you for all your Iniquities, Amos 3. 2. But to return, Jonah, in obedience to the divine command, cries against this great city, Yet forty days, and Nineveh shall be overthrown, v. 4. In the five following verses, we have the faith and repentance of the Ninevites described, which our Lord takes particular notice of, Matth. 12. 41. The Men of Nineveh shall rise in Judgment with this Generation, and shall condemn it, because they repented at the preaching of Jonas, and behold, a greater than Jonas is here. Let us then attend to these words with reverence and godly fear, lest they also rise up in judgment against us in the terrible day of the Lord. And here I would more particularly observe, 1. The People of Nineveh believed God, v. 5. Jonah, we may suppose, declared to them the true and living God, who made heaven and earth, and publish’d his message in his name; and God wrought such a faith in them as excited a fear of his judgments, and made them deeply concern’d to put away their provoking sins, that they might escape the threatned destruction. And this impression of fear and concern was general; for we find, 2dly, That they proclaim’d a Fast, and put on Sackcloth from the greatest of them even to the least of them. Yea, there was a royal proclamation for this by the Decree of the King and his Nobles, v. 7. And this great monarch humbled himself before the Most High, who cuts off the spirit of princes, and is terrible to the kings of the earth. The king of Nineveh arose from his throne, and laid his robe from him, and cover’d him with sackcloth, and sat in ashes, v. 6. Thus did he practically confess, that he had behav’d unworthy his royal dignity, and deserv’d to have it taken from him. And the proclamation requir’d the strictest abstinence, Let neither Man nor Beast taste any Thing. Not as if the beasts were capable of moral good or evil; but as these had been abus’d by them, they would have their moans and cries under the want of food, further to excite penitential sorrow in themselves. And all are commanded to cry mightily to God, v. 8. Yea, all are exhorted to turn every one from his evil Edition: current; Page: [31] Way, and from the violence that is in their hands. The Ninevites were sensible, that to outward signs and means of humiliation, they must add repentance and reformation. 3. We have their Encouragement to attend this Duty, in a time of impending judgment, v. 9. Who can tell if God will turn and repent. We may suppose that Jonah declar’d to them the grace and mercy of the God of Israel, and shew’d them the way of salvation thro’ the then promised Messiah; that tho’ their bodies should be destroy’d, their souls might be sav’d in the day of the Lord. And they might well infer some ground of hope as to their temporal deliverance from this, that the judgment was not presently executed; but the space of forty days was given them for repentance. However, as it doth not appear they had any particular promise respecting this matter, so their faith and hope are here express’d as attended with doubt and fear. Who can tell? A like expression we have, even respecting God’s covenant people, Who knows if he will return and repent? Joel 2. 14. 4. We have an account of Nineveh’s repentance, and God’s gracious deliverance, v. 10. God saw their Works, i.e. with approbation and gracious acceptance. Their works “whereby they testified the sincerity of their faith and repentance.”* Our Saviour says, they repented at the preaching of Jonas. Luke 11. 32. We may conclude therefore that his preaching was accompanied with the powerful influences of the spirit of God convincing them of their many hainous transgressions, awakening them with fears of God’s judgments, and prevailing upon them to turn from their sins to the Lord. Had it not been for this wonderful work of grace upon them, they had been like to the sinners of the old world, who went on securely, tho’ Noah was a Preacher of Righteousness to them, ’till the Flood came, and took them all away. Here were some, I hope, and that not a few, who had saving repentance given them; and others were so terrified and awakened, that they engaged at least in an outward and publick reformation. And may we not suppose that in this wonderful work, God gave his ancient people a specimen and earnest of the call of the gentiles? Now, upon this their repentance it is said, God repented of the Evil, and he did it not. Which words must be understood in such a sense as is consistent with the divine perfections. It is not spoken of God, as if he could in a proper sense be griev’d for what he had done in threatning Edition: current; Page: [32] the Ninevites; no, this was right, and he had a gracious design in it: Nor, as if he had alter’d his counsels concerning them. He is of one mind, and who can turn him? Nor, as if he acted contrary to truth and faithfulness; no, the threatning was conditional. And accordingly when they repented God turned from his fierce anger, and gave them deliverance; which is agreable to that rule of his government which we have declar’d. Jer. 18. 7. 8. At what Instant I shall speak concerning a Nation, and concerning a Kingdom, to pluck up, and to pull down, and to destroy it: If that Nation against whom I have pronounced, turn from their Evil, I will repent of the Evil that I thought to do unto them.

From the words thus explained to you, I would observe the following doctrines,

(1.) If we would seek the Lord in a right manner, we must believe him; the threatnings and promises of his word. (2.) It is the duty of a people to cry to God in prayer with fasting, when he threatens to bring destroying judgments upon them; and their rulers should be ready to lead in the right discharge of this duty. (3.) Our seeking to God by prayer with fasting must be attended with true repentance, and sincere endeavours after reformation. (4.) When a people do thus attend their duty, God will repent of the evil, and not bring destruction upon them.

I. If we would seek the Lord in a right manner under his threatned judgments, we must believe him; the threatnings and promises of his word.

The people of Nineveh believed God, and proclaimed a fast. We are not told what particular credentials Jonah produc’d to prove that he was a true prophet sent from God. His preaching might be more full and particular than is here recorded; and God set it home, so that they were made sensible they had to do with the true and faithful one, whose name is Jehovah; and accordingly they set themselves to entreat his favour with great seriousness. And thus we must believe, that the Lord is that powerful, holy, faithful, and merciful God, which he declareth himself to be in his word. We must realise it, that his word is sure and most worthy of credit, whether he threatens evil to the impenitent, or promiseth mercy to such as confess and forsake their sins; or we shall never be concerned to seek his Edition: current; Page: [33] face in a right manner. Without faith it is impossible to please God, in our approaches to him: For he that cometh to God, must believe that he is, and that he is a Rewarder of them that diligently seek him. Heb. 11. 6. Agreably, in a time of danger, that pious king Jehoshaphet, said to God’s ancient people, Hear me, O Judah, and ye the Inhabitants of Jerusalem, Believe in the Lord your God, so shall you be established; believe his prophets, so shall ye prosper. 2 Chron. 20. 20. Certainly then, we who are born under the clear light of the gospel dispensation, must believe the Lord our God speaking to us in his word, if we would attend the duties of this day, so as to obtain mercy for ourselves, and this distressed people. We must believe that if we go on obstinately in our sins, and despite the warnings God has given us in his word and by his providences, we shall after our hardness and impenitent heart treasure up unto our selves wrath against the day of wrath; But if we forsake the way of sin, and return unto the Lord, he will have mercy and abundantly pardon. We must believe our Lord Jesus when he says to us, Except ye repent, ye shall all likewise perish. And we must also receive it as a faithful saying, and worthy of all acceptation, that Christ Jesus came into the world to save sinners, and will cast out none that come to him in the exercise of faith and repentance. O that there was such a faith in us! Then we should fly to God’s name, as to our strong tower this day, and find him our defence and refuge in the day of trouble. By Faith Noah being warnned of God of Things not seen as yet, moved with fear, prepared an Ark to the saving of his House; by the which he condemned the World, and became Heir of the Righteousness which is by Faith, Heb. 11. 7.

II. It is the duty of a people to cry to God in prayer with fasting, when he threatens to bring destroying judgments upon them; and their rulers should be ready to lead in the right discharge of this duty.

Thus did the men of Nineveh, nor did their king refuse to humble himself and lie in the dust before that Almighty God, who threatned to destroy them. The order given was, “Let Man and Beast be covered with Sackcloth, and cry mightily to God.” This then is a moral duty incumbent on all as God shall call. God’s ancient people practised it. Thus when the children of Moab and Ammon came against Jehoshaphet to battel, he feared, and set himself to seek the Lord, and Edition: current; Page: [34] proclaimed a Fast, 2 Chron. 20. 1–3. And we have an account in scripture of more private fasting, Mark 2. 18, 20. Where we are informed that the disciples of John, and of the pharisees used to fast. And our Lord declares that after his departure, His Disciples should also Fast. And we have particular direction about religious fasting, 1. Cor. 7. 5. Here then, I would be a little more particular in describing the duty of fasting and prayer, in which we are this day engaged.

1. In religious fasting we must chasten our bodies, by abstaining from meat and drink, and other pleasures which gratify the outward man.

Thus must we acknowledge that we have abused God’s good creatures, and are unworthy of the least drop and crumb even of the blessings of his common Providence. And in this way we ought to afflict and keep under our bodies, that our animal appetites may be bro’t into subjection, and that our souls may be the more deeply humbled before God. Indeed the necessity of persons, respecting the weakness of some constitutions, is here to be regarded. However, when persons wantonly indulge their appetites, and find their own pleasures when God calls to weeping and mourning, is sinful and shameful. And God declares in his word, that this is a provoking evil, Isai. 22. 12–14. In that Day did the Lord God of hosts call to weeping and to mourning, and to girding with sackcloth: And behold Joy and Gladness, slaying Oxen, and killing Sheep, eating Flesh, and drinking Wine; let us eat and drink, for to morrow we shall die. And it was revealed in mine Ears by the Lord of hosts, Surely this iniquity shall not be purged from you till ye die, saith the Lord God of hosts. And surely the men of Nineveh will rise up in judgment against such, and condemn them; for we find they were very strict in attending these outward signs and means of humiliation. But then, it must be granted that this bodily abstinence will profit little, unless our hearts are broken for sin, and broken off from the pleasures of it.

2. In religious fasting we must afflict our souls; have the heart inwardly pierced, and the spirits broken upon the account of our sins.

That God who is a spirit, and forms the spirit of man within him, looks on the heart, and requireth us to worship him in spirit and truth. The Sacrifices of God are a broken Spirit: a broken and contrite Heart, O God thou wilt not despise, Psal. 51. 17. The call of God to his people on a day of solemn fasting, was that, rent your heart, Joel 2. 13. There must then be a deep and thorow conviction of sin, and contrition Edition: current; Page: [35] upon the account of it. We must look to Jesus whom our sins have pierced, and mourn as one mourneth for his only Son, and be in bitterness, as one that is in bitterness for his First-born, Zech. 12. 10. There must be hatred of sin, and indignation at it as the accursed thing which stirs up God’s holy displeasure against us. There must be inward grief because God has been dishonour’d and his law broken by our sins: That godly Sorrow which worketh Repentance, 2 Cor. 7. 10. There must be holy fear of God’s judgments. We must take shame and blame to our selves, and make that confession, Dan. 9. 8. O Lord to us belongeth confusion of Face, to our Kings, to our Princes, and to our Fathers, because we have sinned against thee. We must abhor our selves, lie down before God in deep abasement, and humble ourselves under his mighty hand: Thus must we go to God self-condemned, and willing to be reconcil’d to him upon his own terms; looking to Jesus as our advocate with the Father, and depending on him as the propitiation for our sins.

3. We must cry mightily to God in prayer. Earnest prayer, in this and other places of scripture, is express’d by crying to the Lord, Psal. 130. 1. Out of the depths have I cried unto thee O Lord. Prayer is a great part of the duty of the day; and we must take care, that it be that effectual fervent Prayer that availeth much, Jam. 5. 16.[,] in-wrought prayer, that prayer which is wrought in the heart by the Holy Ghost. For this end, we must ask the spirit of grace and supplication to help our infirmities, and stir up the gift of God in us. Thus must we pour out our hearts before God, and say, in most humble importunity as Jacob, I will not let thee go, except thou bless me. For God said not to the seed of Jacob, seek ye me in vain, Isa. 45. 15. And therefore, if we approve our selves the genuine sons of that patriarch, we shall also have power with God, and prevail thro’ the merits and intercession of our Lord Jesus Christ: we shall either obtain the blessing for God’s people, as Elias did, tho’ a man subject to like passions; or at least shall deliver our own souls. I might further set before you the prophet Daniel, who has given rulers a bright example of a publick spirit, greatly concern’d for the peace of Jerusalem. How earnest was he when he set his face to seek the Lord by prayer with fasting! Hear his repeated cries, Ch. 9. 19. O Lord hear, O Lord forgive, O Lord, hearken and do, defer not, for thine own sake, O my God. And when God call’d his people to sanctify a fast, the divine command is, Joel 2. 17. Edition: current; Page: [36] Let the Priests, the Ministers of the Lord, weep between the Porch and the Altar, and let them say, Spare thy People, O Lord, and give not thy Heritage to Reproach; that the Heathen should rule over them: wherefore should they say among the People, Where is their God? May Moses and Aaron, lift up their hands with their hearts to God in prayer this day, and receive the blessing from the Lord.

4. We must turn, each one from his evil way. Thus when the exhortation given was to cry mightily to God, it follows; Yea, let them turn every one from his evil way, and from the Violence that is in their Hands. And indeed, unless this be our care, our sins will cry louder than our prayers, and provoke God to cover himself as with a cloud, Isa. 59. 1, 2. Behold, the Lord’s Hand is not shortned that it cannot save: neither his ear heavy that he cannot hear. But your Iniquities have separated between you and your God, and your Sins have hid his Face from you, that he will not hear. And when God had declared to his people that he rejected their assemblies and solemn meetings, he gives them that exhortation. Wash ye, make ye clean, put away the evil of your Doings from before mine Eyes, cease to do evil, learn to do well, seek Judgment, relieve the Oppressed, judge the Fatherless, plead for the Widow, Isa. 1. 16, 17.

But this brings me to the 3d general head,

III. Our seeking to God by prayer with fasting, must be attended with true repentance, and sincere endeavours after reformation.

God saw their works, that they turned from the evil way. Here we may consider,

1. What is implied in this work of repentance and reformation.

2. Why we should thus engage in the work of repentance and reformation.

First, What is implied in this work of repentance and reformation?

A. 1. It implieth, An holy and prevailing resolution to turn from those sins which we confess on the day of fasting. When we appear before God to confess our sins and ask pardon for them; if we attend this duty in sincerity, we are convinc’d that it is an evil and bitter thing that we have forsaken God by transgressing his law; and we shall accordingly resolve to put away this accursed thing which separates between God and us, and engage to return to God and our duty. Thus did God’s people on a solemn fast. They entred into an oath to walk in God’s law, Edition: current; Page: [37] and solemnly promis’d, that they would reform the evils which had crept in among them; in taking strange wives, in profaning the Sabbath, in their cruel exacting upon their poor brethren, &c. Neh. 9. 38. 10. 29–31. And it is certainly seasonable and necessary for persons on such a day to resolve, relying on God for grace, to put away such and such sins as have more easily beset them, to take more care to keep themselves from their own iniquity, and to reform whatever hath been contrary to God’s law.

Which leads me to say,

2. It intends, That this resolution be put in practice in sincere endeavours to put away those sins and reform those evils, which have been confess’d and bewail’d before God. This God requires of us. Thus saith the Lord God, Repent and turn your selves from all your Idols, and turn away your Faces from all your Abominations, Ezek. 14. 6. And after this manner did the children of Israel testify their repentance, when they cried to the Lord under the oppression of their enemies. And they put away the strange gods from among them, and served the Lord and his soul was grieved for the misery of Israel. Judg. 10. 16. Agreeably, when we have fasted and prayed, we must bring forth fruits meet for repentance, by engaging in a thorow reformation of all sins of omission or commission. If we have omitted religious duties, secret or family prayer, self-examination, the ordinances of God’s house; we must now conscienciously attend upon them. If we have neglected the duties of those relations which we sustain towards men, in publick or private life; we must now with care and diligence discharge them. If we have committed sins contrary to the laws of sobriety, righteousness and godliness; we must labour by the spirit to mortify them. In a word, we should cleanse our selves from all filthiness of the flesh and spirit, perfecting holiness in the fear of God. And in order to these things, we ought earnestly seek to God to put his laws into our minds, and write them in our hearts; for it is he alone that can work in us to will and to do, in beginning and carrying on this necessary work of reformation.

3. That we return to God by Jesus Christ; to believe in, love and obey him. The prophet Hosea complains, They return, but not to the most High, 7. 16. Whereas, when a reformation is sincere and general, we shall have a regard to the Lord our God in it, as to our chief good and highest end. We shall not be principally concern’d to serve a turn, and escape this or the other threatned judgment. As they, When he Edition: current; Page: [38] slew them, then they sought him: and they returned and enquired early after God. And they remembred that God was their Rock, and the high God their Redeemer. Nevertheless, they did flatter him with their Mouth, and they lied unto him with their Tongues, Psal. 7. 8. 34–36. But shall make it our great business to obtain peace with God thro’ Jesus Christ the only Mediator, who has made peace thro’ the blood of his cross. And then shall we endeavour to be stedfast in his covenant. The language of our hearts must be as Hos. 6. 1. Come and let us return unto the Lord: for he hath torn, and he will heal us; he hath smitten, and he will bind us up. 14. 3. Asshur shall not save us, we will not ride upon Horses, neither will we say any more to the work of our hands, Ye are our gods: for in thee the Fatherless findeth mercy. We must return to God as to our Lord and lawgiver, to obey and serve him; as to the object of our desire and choice, to take our full contentment in him: Thus it is said of God’s people All Judah rejoiced at the Oath: for they had sworn with all their Heart, and sought him with their whole desire, and he was found of them, 2 Chr. 15. 15. As to particular persons, it is necessary that they thus give up themselves to the Lord, and then keep the covenant of their God. And as to a people, considering them collectively, this must be their prevailing desire and practice: If they are generally false & hypocritical, they will give God reason to complain of them, as of his ancient people, O Ephraim, what shall I do unto thee: O Judah, what shall I do unto thee: for your goodness is as a morning cloud, and as the early dew it goeth away. Hos. 6. 4.

Secondly, Why should our days of fasting be thus attended with sincere endeavours after reformation?

A. 1. God demands this of us. When that inquiry was made, Wherewith shall I come before the Lord, and bow my self before the high God? Shall I come before him with burnt-offerings? Will the Lord be pleased with thousands of rams or with ten thousands of rivers of oyl? The answer is, He hath shewed thee, O Man, what is good, and what doth the Lord require of thee, but to do justly, and to love mercy, and to walk humbly with thy God? Micah 6. 8. And therefore, when God’s people fasted in a formal customary manner, without engaging in the necessary work of reformation, God said to them, Did ye at all Fast unto me, even to me? And then it follows, Execute true Judgment, and shew Mercy and Compassions every Man to his Brother. And oppress not the Widow, Edition: current; Page: [39] nor the Fatherless, the Stranger, nor the Poor, and let none of you imagine Evil against his Brother in your Heart, Zech. 7. 8, 10.

2. God makes precious promises to encourage and excite us to this duty. Thus when God had exhorted his people to put away the evil of their doings; he adds for their encouragement, Come now and let us reason together, saith the Lord; though your Sins be as Scarlet, they shall be white as Snow; though they be red like Crimson, they shall be as Wool. If ye be willing and obedient, ye shall eat the good of the Land. And in the 55th Chapter we have that exhortation enforc’d with a promise of full and free pardon, v. 6, 7. Seek ye the Lord, while he may be found, call ye upon him while he is near. Let the Wicked forsake his Way, and the unrighteous Man his Thoughts: and let him return unto the Lord, and he will have mercy upon him, and to our God, for he will abundantly pardon. ver. 6, 7. Surely then, we must be basely ungrateful, if we are not drawn with these cords of a man, and bands of love. While we refuse to attend this great duty, we practically despise the riches of God’s goodness whereby he leads sinners to repentance. And this is another reason why we should engage in the work of repentance and reformation.

3. If we refuse to repent and reform, we shall be condemned out of our own mouths, and fall under the threatned judgments of God. One considerable part of the duty of a day of religious fasting is to make an humble and penitent confession of our sins whereby we have provoked a holy God to come out in judgment against us, and to cry to him for grace that we may turn from them. Thus ’tis said of God’s people on the day of solemn fasting recorded Neh. 9. The Seed of Israel stood and confessed their Sins, and the Iniquities of their Fathers: 2d v. But if there be no care to put away the sins which we have confess’d, we shall give our Lord and judge reason to say to us as to the wicked servant, Out of thine own Mouth will I judge thee. Now this will be dreadful indeed, and must aggravate our condemnation, to be thus self-condemned; and so to fall under the righteous judgment of God. We have the proof of this written for our warning in the doleful account which the Scripture gives of the sin and punishment of God’s ancient convenant people. Tho’ they had their days of fasting, particularly on the seventh month, when the high priest was to make an atonement for himself and the people, and enter into the holy place within the vail, Lev. 16. Notwithstanding this, God said to his people, If ye will not Edition: current; Page: [40] be reformed, but will walk contrary to me, then will I also walk contrary to you, and will punish you seven times for your sins. And God fulfilled his word. They mocked the Messengers of God, and despised his Words, and misused his Prophets, until the Wrath of the Lord arose against his People, till there was no Remedy, 2 Chron. 36. 16. Jerusalem and the Temple were destroyed by fire, and God’s people led into captivity to Babylon. And after their merciful restoration, when they had filled up the measure of their sins by disobeying and crucifying the Lord of Glory, and then by rejecting the offers of the gospel made to them by his apostles; the wrath of God came upon them to the uttermost by the Romans, and they are made an execration and a curse unto this day.

IV. When a people do thus turn from their evil way to the Lord, he will repent of the evil, and not bring destruction upon them.

God saw their works—and God repented of the Evil that he had said he would do unto them, and he did it not. Judgment is God’s strange work; but he delighteth in mercy. And when God threatens, it is with a reserve of grace and favour to the penitent. Remember therefore from whence thou art fallen & repent, and do the first Works; or else I will come unto thee quickly, and will remove thy Candlestick out of his Place, except thou repent. Rev. 2. 5. Thus God said to the prophet Jeremiah,

God knew perfectly well what they would do; but then he here lets his people know how ready he was to forgive the penitent and receive them into favour: It’s true, such as repent may be afflicted in this life; but then it is with the tender compassion of a father, not with the deadly wound of an enemy. The first and purest times of Christianity were times of persecution; however, while the holy martyrs overcame by the blood of the Lamb, not loving their lives unto the death; the church was preserv’d, yea increased and multiplied. And as to a people, considering them collectively, I suppose no one instance can be Edition: current; Page: [41] produc’d in which God pour’d out his fury to destroy them, while a spirit of repentance and reformation prevail’d. And even in times of abounding iniquity, when the glory of God was departing from his people, and destroying judgments breaking in like a flood; God was pleased to make a remarkable distinction between the penitent, and such as were hardned in sin.

But the time would fail me, should I attempt to speak particularly to this head; and I have in part prevented my self by what has been already said. I shall therefore only give a few hints further to confirm & illustrate the truth before us. The faithful and true God declareth this in his word.

When Ephraim bemoan’d himself and repented, God manifested his fatherly compassions to him.

Again, When a people do thus turn from their evil way to the Lord, They are prepar’d to receive and improve God’s merciful Deliverance after a suitable manner. While a degenerate people are impenitent they will be ready to despise the riches of God’s goodness and forbearance, and to wax wanton under sparing mercy. Jeshurun waxed fat and kicked: thou art waxen fat, thou art grown thick, thou art covered with fatness; then Edition: current; Page: [42] he forsook God which made him, and lightly esteemed the Rock of his Salvation, Deut. 32. 15. But when sin is embitter’d by the godly sorrow which worketh repentance we shall observe that caution after God has spoken peace, Psal. 84. 8. Let them not turn again to Folly. Such a people will be jealous over themselves and for the Lord of hosts, and be concern’d to improve all his gracious appearances for them to the honour of his great name. Accordingly, God says of his people, How shall I put thee among the children, and give thee a pleasant land? And then returns this answer, Thou shalt call me, My Father, and shalt not turn away from me, Jer. 3. 19. Again, this truth is evident from the happy experience of the penitent. We have a remarkable instance before us. Now, did God spare repenting Nineveh, and will he not spare his repenting covenant-people? Yes surely,

And God was pleas’d to fulfill his promise to his people, 1 Sam. 7. and in other instances upon record in scripture. In a word, the Lord Jesus our great high priest, has offered a sacrifice of infinite value to make atonement for the congregation of his people, whether Jews or gentiles; and he lives in heaven to interceed for them: And therefore, when God’s people look to him and mourn and turn to the Lord, he will turn from his fierce anger, and command salvation.

application

USE 1. Learn that true religion lays the surest foundation of a people’s prosperity. Righteousness exalteth a Nation, Prov. 14. 34. When we turn to God by Jesus Christ, and do works meet for repentance; we take the best way to obtain salvation from the help of his countenance, who is the Father of Lights, from whom cometh down every good & every perfect gift. It’s sin that separateth between God and his people: When this accursed thing is therefore put away from among them, that God to whom belong the issues from death, will draw nigh to them with his saving health, and appear for their deliverance.

And if God be for us, who can be against us? There is no Wisdom nor Understanding, nor Counsel against the Lord. The Horse is prepared against the Day of Battle: But Safety is of the Lord. Prov 21. 30, 31. Certainly then, the one thing needful is to secure the presence and favour of God; and this we do when we return to him in hearty repentance, and then walk before him in new obedience. Blessed is that people whose God is the Lord: No weapon form’d against them shall prosper, and that good word shall be fulfilled unto them, God is our Refuge and Strength, a very present Help in Trouble, Psal. 46. 1. and v. 5. God is in the midst of her, she shall not be moved. God shall help her, and that right early, O that God would impress on our minds the firm belief of these things! O that he would affect our hearts suitably with them! That we might strive together in our prayers this day, crying to God with the prophet, O Lord, revive thy Work in the midst of the Years, in the midst of the Years make known; in Wrath remember Mercy. Hab. 3. 2.

USE 2. Abounding iniquity will be the destruction of a people, except they repent. If they persist and go on in the ways of sin, refusing to return to God, iniquity will be their ruin. Sin is the Reproach of any People, Prov. 14. 34. It hath both a natural and moral tendency to lay them low, and expose them to shame. Sin in the body politick, is like some foul and deadly disease in the natural body which turns the beauty of it into corruption, and weakens all it’s powers. Why should ye be stricken any more? ye will revolt more and more: the whole Head is sick, and the whole Heart is faint. From the Sole of the Foot, even unto the Crown of the Head, there is no Soundness in it; but Wounds and Bruises, and putrifying Sores: they have not been closed, neither bound up, neither molified with Ointment, Isa. 1. 5, 6. And then, this deadly evil provokes the holy God to pour contempt upon a people, and lay their honour in the dust. Thus God threatned his people, Thou shalt become an Astonishment, a Proverb, and a By-word, among all Nations whither the Lord shall lead thee. Deut. 28. 37. And in the 44th and 45th [verse:] He shall lend to thee, and thou shalt not lend to him; he shall be the Head, and thou shalt be the Tail. Moreover all these Curses shall come upon thee, and overtake thee till thou be destroyed: Because thou hearknedst not unto the Voice of the Lord thy God, to keep his Commandments and his Statutes which he commanded thee. And the threatning was fulfilled upon them. God said to his people, O Israel, Thou hast fallen by thine iniquity. And the weeping prophet Edition: current; Page: [44] laments their sins and ruin, Jerusalem hath grievously sinned: all that honoured her, despise her, because they have seen her nakedness: yea, she sigheth, and turneth backward. Her filthiness is in her skirts, she remembreth not her last end, therefore she came down wonderfully: she had no Comforter. Yea, after this remarkable deliverance granted to Nineveh, it’s suppos’d about ninety years, when they returned to their former sins, the prophet Nahum foretells their ruin, Chap. 1.

USE 3. Let us then be sensible of the destroying evil of sin, and the necessity of true repentance.

God speaks to us this day as to his people of old, Thine own wickedness shall correct thee, and thy Backslidings shall reprove thee: know therefore and see, that it is an evil thing and bitter that thou hast forsaken the Lord thy God, and that my fear is not in thee, saith the Lord God of hosts, Jer. 2. 19. And as 44. 4. O do not this abominable thing that I hate. Most certainly they are guilty of great folly, who make a mock at sin. This is to cast fire-brands, arrows and death; and say, Am I not sport? The wise man observes, that One Sinner destroyeth much Good, Eccl. 9. 18. Thus Achan took of the accursed Thing; and the Anger of the Lord was kindled against the Children of Israel, Josh. 7. 1. Let us then fly from sin as the most pernicious evil, and see the necessity of our turning to the Lord by sincere repentance. O let that word of the Lord sink deep into our hearts this day! Turn ye, turn ye, Why will ye die, O House of Israel? Ezek. 33. 11.

Which leads me to the last use;

4. Let us all be exhorted to turn, every one from his evil way; and to engage heartily in the necessary work of reformation.

This, this is our great duty and interest this day, as we would hope to be made instruments in God’s hand of saving our selves and this people. Let us then seriously consider that we have to do with that God who is able to save and to destroy. And settle that word in our hearts as a certain truth, When he giveth Quietness, who then can make Trouble? and when he hideth his Face, who then can behold him? whether it be done against a Nation, or against a Man only. Job 34. 29. And accordingly, let us turn from all sin to the Lord, and in this way hope and wait for his salvation. O let us take heed, lest there be in any of us an evil Heart of Unbelief in departing from the living God. To day, let us hear his voice, and not harden our hearts. May each one of us say Edition: current; Page: [45] with Job, Now mine Eye seeth thee: Wherefore I abhor my self, and repent in Dust and Ashes. And as it has pleased the Father to commit all judgment to the Son; let us look to him, and encourage our selves in him whom God hath exalted to be a prince and a Saviour, to give repentance to Israel, and forgiveness of sins. May our ascended Jesus, who has receiv’d of the Father the promise of the Holy Ghost, pour out this great blessing upon the whole land, and fulfill that word,

Blessed be the Lord, his spirit has been, we hope, moving on the hearts of many to convince and awaken them. O let us not resist and quench the spirit! lest the threatning denounc’d against the sinners of the old world, should be fulfill’d on us, My Spirit shall not always strive with Man, for that he also is Flesh. Gen. 6. 3. Let us cherish his motions, and pray the more earnestly that he may be given in an extensive manner as a spirit of saving conversion and thorow reformation. And surely, If we duely consider the state of this sinful, distressed people, we shall be constrain’d to say with the prophet It is Time to seek the Lord, till he come and rain Righteousness upon you. Hos. 10. 12. And then with our fervent prayers, let us unite our best endeavours with regard to our selves, our families, and this people; that all iniquity may be put far from us, and that we may become zealous of good works. In this way we might hope God would say of us as of the remnant of Judah; Then will I build you, and not pull you down, and I will plant you, and not pluck you up: for I repent me of the evil that I have done unto you. Or as Isa. 65. 8. Destroy it not, for a Blessing is in it.

But the time requireth me to draw to a close. I would therefore proceed with due respect to make a particular application of what hath been said, unto our honoured rulers, who have call’d us to sanctify a fast with them; and have set apart this day to humble themselves under the sense of sin, and the tokens of the divine displeasure upon this province.

My fathers! Suffer the word of exhortation: Let God see your works; that you turn from every evil way; that God may also repent of the evil, and not bring it upon us. For how dreadful must it be if the example of the nobles and men of Nineveh should rise up in judgment against any of you: They repented at the preaching “of one Prophet sent to them by God, you have Moses and the Prophets”; Yea in these last days God has spoken to us by his Son that prince of the prophets, who is God manifest in the flesh. You have the sacred writings of the New-Testament, in which God reveals his wrath against all ungodliness and unrighteousness of men; and also his grace and mercy to the penitent by a redeemer. And as the judge of all the earth hath advanced you to rule over his people; so he declareth to you in his word, That they who rule over Men must be just, ruling in the Fear of God; and requireth you to lead in the work of reformation by your example, and by the right use of that power with which he hath betrusted you.

This people have observ’d many days of fasting and prayer, and yet there’s sorrowful occasion to make that complaint; For all this his Anger is not turned away, but his Hand is stretched out still. You have also in this more private way sought the Lord some years past,* confessing your sins, and the sins of this people before him; notwithstanding which, the holy and faithful God goeth on walking contrary to us, and threatens to punish us seven times more for our sins. What means this heat of his anger? Why do we still complain, Judgment is far from us, neither doth Justice overtake us: we wait for Light, but behold Obscurity; for Brightness, but we walk in Darkness. We grope for the Wall like the Blind, and we grope as if we had no Eyes. Isa. 59. 9, 10. Alas! We must take up the lamentation which follows, v. 12–14.

O it is time then, high time, heartily to engage in keeping the fast Edition: current; Page: [47] which God has chosen, and we have describ’d for our instruction and reproof, Isa. 58. 6, 8.

Upon this God promiseth,

And 12 v[:] They that shall be of thee, shall build the old waste Places: thou shalt raise up the Foundation of many Generations; and thou shalt be called, The Repairer of the Breach, the Restorer of Paths to dwell in. Be intreated therefore to cry to God for grace that you may cleanse your hearts and hands from all sin, and so turn to the Lord; and then, let it be your constant care and diligent endeavour to do works meet for repentance. As God has exalted you above your brethren, let your light shine before them, that others seeing your good works may glorify your heavenly Father, and be excited to follow you. Let all that behold you, see your pious regards to God’s worship and ordinances, his day and house. Do your utmost that the worship of God may be maintain’d in the power and purity of it, among this people. Let all due care be taken that men may fear this glorious and fearful name, the Lord our God, and not presume to take it in vain; for because of swearing the land mourns. Let the Lord’s-day be strictly observ’d; for God hath set the Sabbath as a sign between him and his people, that he is the Lord who sanctifieth them. Let the most effectual means also be used that the great abuse of taverns may be reformed; that these be not converted into tipling and gaming houses for town- dwellers, to the dishonour of God and hurt of the common-wealth. Let the fountains of justice be kept open and pure, that judgment may run down as waters; and that such as thirst after righteousness may come freely, and be refreshed. And whereas the present difficulties which embarrass our affairs, do very much arise from the want of a suitable medium Edition: current; Page: [48] of trade, and different apprehensions in the legislature about supplying the treasury, whereby the publick debts are, in part at least, left unpaid, and the country naked and defenceless, in this day of calamity and war: I can’t but humbly apprehend, that this awful frown of Providence calls aloud to you further to consider, whether there has not been great injustice and oppression with relation to the bills of publick credit which have pass’d among us, from their sinking and uncertain value; and to use your best endeavours that whatever bills shall pass for time to come in lieu of money, may be a just medium of exchange; for a false Ballance is abomination to the Lord; but a just Weight is his Delight, Prov. 11. 1. Whatever methods may be propos’d to extricate us out of our present distress, justice and equity must be laid in the foundation; or we may expect that the Lord who loves righteousness and hates wickedness, will confound our devices, and bring them to nought. But then, I presume not in the least measure to determine whether this or that way is right. May that God before whom all things are open and naked, direct Your Excellency and the whole court, into such paths of righteousness as shall lead to our deliverance and safety; that we may neither oppress one another, nor become a prey to an insulting enemy! May you be filled with the most tender and fatherly compassion for your people under the present distress and danger, and do all you can to relieve them! And if there should be a difference in your opinion about the way, may you be enabled to keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace, that the God of peace may be with you, who has promis’d to guide the meek in judgment!

But in vain is salvation hoped for from the hills, and from the multitude of mountains: Truly in the Lord our God is the salvation of Israel!

And would you, our honoured rulers, to whom I again address my self, have the all-wise God present to shew you what his people ought to do in this very critical conjuncture, and to make you the joyful instruments of our deliverance; then abide with God by taking his word for your rule, by making his glory your highest end, and by seeking the public-weal in all things. Ask of God a public spirit, and by all means labour to subdue a vicious self-love remembring the warning given us, 2 Tim. 3. 1, 2. In the last Days perilous Times shall come. For Men shall be lovers of their own selves, covetous. May you have the love of God and his people shed abroad in your hearts by his spirit; and be ready to sacrifice private views and personal interests to the publick good! Shake your hands from bribes of every kind, and when call’d to give your vote, consider seriously what is right in the sight of God, with whom is no respect of persons, or taking of gifts; and act accordingly. And if at any time you should be tempted to this great evil, as the best of men may; set that word of God in opposition to the temptation.

In this way you shall obtain the gracious presence of God with you. The Lord is with you, while ye be with him, 2 Chron. 15. 2. And if God Edition: current; Page: [50] be with you and for you, who can be against you? What can harm you? What can be too hard for you, if the Almighty is pleas’d to own you as his servants, and command deliverance for his people by you? Surely the mountains shall become a plain, crooked things straight, and the night shine as the day. Let me say to you therefore as 2 Chron. 15. 7. Be ye strong, and let not your Hands be weak: for your Work shall be rewarded. God will be your shield, and exceeding great reward. You shall see the good of God’s chosen, rejoice with the gladness of his nation, and glory with his inheritance. And when the Son of Man shall come in his glory, and all the holy angels with him, then shall he say unto you, Inasmuch as ye have done it unto these my Brethren, ye have done it unto me: Come ye Blessed of my Father, inherit the Kingdom.

If we may judge by the manner in which these words are introduced, there are none in all the bible, applicable to civil rulers, in their publick capacity, of more solemn importance.

The last words of good men are commonly tho’t worthy of particular notice; especially, if they are great as well as good, of an elevated station as well as character in life. This is a consideration that adds weight to my text. For it is enrolled among the last words of one of the best and greatest men that ever lived. Such was David, “the man after God’s own heart,” who was raised up from low life to the regal dignity, and stiled, on that account, “the anointed of the God of Jacob.”

And was my text nothing more than his own private sentiments, formed with due care, upon long observation and experience, it might well deserve the particular attention of all in civil power; especially, as he was a man of extraordinary knowledge, penetration and wisdom, as well as piety; and, at the same time, singularly qualified to make a judgment in an affair of this nature, as he was called into publick service from a youth, and had for many years reigned king in Israel.

But it is not only David that here speaks. The words are rather God’s than his. For they are thus prefaced, The God of Israel said, the rock of Israel spake to me. “That God who had selected the Jews to be his people, and was their God so as he was not the God of other nations; the rock on whom their political state was built, and on whom it depended for support and protection”: This God spake unto David, either by Samuel, or Nathan, or some other inspired prophet, or himself immediately from heaven, saying, as in the words I have read to you, He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God. It is certainly some momentous truth, highly worthy of the most serious consideration of civil rulers, that is here delivered, or it would not have been ushered in with so much solemnity.

Some read the words, (agreable eno’ to the original, as criticks observe) Edition: current; Page: [142] there shall be a ruler over men that shall be just, ruling in the fear of God; and refer them to Christ, as agreeing with other prophecies, which describe him as a “king that shall reign in righteousness,” and be of “quick understanding in the fear of the Lord”: But if they be allowed to look forward to him that has since “come forth out of Zion,” they were also designed for the instruction and benefit of Solomon, David’s son and appointed successor to the throne of Israel. And by analogy they are applicable to civil rulers, in their various stations, in all ages of the world.

In this view I shall now consider them, under the two following heads obviously contained in them.

I. There is a certain order among mankind, according to which some are entrusted with power to rule over others.

II. Those who rule over others must be just, ruling in the fear of God.

The whole will then be applied to the occasions of the day.

I. I am to say, in the first place, there is a certain order among men, according to which some are entrusted with power to rule over others. This is evidently supposed in the text; and ’tis supposed, not as a bare fact, but a fact that has taken place conformably to the will of God, and the reason of things.

This, to be sure, is the truth of the case, in it self considered. Order and rule in society, or, what means the same thing, civil government, is not a contrivance of arbitrary and tyrannical men, but a regular state of things, naturally resulting from the make of man, and his circumstances in the world. Had man abode in innocency, his nature as a sociable creature, and his condition as a dependent one, would probably have led to some sort of civil superiority: As, among the inhabitants of the upper world, there seems to be a difference of order, as well as species; which the scripture intimates, by speaking of them in the various stile of thrones, dominions, principalities, powers, archangels and angels. But however it would have been, had man continued in obedience to his maker, government is rendered a matter of necessity by the introduction of sin into the world. Was there no civil rule among men, but every one might do that which was right in his own eyes, without restraint from humane laws, there would not be Edition: current; Page: [143] safety any where on the earth. No man would be secure in the enjoyment, either of his liberty, or property, or life: But every man’s hand would be against his fellow; and mankind must live in perpetual danger, from that oppression, rapine and violence, which would make this world rather a hell, than a fit place to dwell happily in.

The present circumstances of the human race are therefore such, by means of sin, that ’tis necessary they should, for their mutual defence and safety, combine together in distinct societies, lodging as much power in the hands of a few, as may be sufficient to restrain the irregularities of the rest, and keep them within the bounds of a just decorum. Such a superiority in some, and inferiority in others, is perfectly adjusted to the present state of mankind. Their circumstances require it. They could not live, either comfortably or safely without it.

And from hence, strictly and properly speaking, does that civil order there is among men take rise. Nor will it from hence follow, that government is a mere humane constitution. For as it originates in the reason of things, ’tis, at the same time, essentially founded on the will of God. For the voice of reason is the voice of God: And he as truly speaks to men by the reason of things, their mutual relations to and dependencies on each other, as if he uttered his voice from the excellent glory. And in this way, primarily, he declares his will respecting a civil subordination among men. The sutableness of order and superiority, both to the nature of man, and his circumstances in the world, together with its necessary connection, in the nature of things, with his safety and happiness, is such an indication of the divine pleasure, that there should be government, as cannot be gainsay’d nor resisted.

Only it must be remembred here, a distinction ought always to be made between government in its general notion, and particular form and manner of administration. As to the latter, it cannot be affirmed, that this or that particular form of government is made necessary by the will of God and reason of things. The mode of civil rule may in consistency with the public good, admit of variety: And it has, in fact, been various in different nations: Nor has it always continued the same, in the same nation. And one model of government may be best for this community, and another for that; nay, that model which may be best for the same community at one time, may not be so at Edition: current; Page: [144] another. So that it seems left to the wisdom of particular communities to determine what form of government shall take place among them; and, so long as the general ends of society are provided for and secured, the determination may be various, according to the various circumstances, policies, tempers and interests of different communities.

And the same may be said of the manner of vesting particular persons with civil power, whether supreme or subordinate. This is not so fix’d by the divine will, as that all nations are obliged to one and the same way of devolving the administration of rule. The supreme authority in Israel, ’tis true, from which, of course, all subordinate power in that state was derived, was settled by God himself on David, and entail’d on his family to descend in a lineal succession. But it does not appear, that this was ever intended to be a rule obligatory on all nations of the earth: Nor have they kept to it; but have varied in their manner of designing persons for, and introducing them into, the several places of civil trust. And this seems to be a matter alterable in its nature, and proper to be variously determined according to the different circumstances of particular nations.

But ’tis quite otherwise in respect of government itself, in its general notion. This is not a matter of meer humane prudence, but of moral necessity. It does not lie with men to determine at pleasure, whether it shall or shall not take place; but, considering their present weak, exposed and dependent condition, ’tis unalterably right and just there should be rule and superiority in some, and subjection and inferiority in others: And this therefore is invariably the will of God; his will manifested by the moral fitness and reason of things.

And the will of God, as discovered in the revelations of scripture, touching government among men, perfectly coincides with his will primarily made known, upon the same head, by the constitution of things: Or rather, ’tis more clearly and fully opened. For kings, and princes, and nobles, and all the judges of the earth, are here represented* as reigning and ruling by God: Yea, they are stiled, the ministers of God†; and the powers that be are declared to be ordained of God‡: And, upon this consideration, subjection to them is demanded, for conscience Edition: current; Page: [145] sake* and whosoever resisteth, is looked upon as resisting the ordinance of God.† From all which it is apparent, there is no more room to dispute the divinity of civil rule upon the foot of revelation, than of reason.

And thus we have seen, not only that some among men have rule over others, but that it is reasonable in itself, and agreable to the will of God, it should be so.

And ’tis easy to collect from the whole, the true design of that power some are entrusted with over others. It is not merely that they might be distinguished from, and set above vulgar people; much less that they might live in greater pomp, and be revered as gods on earth; much less still that they might be in circumstances to oppress their fellow-creatures, and trample them under their feet: But it is for the general good of mankind; to keep confusion and disorder out of the world; to guard men’s lives; to secure their rights; to defend their properties and liberties; to make their way to justice easy, and yet effectual, for their protection when innocent, and their relief when injuriously treated; and, in a word, to maintain peace and good order, and, in general, to promote the public welfare, in all instances, so far as they are able. But this leads me to the next head of discourse, which is what I have principally in view; viz.

II. Those who rule over others must be just, ruling in the fear of God. Here I shall distinctly say,

i. They must be just. They ought to be so in their private capacity; maintaining a care to exhibit in their conduct towards all they are concerned with, a fair transcript of that fundamental law of the religion of Jesus, as well as eternal rule of natural justice, “all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them.” But private justice, tho’ necessary in all, yet is not the virtue here especially intended. The injunction respects those who rule over men; and ’tis as magistrates, not private members of society, that they are required to be just.

And this duty includes in it more than a negation of unrighteousness. ’Tis not enough that rulers are not unjust; that they don’t betray the trusts reposed in them; that they don’t defraud the public; Edition: current; Page: [146] that they don’t oppress the subject, whether in a barefac’d manner, or in a more covert way; by downright violence, or under the cloak of law: ’Tis not enough, I say, that rulers don’t, in these and such like ways, pervert judgment and justice; but, besides all this, they must be positively righteous. Being possess’d of an inward, steady, uniform principle of justice, setting them, in a good measure, above the influence of private interest, or party views, they must do that which is equal and right, in their various stations, from the king in supreme, to the lowest in authority under him.

It would carry me too far beyond the hour assigned me, should I make a distribution of rulers into their several ranks, and mention the more special acts of justice respectively required of them. I shall therefore content my self with speaking of them chiefly in the collective sense; pointing out, under a few general heads, some of the more important articles wherein they should approve themselves just. And they are such as these.

1. They must be just in the use of their power; confining it within the limits prescribed in the constitution they are under. Whatever power any are vested with, ’tis delegated to them according to some civil constitution. And this, so long as it remains the constitution, they are bound in justice to conform themselves to: To be sure, they ought not to act in violation of any of its main and essential rights. Especially, is this an important point of justice, where the constitution is branched into several parts, and the power originally lodged in it, is divided, in certain measures, to each part, in order to preserve a ballance in the whole. Rulers, in this case, in either branch of the government, are bounded by the constitution, and obliged to keep within the proper limits assigned them; never clashing in the exercise of their power, never encroaching upon the rights of each other, in any shape, or under any pretence whatever. They have severally and equally a right to that power which is granted to them in the constitution, and to wrest it out of each other’s hands, or to obstruct one another in the regular legal exercise of it, is evidently unjust. As in the British constitution, which devolves the power of the state, in certain proportions, on King, Lords and Commons, they have neither of them a right to invade the province of the other, but are required, by the rule of righteousness, to keep severally within their own boundaries, acting in union among themselves, and consistency with the constitution. Edition: current; Page: [147] If the prerogatives of the King are sacred, so also are the rights of Lords and Commons: And if it would be unjust in Lords or Commons, to touch, in any instance, the prerogative of the crown; so would it be in the crown, to invade the rights, which are legally settled in Lords and Commons: In either of these cases, the law of righteousness is violated: Nor does the manner in which it is done make any essential difference; for, if one part of the government is really kept from exerting it self, according to the true meaning of the constitution, whether it be done openly, or by secret craft; by compulsion or corruption, the designed ballance is no longer preserved; and which way soever the scale turns, whether on the side of sovereignty, or popularity, ’tis forced down by a false weight, which, by degrees, will overturn the government, at least, according to this particular model.

And the case is just the same in all dependent governments, as in those whose power originates in themselves: Especially, where the derived constitution, like that of Great-Britain, is divided into several ruling parts, and distributes the granted powers and priviledges severally among these ruling parts, to each their limited portion. The constitution is here evidently the grand rule to all cloathed with power, or claiming priviledge, in either branch of the government. And ’tis indeed a fundamental point of justice, that they keep respectively within the bounds marked out to them in the constitution. Rulers in one branch of the state should not assume the power delegated to those in another: Nay, so far should they be from this, that they should not, in any degree, lessen their just weight in the government; much less may they contrive, by an undue application to their hopes or fears, or by working on their ambition, or covetousness, or any other corrupt principle; much less, I say, may they contrive to influence them to give up their power, or, what is as bad, to use it unfaithfully, beside the intention for which it was committed to them. These are certainly methods of injustice; and, if put in practice, will, by a natural causality, weaken, and, by degrees, destroy those checks which rulers are mutually designed to have one upon another; the effect whereof must be tyranny, or anarchy, either of which will be of fatal consequence.

2. Another general instance wherein rulers should be just, relates to the laws by which they govern. [They have an undoubted right to Edition: current; Page: [148] make and execute laws, for the publick good. This is essentially included in the very idea of government: Insomuch, that government, without a right to enact and enforce proper laws, is nothing more than an empty name.

And this right, in whomsoever it is vested, must be exercised under the direction of justice. For as there cannot be government without a right of legislation, so neither can there be this right but in conjunction with righteousness. ’Tis the just exercise of power that distinguishes right from might; authority that is to be revered and obeyed, from violence and tyranny, which are to be dreaded and deprecated.

Those therefore to whom it belongs to make, or execute the laws of a government ought, in these exercises of their power, to square their conduct by that strict justice, which will be to them a sure rule of right action.]

To be sure, if they would be just, they must make no laws but what bear this character. They should not, when upon the business of framing and passing acts, suffer themselves to be swayed by any wrong biass, either from self-will, or self-interest; the smiles or frowns of men greater than themselves; or the humour of the populace: But should bring the proposed laws to a fair and impartial examination, not only in their reference to the temper, genius and circumstances of the community, but to that justice also which is founded in the nature of things, and the will of the supreme legislator: And if they should appear to be inconsistent with this eternal rule of equity, they ought not to countenance them, but should do what they can to prevent their establishment. And the rather, because should they enact that into a statute, which is unrighteous; especially, if it be plainly and grosly so, they would be chargeable with “framing mischief by a law”: The guilt whereof would be the more aggravated, as power, in this case, would be on the side of oppression; and, what is as bad, as unrighteousness, by this means, would take a dreadful spread thro’ the community. For as the laws are the rule for the executive powers in the government, if these are unjust, all that is done consequent upon a regard to them, must be unjust too. That would be the state of things which Solomon describes, when he says, “I saw under the sun the place of judgment, that wickedness was there; and the place of righteousness, that iniquity was there:” Edition: current; Page: [149] Than which, there cannot be given a more terrible representation of the unhappy effect of a disregard to justice in the making of laws.

But rulers, in order to their answering the character of just, must not satisfy themselves with making none but righteous laws; but must provide also, so far as may be, a sufficiency of such to restrain the sons of wickedness, men of avaricious minds, and no consciences, from that rapine and violence, those frauds and oppressions, in their various kinds and degrees, which their lusts would prompt them to perpetrate, to the damage of society, and in violation of all that is right and just.

Besides which, they should be particular in their care to guard the important and extensive article of commerce; calculating laws so as that they may have a tendency to oblige every member of the community, to use the methods of fairness and honesty in their dealings with one another: In order whereto, one of the main things necessary is, to fix the precise weight and measure, according to which these and those commodities shall be bought and sold; hereby rendring the practice of honesty easy and familiar, while, at the same time, it is made a matter of difficulty, as well as hazard, for this member of the community to defraud that, by palming on him a less quantity than he bargain’d, for, and expected to receive.

[A noble example of this expedient to promote justice, the scripture presents us with, in the history it gives of the laws by which the Jews of old were governed. It was not thought sufficient to prohibit their “doing unrighteousness in mete-yard, or weight, or measure;” and to command their having “just ballances and just weights, a just ephah and a just hin:” But the standard was fixt by law, according to which all weights and measures must be regulated; and it was kept in the sanctuary of God. And so exact was the government in its care to prevent all fraud, that it allowed no “weights, ballances or measures to be made of any metal, as of iron, lead, tin, (which were obnoxious to rust, or might be bent or easily impaired) but of marble, stone or glass, which were less liable to be abused.”* And officers also “were appointed in every city to go about into shops, and see that the ballances and measures were just, and determine the stated measure of Edition: current; Page: [150] them: And with whomsoever they found any weight or measure too light or short, or ballance that went awry, they were to be punished by the judges.”*.

This pattern of justice has been copied after by all governments acquainted with it; and the more particular their laws have been for the regulation of weights and measures, the better calculated have they been to promote honesty in private dealing.]

And if justice in rulers should shew itself by reducing the things that are bought and sold to weight and measure, much more ought it to be seen in ascertaining the medium of trade, as nearly as may be, to some determinate value. For this, whether it be money, or something substituted to pass in lieu of it, is that for which all things are exchanged in commerce. And if this, which is of such universal use in the affair of traffick, be a thing variable and uncertain, of one value this week, and another the next, ’tis difficult to conceive, how justice should take place between man and man, in their dealings with one another. If the measure we call a foot might gradually, in the space of a few months or years, lengthen into a yard, or shorten into an inch; every one sees, it would, if used as a measure in trade, tend to spread unrighteousness in a community, rather than justice. So, if the weight we call a pound might gradually, in the like space, increase or diminish one half; ’tis past dispute, it would be an occasion of general iniquity, rather than a means to promote honesty. And the case is really the same (however insensible we may be of it) with respect to the passing medium in a government. If what we call a shilling, may, in a gradual way, in the course of a few months or years, rise in value so as to be equal to two or three, or sink in proportion; ’tis impossible, in the nature of things, but a wide door should be opened for oppression and injustice. An upright man, in this case, would find it extreamly difficult to do himself justice, or others he might be concerned with in business. And for those of dishonest minds, and no principles of honour or religion, if men of craft and foresight, they would have it very much in their power to enrich themselves by being unjust to their neighbour.

I am sensible, the case may be so circumstanced in a government, especially if it be a dependent one, as that it may be extreamly difficult, if not impossible, while they have no money, to keep that which Edition: current; Page: [151] passes, in the room of it, from varying in it’s real worth. But it is not very difficult; to be sure, it is not impossible, to pitch upon some certain standard, to which the current medium may be so related, as that it’s true value, at different times, may be nearly ascertained: And if this was established as the rule in all public payments, as well as private contracts and bargains, it would be no other than what is right. It would certainly tend, not only to do every one justice, but to put it very much out of the power of men of no probity “to go beyond and defraud their brother:” Whereas, while the medium is connected with no established certain standard, but continually varies in it’s real worth, it must be, in the natural course of things, an occasion of great injustice. [Some, on the one hand, under the fair pretence of a reasonable care to secure themselves, will injure those who lie at their mercy, by extorting from them more that is meet. And others, on the other hand, will take the advantage, to pay a just debt with one half the true value it was originally contracted for: Nor will the practice of unrighteousness be confined to these and such like instances, but unavoidably mingle itself with men’s transactions in the whole business of trade, so as to put them upon making a prey of one another; as is too much the case among ourselves at this day.]

There is yet another thing, belonging to this head, wherein rulers should approve themselves just; and that is, the execution of the laws. [The power of executing as well as making laws (as has been hinted) is inseparable from government. And the demands of justice are to be comply’d with, in the one as well as the other. If ’tis just that rulers should make righteous laws, ’tis equally so, when they are made, that they should take effectual care to enforce a proper regard to them. Of what service would laws be, though ever so wisely calculated to promote the public good, if offenders against them should be connived at, or suffered, by one means or another, to go unpunished? And what might reasonably be expected in consequence of such a breach of trust, but that the best laws, together with the authority that enacted them, should be held in contempt? There is no such thing as supporting the honour of government, or securing the good ends proposed by the laws it establishes, but by unsheathing the sword, in a faithful and impartial execution of justice.

But here, that we may speak clearly, it may be proper to distinguish between those rulers to whom it belongs to appoint and authorise Edition: current; Page: [152] persons to execute the laws, and those who are vested with authority for this purpose. For the duty which justice requires is different, according to the nature of that power, wherewith these different rulers are betrusted.

It is certainly a point of justice, in those whose business it is to empower others to execute the laws, to select out of the community such as are well qualified for so important a trust. Every man is not fit to have the sword of justice put into his hands. And the main thing to be lookt at, in the choice of persons for this service, is their suitableness to it. Meerly their being men of birth and fortune, is not a sufficient recommendation: Nor, if they are eagerly forward in seeking for a post of honour or profit, is it a certain indication, that they are fit to be put into it: Neither, if they should offer money to purchase it, ought they, on this account, to be preferred to men of greater merit: Much less ought it to be looked upon as a turning argument in their favour, that they are fit instruments to serve the secret designs of those in superior station. These are considerations beside the true merit of the case: And those only ought to bear sway, which enter into the real characters of men, determining their qualifications for the trust that is to be reposed in them.

The advice which Jethro gave Moses is here proper, “Thou shalt provide out of all the people able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness.”* These are the men, men of understanding, courage and resolution; men of integrity, fidelity and honesty; men of piety and substantial religion; men of a noble generosity, setting them above the temptations, which those of narrow minds and selfish views, are easily drawn away by and enticed: These, I say, are the proper men to fill the various posts in the state. And it would be injustice to the public, for the persons concerned in the disposal of them, to neglect these, and bestow them on those of a contrary character. Men of low natural capacities, and small acquired accomplishments, are unmeet to be exalted to places of important trust. And should this be done, it would be acting over the evil, which Solomon complained of in his day, Folly is set in great dignity. And those are as unfit to be constituted guardians of the laws, who are indolent, inactive and irresolute; much more, if, together herewith, they are known Edition: current; Page: [153] to be of a vicious turn of mind. It can’t be supposed, men of this character should be faithful in the execution of justice; and to devolve this care on them, would be to wrong the community, and expose authority.

Not that those, with whom it lies to appoint officers, are always to blame, when unqualified persons are put into places of trust; for they are liable, after all prudent caution, to be mistaken in their own judgment, and to be imposed on by misinformation from others. But then, they should take due care, when such persons are found, upon trial, to be unequal to the trust committed to them, to remedy the inconvenience: Nor otherwise will they continue innocent, however faultless they might be at first. ’Tis evidently the demand of justice, that such unmeet persons should be displaced, and others better qualified put in their room.

And ’tis equally just, that those who are capable of behaving well, but behave ill in their respective stations, should be testified against. And should they be so unadvised, as grosly to abuse their power; applying it to the purposes of tyranny and oppression, rather than to serve the good ends of government, it ought to be taken out of their hands, that they might no longer be under advantages to injure their brethren of the same community.

These are the demands of justice from those, who are to put others into the executive trust.

And justice is likewise required of this sort of rulers, according to the respective trust that is committed to them.

If ’tis their business to sit in the place of judgment, they must judge uprightly in all cases, whether civil or criminal, and not under a wrong influence from favour to the rich, or pity to the poor, or fear of the great, or affection or disaffection to any man’s person whatsoever; having that precept in the divine law ever in their eye, “Ye shall do no unrighteousness in judgment: Thou shalt not respect the person of the poor, nor honour the person of the mighty: But in righteousness shalt thou judge thy brother.”* And that also, “Thou shalt not wrest judgment, thou shalt not respect persons, neither take a gift; for a gift doth blind the eyes of the wise, and pervert the words of the righteous.”†

If ’tis their business to enquire who have been offenders against the laws, and to exhibit complaints against them as such; they must be couragious and impartial, complying with their duty equally in respect of all, be their character what it will.

If ’tis their business to act as executioners of justice, they must faithfully inflict the adjudged sentence: In doing of which, tho’ there may be room for the exercise of compassion, especially in the case of some sort of debtors; yet the righteousness of the law may not be eluded by needless, much less fraudulent delays, to the injury of the creditor.

In fine, whatever their trust is, whether of less or greater importance, they must exercise it with care, fidelity, resolution, steadiness, diligence, and an entire freedom from a corrupt respect to men’s persons, as those who are concerned for the honour of government, and that it’s laws may take effect for the general good of the community.]

To go on,

3. Another instance wherein rulers should be just, respects the debts that may be due from the public. A government may be in debt, as well as private men. Their circumstances may be such, as to render it adviseable for them to borrow money, either of other governments, or within themselves: Or, they may have occasion to make purchases, or to enter into contracts, upon special emergencies, which may bring them in debt. In which cases, the rule of justice is the same to magistrates, as to men in a private life. They must pay that which they owe, according to the true meaning of their engagements, without fraud or delay.

[They may also be in debt for services done by labourers, in this and the other secular employment. And here the rule of justice is that, “withhold not good from them to whom it is due, when it is in the power of thine hand to do it. Say not unto thy neighbour, go, and come again, and to-morrow I will give, when thou hast it by thee.”* Or if the labourers are such as have nothing beforehand, but their day-labour is what they depend on for the support of themselves and families, the rule is yet more particular, “Thou shalt not oppress an hired servant that is poor and needy; at his day thou shalt give him his hire, neither shall the sun go down upon it; for he is poor, and setteth his heart on it: Lest he cry against thee unto the Edition: current; Page: [155] Lord, and it be sin unto thee.”* And again, “Thou shalt not defraud thy neighbour, nor rob him: The wages of him that is hired, shall not abide with thee all night until the morning.”†]

In fine, they may be in debt to their own officers, whether in higher or lower station, the proper business of whose office calls off their attention from other affairs. And as their time, and care, and tho’t, are employed in the service of the public, a public maintenance is their just due. “Who goeth a warfare any time at his own charge? Who planteth a vineyard, and eateth not of the fruit thereof? Or, who feedeth a flock, and eateth not of the milk of the flock? Say I these things as a man? Or saith not the law the same also?”‡ For it is written, “For this cause pay you tribute; for they are God’s ministers, attending continually upon this very thing.§ Render unto Cæsar the things that are Cæsar’s.”¶

Nor is it sufficient that they be supported according to the condition of men in low life. This may be tho’t enough, if not too much, by those who imagine, that the more strait-handed they are upon the head of allowances, the more serviceable they shall be to the public. But there is such a thing in the state, as a “withholding more than is meet.” And it really tends to the damage of a government. Too scant an allowance may unhappily prove a temptation to officers, to be hard upon those dependent on them; and what they may injuriously squeeze out of them, by one artful contrivance or another, may turn out more to the hurt of the community, than if twice that sum had been paid out of the public treasury, and this evil, by means hereof, had been prevented. Besides, ’tis no ways fitting, that men cloathed with honour and power should be brought down to a level with vulgar people, in the support that is granted them. Their outward circumstances should be elevated in proportion to their civil character, that they may be better able to support the visible dignity of their station, and command that respect which is due to men of their figure. He that is governour should eat the bread of a governour; and subordinate officers should be maintained, according to the rank they bear in the state: Nor ought their honourable maintenance to be tho’t Edition: current; Page: [156] a matter of meer bounty; ’tis rather a debt, which can’t be withheld without injustice.

[To be sure, where their stipends have been established, or, at least, they have had reasonable encouragement to expect such a certain acknowledgment for their service, righteousness requires that it be paid them: Nor may it be tho’t that the same nominal sum, falling vastly below the real worth of the debt, will be sufficient to discharge it. It certainly is not sufficient, in the eye of justice, either natural or revealed; which respects no man’s person, but will do that which is right to the lowest, as well as to the highest officer in the state.

And the case, in point of equity, is really the same, where a government has come into no special agreement; but the ascertaining the quantum proper for the support of it’s officers, is left to it’s own wisdom and probity. For an allowance is due to them by the law of righteousness: And it ought to be granted, both in proper season, and full proportion, that there may be no reason for complaint, either of penurious or unjust dealing.

I may add here, the distribution of rewards, in case of extraordinary service done for a government, falls properly under this head of justice. For tho’ there may be bounty in it, there is also a mixture of righteousness. But however this be, it has been the practice of all nations to shew singular marks of respect to those who have distinguished themselves by their eminent labours for the public. And it is to be hoped, this government will never be backward, according to their ability, suitably to reward those who have signalized themselves, in doing service for their king and country.]

4. Another general instance wherein rulers should be just, concerns the liberties and priviledges of the subject. In all governments there is a reserve of certain rights in favour of the people: In some, they are few in kind, and small in degree: In others, they are both great and numerous; rendring the people signally happy whose lot it is to be favoured with the undisturbed enjoyment of them. And it would be no wonder, if they should keep a jealous eye over them, and think no cost too much to be expended, for the defence and security of them: Especially, if they were the purchase of wise and pious ancestors, who submitted to difficulties, endured hardships, spent their estates, and ventured their lives, that they might transmit them as an inheritance to their posterity.

And shall such valuable, dear-bought rights be neglected, or invaded by the rulers of a people? ’Tis a principal part of that justice which is eternally expected of them, as they would not grosly pervert one of the main ends of their office, to preserve and perpetuate to every member of the community, so far as may be, the full enjoyment of their liberties and priviledges, whether of a civil or religious nature.

Here I may say distinctly,

As rulers would be just, they must take all proper care to preserve entire the civil rights of a people. And the ways in which they should express this care are such as these.

They should do it by appearing in defence of their liberties, if called in question, and making use of all wise and sutable methods to prevent the loss of them: Nor can they be too active, diligent or laborious in their endeavours upon this head: Provided always, the priviledges in danger are worth contending for, and such as the people have a just right and legal claim to. Otherwise, there may be hazard of losing real liberties, in the strife for those that are imaginary; or valuable ones, for such as are of trifling consideration.

They should also express this care, by seasonably and faithfully placing a proper guard against the designs of those, who would rule in a dispotic manner, to the subversion of the rights naturally or legally vested in the people. And here ’tis a great mistake to suppose, there can be danger only from those in the highest station. There may, ’tis true, be danger from this quarter: And it has sometimes proved so in fact: An unhappy instance whereof was seen in the arbitrary reign of King James the second, in person at home, and by his representative here; as a check to which, those entrusted with the guardianship of the nation’s rights were spirited to take such measures, as issued in that revolution, and establishment of the succession, on which his present majesty’s claim to the British throne is dependent. May the succession be continued in his royal house forever! And may the same spirit, which settled it there, prevail in the rulers of the English nation, so long as the sun and moon shall endure!

But, as I said, a people’s liberties may be in danger from others, besides those in the highest rank of government. The men who strike in with the popular cry of liberty and priviledge, working themselves, by an artful application to the fears and jealousies of the people, Edition: current; Page: [158] into their good opinion of them as lovers of their country, if not the only stanch friends to it’s interests, may, all the while, be only aiming at power to carry every thing according to their own sovereign pleasure: And they are, in this case, most dangerous enemies to the community; and may, by degrees, if not narrowly watched, arrive to such an height, as to be able to serve their own ends, by touching even the people in their most valuable rights. And these commonly are the men, thro’ whose influence, either as primary managers, or tools to others, they suffer most in their real liberties.

In fine, they should express this care in a constant readiness to bear due testimony against even the smaller encroachments upon the liberty of the subject, whether by private men’s invading one another’s rights, or by the tyranny of inferiour officers, who may treat those under their power, as tho’ they had no natural rights, not to say a just claim to the invaluable priviledges of Englishmen.

The ancient Romans have set an illustrious example in this kind. Such was the provision they made to secure the people’s priviledges, that it was dangerous for any man, tho’ in office, to act towards the meanest freeman of Rome in violation of the meanest of them. Hence the magistrates who ordered Paul and Silas to be beaten uncondemned, feared when they heard they were Romans. And Lysias, the chief captain, was filled with the like fear for commanding, that Paul should be examined with scourging; when he understood, that he was born a freeman of Rome. And it would have a good tendency to secure to the people the enjoyment of their liberties, if these smaller instances of illegal power were carefully and severely chastised.

But justice in rulers should be seen likewise in their care of the religious rights and liberties of a people. Not that they are to exert their authority in settling articles of faith, or imposing modes of worship, so as that all must frame their belief, and order their practice, according to their decisions, or lie exposed to penalties of one kind or another. This would be to put men under restraint, as to the exercise of their religious rights: Nor are penal laws at all adjusted in their nature, to enlighten men’s minds, or convince their judgment. This can be done only by good reason: And this therefore is the only proper way of applying to reasonable creatures.

Justice in rulers should therefore put them upon leaving every member of the community, without respect of persons, freely to Edition: current; Page: [159] choose his own religion, and profess and practice it according to that external form, which he apprehends will be most acceptable to his maker: Provided, his religion is such as may consist with the public safety: Otherwise, it would be neither wisdom nor justice in the government to tolerate it.

Nor is this all; but they should guard every man from all insult and abuse on account of his religious sentiments, and from all molestation and disturbance, while he endeavours the propagation of them, so far as he keeps within the bounds of decency, and approves himself a peaceable member of society.

Besides which, it would be no more than reasonable, if, as christian magistrates, they distinguished those in their regards, who professed the religion of Jesus, and in that way, which, to them, was most agreable to scripture rule. They should be guardians to such christian societies, by defending their constitution; by countenancing their manner of worship; by maintaining the liberties granted to them in the gospel-charter, in all their regular exercises, whether in church assemblies for the performance of the services of piety, or the choice of officers, or the administration of discipline; or in councils, greater or less, for the help and preservation of each other: And, in fine, by owning those who minister to them in sacred things, and providing for their support, according to that rule in scripture, as well as common equity, “They that preach the gospel should live of the gospel”: Or if they are generally and wrongfully kept out of a great part of that support, which has been engaged, and is justly due to them, by taking their case into consideration, and doing what may be effectual for their relief.

This last instance of the care of rulers, I the rather mention, because it falls in so exactly with the circumstances of the pastors of the churches in this province. There is not, I believe, an order of men, in the land, more universally, or to a greater degree, injured and oppressed in regard of their just dues. While others have it, in some measure, in their power to right themselves, by rising in their demands, in proportion to the sinking of the current medium, they are confined to a nominal quantum, which every day varies in its real worth, and has been gradually doing so, ’till it is come to that pass, that many of them don’t receive more than one half, or two thirds of the original value they contracted for. And to this it is owing, that Edition: current; Page: [160] they are diverted from their studies, discouraged in their work, and too frequently treated with contempt. And what is an aggravation of their difficulty, their only desiring that justice may be done them, often makes an uneasiness among their people: And if they urge it; to be sure, if they demand it, ’tis great odds but there ensues thereupon contention and strife, and, at last, such a general alienation of affection, as puts an entire end to their usefulness.

Suffer me, my fathers in the government, as I have this opportunity of speaking in your presence, to beseech the exercise of your authority, on the behalf, (may I not say) of so valuable and useful a part of the community: And the rather, because some special provision for their relief seems to be a matter of justice, and not meer favour; as it is by means of the public bills, tho’ contrary to the design of the government, that they are injured. And might not this be made, without any great expence either of time or pains, and so as to be effectual too, to put it out of the power of people to turn off their ministers with any thing short of the true value of what they agreed with them for, when they settled among them? This is all they desire: And as it is nothing more than common equity, would it not be hard, if they should be still left to groan under their oppressions, and to have no helper?

The great and general court, it must be acknowledged, more than twenty years since, “upon serious consideration of the great distresses, that many of the ministers within this province laboured under, with respect to their support, resolved, that it was the indispensible duty of the several towns and parishes, to make additions to the maintenance of their respective ministers; and therein to have regard to the growing difference in the value of the bills of credit, from what they had sometimes been.” And thereupon “earnestly recommended the speedy and chearful practice of this duty to the several congregations within this province.” And that the recommendation might be universally known and comply’d with, “Ordered, that their resolve should be publickly read on the next Lord’s day after the receipt thereof, and at the anniversary meeting of the several towns in the month of March next” following.*

And it is with thankfulness that we take notice of this instance of the care of our civil fathers; tho’ we are sorry, we must, at the same time, say, it was generally treated with neglect by our congregations, as being void of power.

It will not be pretended, but that the distresses of the ministers, and from the same cause too, the sinking of the medium, are vastly greater now, than they were twenty years ago: And if it was then reasonable, in the great and general court, to recommend it to the several congregations, throughout the province, as their indispensable duty, to make additions to the maintenance of their ministers, and therein to have regard to the lower value of the bills of credit, from what they formerly were; it is certainly now high time to oblige them to this: Especially, as the grievances of the ministers have often, since that day, upon these occasions, been opened to their civil fathers, whose interposition has been humbly and earnestly intreated. But I would not be too pressing: Neither have I said thus much on my own account, who am not, thro’ the goodness of God, in suffering circumstances myself, but in very pity to many of my poor brethren who are; because there may be danger lest guilt should lie on the government, if they take no notice of the sighing of so considerable a body of men; and because, I verily believe, the offerings of the Lord are Edition: current; Page: [162] too often despised, by reason of that poverty those are unrighteously reduced to, by whom they are presented.

But to return,

5. Another instance of justice in rulers relates to the defence of the state, and it’s preservation in peace and safety. [The happiness of a people lies very much in their living peaceably among themselves, and at quiet with their neighbours. For which reason, rulers are bound in justice to use all prudent endeavours, that they may “sit every man under his own vine, and under his fig-tree, and have none to make them afraid.” In order whereunto,

They should take care to prevent intestine jarrs and commotions in the government, by giving no occasion for murmurings and complaints; or if any should unhappily arise, by speedily removing the causes of them: By testifying a just displeasure against the fomentors of animosities, fewds and factions: By watching the motions of uneasy, turbulent and mobbish spirits, and checking the first out-breakings of them; or if, thro’ the lusts of men, insurrection or rebellion should happen, by seasonably putting a stop thereto, lest afterwards the whole force of the government should be scarce sufficient for this purpose.

It may be, the late unnatural rebellion, which began in Scotland, was too much despised at first. It would not otherwise, ’tis probable, have risen to such a formidable height: Tho’ the alwise holy God, by permitting this, and then remarkably succeeding the king’s arms, under the command of his royal highness the duke of Cumberland, to put an end to this traiterous attempt against the throne of Great-Britain, took occasion, not only to lay the nation and it’s dependencies, under more sensible bonds to give glory to him, in language like that of the 18th Psalm, “Great deliverance hath he given to his king, and shewed mercy to his anointed: Therefore will we give thanks unto thee, O Lord, and sing praises to thy name”: But to do that also, which was proper to engage their more fervent prayers of faith, that he would go on to clothe the king’s enemies with shame, and cause the crown to flourish on his head, and the head of his posterity forever.

Rulers also should endeavour to keep the state from being embroiled in foreign war, by contriving, in all prudent ways, to engage and continue the friendship of neighbouring nations; by bearing with lesser injuries from them, and not hastily resenting greater ones, so Edition: current; Page: [163] far as may be consistent with the public safety; by sacredly adhering to the treaties and contracts, they may have entred into with them; by expressing a due caution not to invade their rights or properties, or in any instance whatever to give them just cause of provocation: Or if this shou’d at any time happen, by appearing ready to make them all reasonable satisfaction.

Or if, after all, war should arise, by means of the pride, or avarice, or self-will and tyranny of unreasonable men, their concern should now be to look to the preservation of the state at home, by providing a sufficiency of warlike stores, in their various kinds; by guarding the exposed frontiers and coasts; and, in a word, by putting and keeping things in such a posture of defence, that neither their people, nor their interests, may easily fall a prey in their enemy’s hands.

Besides which, it would be both wisdom and justice to carry the war into their enemies territories; doing every thing in their power to humble their pride, curb their malice, and weaken their strength; especially, where there may be most danger of being annoyed by them.]

6thly, and finally, rulers should be just to promote the general welfare and prosperity of a people, by discouraging, on the one hand, idleness, prodigality, prophaneness, uncleanness, drunkenness, and the like immoralities, which tend, in the natural course of things, to their impoverishment and ruin: And by encouraging, on the other hand, industry, frugality, temperance, chastity, and the like moral virtues, the general practice whereof are naturally connected with the flourishing of a people in every thing that tends to make them great and happy. As also, by rendring the support of government as easy as is consistent with it’s honour and safety; by calculating laws to set forward those manufactures which may be of public benefit; by freeing trade, as much as possible, from all unnecessary burdens; and, above all, by a wise and sutable provision for the instruction of children and youth: In order whereunto effectual care should be taken for the encouragement and support, not only of private schools, but of the public means of education. Colleges ought to be the special care of the government, as it is from hence, principally, that it has it’s dependence for initiating the youth in those arts and sciences, which may furnish them, as they grow up in the world, to be blessings both in church and state. It would certainly be unrighteous, not to protect Edition: current; Page: [164] these societies in the full and quiet enjoyment of such rights as have been freely and generously granted to them: And if they should not have within themselves a sufficiency for the support of their officers, it would be a wrong to the community, not to do what was further wanting towards their comfortable and honourable support.

And having thus, in a general and imperfect manner, gone over the more important instances, wherein rulers should be just, it might now be proper to enlarge on the obligations they are under to be so: But the time will allow me only to suggest as follows.

[They are obliged to be thus just, from the fitness and reasonableness of the thing in itself considered. ’Tis a duty that naturally and necessarily results from the relation they stand in to society, and the power they are vested with, in all righteous ways, to promote it’s welfare. And it would, in the nature of things, be incongruous and absurd for men so scituated and betrusted, and for such good ends, to injure those over whom they are exalted, by abusing their power to the purposes of tyranny and oppression. Such a conduct would evidently and grosly break in upon that propriety and fitness of action, which is immutably and eternally required, in such a constitution of things, as rulers and ruled, and the relative obligations respectively arising therefrom.

They are also obliged to be thus just, in virtue of the will of the supreme legislator, made known in the revelations of scripture; which enjoins such precepts as those, “Judges and officers shalt thou make thee;—and they shall judge the people with just judgment. Thou shalt not wrest judgment;—that which is altogether just shalt thou follow.”* And again, “Thus saith the Lord, Execute ye judgment and righteousness, and deliver the spoiled out of the hand of the oppressor: And do no wrong, do no violence to the stranger, the fatherless, nor the widow”:†: To which laws of the great king of the world they owe an indisputed obedience, as they are, in common with the rest of mankind, the subjects of his government: Nor can they be freed from the charge of reflecting contempt on the divine majesty, and that sovereign authority by which he governs his creatures, if, in their administrations, they should express a disregard to them.

They are likewise obliged to be just, out of regard to the community, to which they are related; whose welfare is so dependent hereon, that if they act, in their respective stations, not from a principle of justice, but under the influence of worldly views and selfish designs, it may reasonably be expected, that “judgment should be turned away backward, and justice stand afar off”; that “truth should fall in the street, and equity not be able to enter”: The natural effect whereof must be the ruin of a people. Whereas, if they “put on righteousness, and it clothes them; and their judgment is as a robe and a diadem: If they deliver the poor that cry, and the fatherless, and him that hath none to help him; and break to pieces the wicked, and pluck the spoil of his teeth”; they will approve themselves those “righteous ones in authority, who cause the people to rejoice”: And the righteousness wherewith they rule them will be their exaltation.

In fine, it should be a constraining argument with rulers to be just, that they are accountable to that Jesus, whom God hath ordained to be the judge of the world, for the use of that power he has put into their hands. And if, by their unjust behaviour in their places, they have not only injured the people, but unhappily led them, by their example, into practices that are fraudulent and dishonest; I say, if they have thus misused their power, sad will be their account another day; such as must expose them to the resentments of their judge, which they will not be able to escape. It will not be any security then, that they were once ranked among the great men of the earth. This may now be a protection to them, and it often indeed screens them from that human vengeance, which overtakes those of less influence, tho’ guilty of less crimes: But the “kings of the earth, and the great men, and the chief captains, and the mighty men,” will in the day of the appearing of the son of God, be upon a level with the meanest of mankind, and as ready, if conscious to themselves that they have been unjust in their stations, to “say to the mountains and rocks, fall on us, and hide us from the face of him that sitteth on the throne, and from the wrath of the lamb: For the great day of his wrath is come, and who shall be able to stand?” A most affecting consideration, and should powerfully excite those who rule over others, to a righteous exercise of their power; especially, as they will by this means, if in other respects also they have behaved well, obtain the approbation of their judge; who will, as they have been Edition: current; Page: [166] “faithful over a few things, make them ruler over many”; placing them at his own right hand, in his kingdom.

II. I now proceed to say, in the second place, Those who rule over men, must rule in the fear of God.

The fear of God, being not only in itself a considerable part of religion, but also a grace that has a special influence on all the other parts of it, is commonly, and not unfitly, used in scripture to signify the whole of it. This seems to be the meaning of the phrase here: And the thing intended is, not only that rulers should be endowed with an inward principle of religion, but that they should exercise their authority, in their whole administration, under the influence of so good and powerful a disposition.

He that ruleth over men, must rule in the fear of God. As if the royal prophet had said, “It is necessary, civil rulers should have upon their minds a becoming sense of God and religion: And it should govern their public conduct. Whatever they do, in their several stations, should be done under the guidance of an habitual awe of God, a serious regard to his governing will, and their accountableness to him. This is the principle that should have a predominating sway in all exertments of themselves in their public capacity.” This I take to be the true sense of the words.

To be sure, ’tis the truth of the thing. Civil rulers ought to be possessed of a principle of religion, and to act under the direction of it in their respective stations. This is a matter of necessity. I don’t mean that it is necessary in order to their having a right to rule over men. Dominion is not founded in grace: Nor is every pious good man fit to be entrusted with civil power. ’Tis easy to distinguish between government in it’s abstracted notion, and the faithful advantageous administration of it. And religion in rulers is necessary to the latter, tho’ not to the former.

Not but that they may be considerably useful in their places, if the religious fear of God does not reign in their hearts. From a natural benevolence of temper, accompanied with an active honest turn of mind, they may be instrumental in doing good service to the public: Nay, they may be prompted, even from a view to themselves, their own honour and interest, to behave well in the posts they sustain, at least, in many instances. But if destitute of religion, they are possessed of no principle that will stimulate a care in them to act up to Edition: current; Page: [167] their character steadily and universally, and so as fully to answer the ends of their institution.

’Tis a principle of religion, and this only, that can set them free from the unhappy influence of those passions and lusts, which they are subject to, in common with other men, and by means whereof they may be betrayed into that tyranny and oppression, that violence and injustice, which will destroy the peace and good order of society. These, ’tis true, may be under some tolerable check from other principles, at least, for a while, and in respect of those actings that are plainly enormous. But no restraints are like those, which the true fear of God lays upon men’s lusts. This habitually prevailing in the hearts of rulers, will happily prevent the out-breaking of their pride, and envy, and avarice, and self-love, and other lusts, to the damage of society; and not only so, but it will weaken, and gradually destroy, the very inward propensities themselves to the various acts of vice. It naturally, and powerfully, tends to this: And this is the effect it will produce, in a less or greater degree, according to the strength of the religious principle, in those who are the subjects of it.

And a principle of religion also, and this only, will be effectual to excite rulers to a uniform, constant and universal regard to truth and justice, in their public conduct. Inferiour principles may influence them in particular cases, and at certain seasons: But the fear of God only will prompt them to every instance of right action, and at all times. This will possess them of such sentiments, give such a direction to their views, and fix such a happy biass on their minds, as that their chief concern and care will be, to behave in their offices so as to answer the good ends for which they were put into them. In one word, they will now be the subjects of that divine and universal principle of good conduct, which may, under God, be depended on, to carry them thro’ the whole of their duty, upon all occasions, under all difficulties, and in opposition to all temptations, to the rendring the people, over whom they bear rule, as happy as ’tis in their power to make them.

To be sure, without a principle of religion, none of their services for the public will meet with the divine approbation. ’Tis therefore, in respect of themselves, a matter of absolute necessity that they be possess’d of the true fear of God. It won’t suffice, should they behave well in their places, if they have no higher view herein than their Edition: current; Page: [168] own private interest; if they are influenced, not from a due regard to God, his honour and authority, but from love to themselves. This will spoil their best services, in point of the divine acceptance: Whereas, if they act from a principle of religion, what they do in a way of serving their generation will be kindly taken at the hands of a merciful God, and he will, thro’ Jesus Christ, amply reward them for it, in the great day of retribution.]

application

It now remains to apply what has been said to rulers and people.

And ’tis fit I should first turn the discourse into an address to your Excellency, as it has pleased God and the king to advance you to the first seat of government, among those who bear rule in this province.

The administration, sir, is devolved on you in the darkest day, it may be, New-England ever saw; when there was never more occasion for distinguishing talents in a governour, to direct the public counsels, and minister to the relief and comfort of a poor people, groaning under the calamities of war and debt, and, what is worse than both, an unhappy medium, that fills the land with oppression and distress. We would hope, it was because the Lord loved this people, that he has set you over us; and that he intends to honour you as the instrument in delivering us from the perplexing difficulties wherewith our affairs are embarrass’d.

We have had experience of your Excellency’s superiour wisdom, knowledge, steadiness, resolution, and unwearied application in serving the province: And would herefrom encourage our selves to depend on you for every thing, that may reasonably be expected of a chief ruler, furnished with capacities fitted to promote the public happiness.

We rejoice to see so many posts in the government, at the disposal of your Excellency, either alone, or in conjunction with your council, filled with men of capacity, justice and religion: And as the public good is so much dependent on the nomination and appointment of well qualified persons to sustain the various offices in the province, we promise our selves your eye will be upon the faithful of the land, and that, while you contemn every vile person, you will honour them that fear the Lord. And should any attempt by indirect means to Edition: current; Page: [169] obtain places of trust which others better deserve, we assure ourselves your Excellency will resent such an affront, and testify a just displeasure against the persons who shall dare to offer it.

The opinion we have of your Excellency’s integrity and justice, forbids the least suspicion of a design in you to invade the civil charter-rights of this people. And tho’ you differ in your sentiments from us, as to the model of our church-state, and the external manner of our worship; yet we can securely rely on the generosity of your principles to protect us in the full enjoyment of those ecclesiastical rights we have been so long in possession of: And the rather, because your Excellency knows, that our progenitors enterprized the settlement of this country principally on a religious account; leaving their native land, and transporting themselves and their families, at a vast expence, and at the peril of their lives, into this distant, and then desolate wilderness, that they might themselves freely enjoy, and transmit to us their posterity, that manner of worship and discipline, which we look upon, as they did, most agreable to the purity of God’s word.

Your Excellency knows too well the worth of learning, and the advantage of a liberal education, not to be strongly dispos’d to cherish the college, which has, from the days of our fathers, been so much the glory of New-England: And we doubt not, you will be always tender of its rights, and exert your self, as there may be occasion, for its defence and welfare.

And as your Excellency is our common father, we repair to you as the friend and patron of all that is dear and valuable to us; depending that you will employ your time, your thought, your authority, your influence and best endeavours, to ease our burdens, to lead us out of the labyrinths we have run into, and to make us a happy and prosperous people.

We can wish nothing better for your Excellency than the divine presence enabling you to act, in your whole administration, under the influence of a steady principle of justice, and an habitual awe and reverence of that God, for whom ultimately you derived your authority, and to whom you are accountable for the use of it. This will recommend you to the love, and entitle you to the praise of an obliged happy people; this will yield you undisturbed ease of mind under the cares and burdens of government; this will brighten to you the shades of death, embalm your memory after you are dead, and, Edition: current; Page: [170] what is infinitely more desireable, give you boldness when great and small shall stand before the Son of man, and procure for you that blessed euge, from the mouth of your divine Saviour and Master, “Well done, good and faithful servant: Enter thou into the joy of thy Lord.”

Permit me, in the next place, with a becoming respect, to apply myself to the honourable his majesty’s council, and the honourable house of representatives; whose desire has ordered me into this desk.

Through the goodness of God, we see the return of this anniversary for the exercise of one of those charter-rights, granted to our fathers, and continued to us, on the wise and faithful management whereof, the public happiness is very much dependent.

His majesty’s council, this afternoon to be elected, is an happy medium between the king and the people, and wisely designed to preserve a due ballance between the prerogatives of the one, and the privileges of the other. And as they constitute one branch of the legislature, they have a share in framing and passing all acts and orders. To them it appertains to assist the chief ruler with their advice upon all emergent occasions, especially in the court’s recess. And without their consent, none of the civil posts in the government can be filled; in consequence whereof, no judges can be appointed, no courts erected, no causes tried, no sentences executed, but by persons who have had their approbation: All which, by shewing the weight of this order of men in the state, bespeaks the importance of this day’s business, and, at the same time, demands a proportionable care and faithfulness in the discharge of it.

It is not, gentlemen, a trifling concern you have before you; an affair wherein you may act with carelessness or inattention; with a party or partial spirit; out of affection to friends, or complaisance to superiors; much less upon the corrupt design of making instruments to be imployed and managed to serve your own private schemes. It is not for yourselves only that you are empowered and called to vote in the elections of this day, but for your God, your king and your country: And you will be unjust to them all, if you give your voice as moved by any considerations, but those which are taken from the real characters of men, qualifying them to sit at the council-board.

You all know, from the oracles of God, how men must be furnished, in order to their being fit to be chosen into places of such Edition: current; Page: [171] important trust; that they must be wise and understanding, and known to be so among their tribes; that they must be able men, and men of truth, men that fear God, and hate covetousness. And ’tis to be hoped, we have a sufficiency of such, in the land, to constitute his majesty’s council. It would be lamentable indeed, if we had not. ’Tis your business, gentlemen, to seek them out. And with you will the fault principally lie, if we have not the best men in the country for councillors; men of capacity and knowledge, who are well acquainted with the nature of government in general, and the constitution, laws, priviledges and interests of this people in particular: Men of known piety towards God, and fidelity to their king and country: Men of a generous spirit, who are above acting under the influence of narrow and selfish principles: Men of unquestionable integrity, inflexible justice, and undaunted resolution, who will dare not to give their consent to unrighteous acts, or mistaken nominations; who will disdain, on the one hand, meanly to withdraw, when speaking their minds with freedom and openness may expose them to those who set them up, and may have it in their power to pull them down, or, on the other, to accommodate their conduct, in a servile manner, to their sentiments and designs; in fine, who will steadily act up to their character, support the honour of their station, and approve themselves invariably faithful in their endeavours to advance the public weal.

These are the men, ’tis in your power, my honourable fathers, to choose into the council; and these are the men for whom, in the name of God, and this whole people, I would earnestly beg every vote this day: And suffer me to say, these are the men you will all send in your votes for, if you are yourselves men of integrity and justice, and exercise your elective-power, not as having concerted the matter beforehand, in some party-juncto, but under the influence of a becoming awe of that omnipresent righteous God, whose eye will be upon you, to observe how you vote, and for whom you vote, and to whom you must finally render an account, before the general assembly of angels and men, for this day’s transaction.

We bow our knees to the alwise sovereign Being, who presides over the affairs of the children of men, in humble and fervent supplications, that he would govern your views, direct your tho’ts, and lead you into a choice that he shall own and succeed, to promote the best interests of this people.

And when the elections of this day are over, and the several branches of the legislature shall proceed upon the affairs of the public, we promise ourselves you will act as those, who have upon their minds a just sense of the vast importance of the trust that is reposed in you.

To you is committed the defence of the province, the guardianship of it’s liberties and priviledges, the protection of it’s trade, and the care of it’s most valuable interests: And never was there a time, wherein it’s circumstances more urgently called upon you to exert yourselves, in seeking it’s welfare.

Religion is not in such a flourishing state, at this day, but that it needs the countenance of your example, and the interposition of your authority, to keep it from insult and contempt. We thankfully acknowledge the pious care, the legislature has lately taken to restrain the horrid practice of cursing and swearing, which so generally prevailed, especially in this, and our other sea-port towns, to the dishonour of God, and our reproach as wearing the name of christians. And if laws still more severe are necessary, to guard the day and worship of God from prophanation, we can leave it with your wisdom to enact such, as may tend to serve so good a design. And tho’ we would be far from desiring, that our rulers should espouse a party in religion; yet we cannot but hope, they will never do any thing to encourage those, who may have arrived at such an height in spiritual pride, as to say, in their practice, to their brethren as good as themselves, “stand by thy self, come not near me; for I am holier than thou”: Concerning whom the blessed God declares, “These are a smoke in my nose, a fire that burneth all the day.” And as for those, be their character, persuasion, or party, what it will, who, under the notion of appearing zealous for God, his truths or ways, shall insult their betters, vilify their neighbours, and spirit people to strife and faction, we earnestly wish the civil arm may be stretched forth to chastise them: And if they suffer, ’twill be for disturbing the peace of society; the evil whereof is rather aggravated than lessened, by pretences to advance the glory of God and the interest of religion.

We are thankful for the good and wholesome laws which have been made, from time to time, for the suppression of vice, in it’s various kinds; and, in particular, for the restraint that has been laid upon those, who may be inclined to excessive drinking. Alas! that such multitudes, Edition: current; Page: [173] notwithstanding, are overtaken with this fault. Hard drinking is indeed become common all over the land. And ’tis astonishing to think what quantities of strong drink are consumed among us! Unless some, well capable of forming a judgment, are very much mistaken, more a great deal is needlessly and viciously consumed than would suffice to answer the whole charge, both of church and state. A reproach this, to any people! And if something further is not done by the government, to prevent the use that is made of strong drink, it will, in a little time, prove the destruction of the country, in the natural course of things; if God should not positively testify his displeasure against such horrid intemperance. It may deserve your consideration, my fathers, whether one occasion of this scandalous consumption of strong drink, has not been the needless multiplication of taverns, as well as more private licensed houses, that are too commonly used for tipling, and serve to little purpose, but to tempt people, in low life sinfully to waste their time, and spend their substance.

[It would also redound much to the advantage of the province, if our civil fathers could contrive, some way or other that might be effectual, to prevent people’s laying out so much of the fruit of their labour, in that which is needless and extravagant. It will not be denied, by any capable of making observation, that the excesses, all ranks of persons have unhappily run into, need correction. ’Tis owing, in a great measure, to our pride, discovering it self in the extravagance of our garb, as well as manner of living, that we are brought low. And, if some restraint is not laid upon this vicious disposition, so generally prevalent in the land, we may complain of our difficulties, but ’tis not likely, without a miracle, they should be redressed.]

But there is nothing more needs your awaken’d attention, my honoured fathers in the government, than the unhappy state of this people by means of the current medium. Whatever wise and good ends might be proposed at first, and from time to time, in the emission of bills of credit, they have proved, in the event, a cruel engine of oppression. It may be, there was scarce ever a province under more melancholly circumstances, by reason of injustice, which is become almost unavoidable. Sad is the case of your men of nominal salaries: And much to be pitied also are those widows and orphans, who depend on the loan of their money for a subsistance: While yet, these last, of all persons in the community, should be most carefully Edition: current; Page: [174] guarded against every thing that looks like oppression. This sin, when widows and fatherless children are the persons wronged by it, is heinously aggravated in the sight of a righteous God; as may easily be collected from that emphatical prohibition, so often repeated in all parts of the bible, “Thou shalt not oppress the widow, nor the fatherless.” But the oppression reigning in the land, is not confined to this order or that condition of persons, but touches all without exception. None escape its pernicious influence, neither high nor low, rich nor poor. Like an over-bearing flood, it makes its way thro’ the province; and all are sufferers by it, in a less or greater degree, and feel and own themselves to be so.

And will you, our honoured rulers, by any positive acts, or faulty neglects, suffer your selves to be instrumental in the continuance of such a state of things? God forbid! We don’t think you would designedly do any thing to countenance oppression, or neglect any thing that might have a tendency to remove it out of the land.

Neither can we think, that any former assemblies have knowingly acted, in the emission of public bills, upon dishonest principles: Tho’ it may be feared, whether the righteous God, in holy displeasure at the sins both of rulers and people, may not have witheld counsel from our wise men, and scattered darkness in their paths: And if, in consequence hereof, there has been disunion in the sentiments of our civil fathers, concerning the public medium, and unsteadiness in their conduct, ’tis no matter of wonder: Nor, upon this supposition, is it hard to be accounted for, that injustice, by means of the paper currency, should have taken such a general and dreadful spread, thro’ the land.

But, by what means soever we became involved in these perplexities, ’tis certainly high time to make a pause, and consider what may be done that will be effectual towards the recovering and maintaining justice and honesty, that we may be called the city of righteousness, the faithful city.

It would be culpable vanity in me, to attempt to prescribe to our honourable legislature; yet may I, without going beyond my line, after the example of the great apostle of the gentiles, reason with you of public righteousness, and its connection with a judgment to come.

You are, my fathers, accountable to that God whose throne is in the heavens, in common with other men. And his eyes behold your conduct in your public capacity, and he sees and observes it, not Edition: current; Page: [175] merely as a spectator, but an almighty righteous judge, one who enters all upon record in order to a reckoning another day. And a day is coming, it lingers not, when you shall all stand upon a level, with the meanest subjects, before the tremendous bar of the righteous judge of all the earth, and be called upon to render an account, not only of your private life, but of your whole management as entrusted with the concerns of this people.

Under the realising apprehension of this, suffer me, in the name of God, (tho’ the most unworthy of his servants) to advise you to review the public conduct, respecting the passing bills, and to do whatever may lay in your power to prevent their being the occasion of that injustice, which, if continued much longer, will destroy the small remains of common honesty that are still left in the land, and make us an abhorrence to the people that delight in righteousness.

Let me beseech you, sirs, for the sake of this poor people, and for the sake of your own souls, when you shall stand before the dreadful bar of the eternal judgment, to lay aside all party designs and private considerations, and to deliberate upon this great affair, with a single view to the public good, and under the uniform influence of a steady principle of righteousness; for, as the wise man observes, “transgressors shall be taken in their own naughtiness,” while “the righteousness of the upright shall deliver them, and their integrity shall guide them”; and again, “as for the upright, the Lord directeth their way.”

If there needs any excuse for my wonted plainness of speech, I can only say; my conscience beareth me witness, that what I have said has proceeded, not from want of a decent respect for those who are my civil fathers, but from faithfulness to God, whose I am, and whom I desire to serve, as well as from an ardent love to my dear country, which I am grieved to behold in tears, by reason of “the oppressions that are done under the sun.”

Custom might now demand an address to my fathers and brethren in the ministry; but as a sermon will be preached to the clergy to-morrow, by one who is every way my superior, and from whom I expect myself to receive instruction, I shall no otherwise apply to them than as they may be concerned in the exhortation to the people, which, agreably to the preceeding discourse, speaketh in the words of the inspired Solomon, “Fear God, and honour the king.”

Be, first of all, concerned to become truly religious; men of piety Edition: current; Page: [176] towards God, faith in our Lord Jesus Christ, and the subjects of that regenerating change, which shall renew your whole inner man, and form you to a resemblance of the blessed Jesus, in the moral temper of his mind.

And let your religion now discover itself in all proper ways; particularly, in doing your duty to those, whom it hath pleased God to entrust with power to rule over you.

Be exhorted to “make supplications, prayers and intercessions, with giving of thanks, for the king in supreme, and for all in authority” under him, that by means of their wise, and gentle, and just administrations in government, we may “lead quiet and peaceable lives in all godliness and honesty.”

And as subjection to civil rulers is so peremptorily demanded of you, by the laws of our holy religion, that you can’t be good christians without it, let me caution you, on the one hand, not to “despise dominion,” nor “speak evil of dignities”: And, on the other, let me “put you in mind to be subject to principalities and powers, and to obey magistrates; submitting to every ordinance of man for the Lord’s sake: Whether it be to the king, as supreme; or unto governours, as unto them that are sent by him, for the punishment of evil doers, and for the praise of them that do well: For so is the will of God.”

And as rulers are the ministers of God, his authoris’d deputies, for the people’s good, and continually, so far as they answer the ends of their institution, attend on this very thing: “For this cause pay you tribute also”: And do it, not grudgingly, but with a chearful mind, in obedience to that glorious sovereign Being, who has said, “render unto Cæsar the things that are Cæsar’s.”

In fine, let me call upon you to “render unto all their dues.” Abhor the little arts of fraud and deceit that are become so common, in this day of growing dishonesty. Make use of conscience in your dealings with your neighbour; and be fair and equitable, wherein you may have to do with him in a way of commerce. In conformity to the righteous God, love righteousness, and discover that you do so, by constantly living in the practice of it: Always bearing it in mind, that he, “whose eyes behold, and whose eyelids try the children of men,” will hereafter descend from heaven, “to give to every man according as his work shall be.” Behold! He cometh with clouds, and we shall, every one of us, see him. We are hastening to another world; and it Edition: current; Page: [177] will not be long, before we shall all be together again, in a much more numerous assembly, and upon a far greater occasion, even that of being tried for our future existence, at the dreadful tribunal of the impartial judge of the quick and dead. The good Lord so impress the thought upon the hearts of us all, whether rulers, or ministers, or people, as that it may have an abiding influence on us, engaging us to be faithful and just in our respective places: And now may we hope, of the mercy of God, thro’ the merits of our saviour Jesus Christ, to be acquitted at the bar of judgment, pronounced blessed, and bid to inherit the kingdom prepared from the foundation of the world.

The occasion of this divine message to King Asa, and his army, was the compleat victory, which, thro’ help of God, and in answer to humble, believing prayer, they had very lately obtained over the huge and formidable army of Aethiopians, who had invaded their territories. Asa, as a wise and martial prince, led forth his army to put a stop to their progress, and set the battle in array: and, as a godly and religious prince, sought to God for help and success. He led them into the field of battle to fight; before the battle, he led them to the throne of grace to pray, to obtain mercy, and find grace to help them, in this time of need and danger. He lift up a cry to God, e’re he gave the shout for the battle: That battle, that work is begun well, and like to succeed well, which is prefaced with holy, humble prayer. Asa cried unto the Lord his God: It was a cry of faith, rather than of fear. His prayer was short, but fervent; a prayer of faith, effectual and prevalent: it entred into the ears of the Lord of Sabaoth, found a gracious acceptance, and obtained divine help. God fought for them; and by them; gave their enemies a total overthrow. Thro’ faith and prayer, out of weakness, they were made strong, waxed valiant in fight, and put to flight this vast army of aliens.

Something similar have been the exercise, the practice, and the experience of the people of God in these British American provinces and colonies. Envious and ambitious enemies made encroachments upon our king’s territories, and erected several strong forts in them, to enable them to keep what they had got, and to win more. To oppose their further progress, and to drive them off from their unjust possessions, we mustered, and sent forth our forces; and our gracious sovereign, pitying us, sent brave troops to assist us; but we, not trusting to an arm of flesh, not to our numbers nor strength, not to our sword nor bow, like godly Asa, cried to the Lord our God; we fasted and wept, and made supplication to him; and, blessed be God, he turned Edition: current; Page: [212] not away our prayer nor his mercy from us; but has maintained our right, and given us a series of signal successes.

King Asa, and his victorious army were now returning in triumph, from the field of battle, to Jerusalem, laden and enrich’d with the spoils of their enemies: doubtless greatly affected with the goodness of God, for the victory they had won: their tho’ts might be much employed as to the advantages, they should make of it, to the kingdom. Perhaps they might also be too much disposed to applaud themselves and one another, for their skill, and bravery, and success, and so take to themselves that glory, which was due to God: however these things were, God sent a prophet to meet them, and to deliver them a message from him.

The manner of the prophet’s address was plain, and earnest, and authoritative: he used no pompous titles of honour, no fulsome compliments, no ceremonious congratulations, nor flattering applauses. He came upon a more important errand, and with a holy zeal and vehemency delivered it: nor did he in a mean servile manner, beg leave to speak, or savour to be heard: but, coming in the name of God, and with a message from him, he demanded their reverent attention: Hear ye me, Asa, and all Judah and Benjamin. When God speaks by the mouth of a prophet, it becomes the greatest men, the highest in dignity and power, to attend with the deepest humility and reverence, to hear what God the Lord has to say unto them: considering that, how high soever they are above other men, they are infinitely more beneath the most high God: nor should they take it in disdain, if God’s prophet, at such a time, give them not those honorary titles, which other men do.

The message was partly monitory to them of their duty and interest: The Lord is with you, while ye are with him, and if ye seek him, he will be found of you: and partly minatory; but if ye forsake him, he will forsake you: and partly memorative, to call afresh to their minds, that, before the battle, they were with God, in humble fervent prayer, and in the battle God was with them by his providence and power: before the battle they sought God, in the battle God was a present help: they prayed, God heard; they believed, and were established, were prospered: the victory they had gained, was owing more to God’s presence and blessing, than to their prowess and swords. From the experience they had had of God’s being with them, in the way of Edition: current; Page: [213] mercy and help, while they were with him, in the way of duty and trust, he shewed them what their duty and interest still were, even still to be with God, and he will still be with them. Their enemies were worsted, either fled or destroyed: there was no more war in the land: yet still they needed the divine presence and blessing, to direct their national affairs, and to prosper their public concerns: he let them know, that the continuance of God’s gracious presence with them, depended upon their dutiful presence with him: and assured them from God, that so long as they should be with God, God would be with them; but withal assured them, that if they forsook God, God would in like manner, forsake them. As they behaved towards God, in respect of duty and obedience, God would deal with them, in respect of the ways of providence.

This divine message, I humbly conceive, is seasonable, and instructive to us, in our circumstances, as it was to them, in their’s.

The experience, which we, the Lord’s people, in this land, have had, of the happiness of engaging and enjoying the presence of God with our armies, should make us careful not to forfeit it by any sinful departure from God; and conscientious in our abiding with God, that he may still abide with us. Still we have need of the divine presence and help: we have not yet put off the harness, nor has our land rest from war. Again our troops are gone forth, and we may expect to hear of garments roll’d in blood. The presence of God is as necessary for the success of our arms this year, as it was the last: and if God go forth with our armies, they will be prospered.

As to the expert, the indefatigable, the magnanimous general, who led on his valiant army to battle last year; and that under the greatest disadvantages, and with the utmost difficulty and hazzard, but with an invincible resolution and courage, and a superior conduct, against the vastly greater number of his enemies; and who quickly scattered destruction among them, put them to the rout, and chased them before him: this super-eminent general, the glorious Wolfe, can be with us no more; he greatly fell in the last and conquering battle, and died in the bed of honour, fighting like an hero, in the service of his king, and in the defence of his subjects. But tho’ Wolfe, the dear, the brave, the bold, leader of his troops, can no more stand in the front of the battle, nor give his orders, nor by his words and example, fire their spirits, and make them undaunted, amidst the terrors and tumults Edition: current; Page: [214] of the fight; yet God lives, and still we may have his favourable presence; this is infinitely more, infinitely better: this made our slain general, such an every way accomplished one: this can raise up, and give us other generals, of equal skill and conduct, of equal zeal and fidelity, of equal fortitude and success. And if God be with our troops, we may hope he will: yea, blessed be God, he has: tho’ one is taken, another is left: a general who enjoyed the presence of God with him, in the reduction of Louisbourg, the pride and trust of our enemies, a general, whose very name struck such terror into them, the last year, that they quickly abandoned their strong forts, at his approach, and betook themselves to inglorious flight—Amherst, the wary, the valiant, the victorious, is still left unto us.

The presence of God is equally necessary and beneficial, for the governour, as the general; for the court, as the camp; for the field of husbandry, as the field of battle; in peace, as in war; and for the wise and successful management of affairs at home, as abroad: and our enjoyment of it turns upon our being with God.

There are two heads of discourse before me; viz. 1. That the presence of God with his people, is their only safety and happiness. 2. That their enjoying the presence of God with them, depends upon their being with God.

I. The presence of God with his People, is their only safety and happiness.

The presence of God may be considered, as his natural and essential presence: this is general and universal, absolutely necessary for upholding in being, all creatures, in all worlds. In respect of this, God is the God of all the earth, and has the absolute ordering and disposing of all things, in the kingdoms of men, according to his own will, with sovereign dominion, and irresistible power. Or, as his glorious, and majestick presence, which is peculiar to the heavenly world: there God dwells in the habitation of his holiness, and sits upon the throne of his glory: angels standing in his presence, & doing homage: or, as his judicial, vindictive presence, by which the damned in hell are punished with everlasting destruction, from the glory of his power—or, as his spiritual, gracious presence: which is peculiar to his church and saints in this world: this accomplishes for them, the everlasting purposes of his grace and mercy in Jesus Christ, and blesses them with all spiritual blessings, in heavenly things in him—or, as his special providential presence, which also is peculiar to his Edition: current; Page: [215] professing people: in respect of this, he is with them, sometimes in judicial dispensations, correcting them for, and recovering them from their degeneracies from him, and the ways of holiness: and sometimes in merciful dispensations, prospering them in their public concerns, and giving them all outward blessings richly to enjoy: health in their habitations, plenty in their substance, peace in their borders; and in case of war, success to their arms.

This favourable providential presence of God with his people, considered as a people, is that presence of God, which the text more especially, if not only, relates to. This God vouchsafes to them, for the sake of Christ, the great mediator, thro’ whom he comes nigh to them, and they are made nigh to him.

The safety and peace, the prosperity and happiness of God’s people, depends wholly upon this presence of God with them. This performs many great and distinguishing acts of kindness and mercy for them: for where God is thus with his people, he is for them, espouses their cause, consults their welfare, and promotes their happiness. His right hand, and his arm, and the light of his countenance, do great things for them, because he has a favour to them.

This presence of God with his people preserves them in their greatest sufferings & dangers: when like a bush on fire, flames threaten them with immediate destruction, they are not consumed: but according to the greatness of God’s power and pity, he preserves them, when to themselves they seem appointed to perish. By this, the three Jewish worthies were preserved, in the midst of the burning fiery furnace; and Daniel in the lions den; in the mount the Lord is seen.

This delivers them, in their lowest and most desperate circumstances. When they are surrounded with difficulties and dangers, and reduced to the greatest streights: when they have neither wisdom to contrive, nor power to effect, any way of escape, but, as to any visible means, all hope of being saved is gone; now is God’s times to work: Now will I arise, saith the Lord, and set them in safety. Providence wonderfully steps in, and opens a door of hope and help to them. So it did for Israel in delivering them from Egyptian bondage: then God went forth for the salvation of his people: yea, he rode upon his horses and chariots of salvation, made speed to help and save them. Miraculous appearances and operations of providence, for Edition: current; Page: [216] the deliverance of God’s oppressed, endangered people, may not now be expected; yet God has very strange and unthought of ways, to accomplish deliverance for them: as we see, in the deliverance of God’s people, from their Babylonish captivity, and also in the days of Esther.

This lays restraint upon their envious and malicious enemies: sometimes upon their spirits; tho’ they envy them their enjoyments, and would fain deprive them of them, they cannot find an heart to do it. Thus tho’ the enemies of Israel coveted the good land, God had given them, yet when all the males went up to the feast of the Lord, to Jerusalem, and left their borders exposed to their incursions and depredations, God put such a restraint upon their spirits, that no man then desired their land. When a man’s, when a people’s, ways please the Lord, he maketh even their enemies to be at peace with them. Sometimes upon their tongues; that not so much as a dog shall move his tongue against them: as Balaam, who loved the wages of unrighteousness, tho’ hired with great rewards, could not curse Israel—and sometimes upon their hands; tho’ they seemingly have them in their power, and are provoked enough to destroy them, and have resolved to do it, yet their hands are, as it were, bound; they cannot execute their bloody purposes. So, when the sons of Jacob, treacherously and cruelly murdered the Shechemites, the terror of God was upon the cities round about, that they should not pursue after them, nor avenge themselves upon them.

This defeats the mischievous plots and devices of their enemies against them. When their enemies conspire their ruin, and dig deep to hide their counsels; and when they imagine, they have brought their matters to bear, and are confident of their success, providence lays rubs in their way, and frustrates their machinations: their deep-lay’d plots, and long laboured schemes prove abortive: and God’s people escape, as a bird out of the snare of the fowler. Thus Haman’s plot for the destruction of God’s people, ended in disappointment: and so did the horrible, the hellish powder-plot in the English nation, intended to blow up at once, and in a moment, the king and Parliament: when it was ripened, and just upon the point of execution, it was strangely discovered, and timously prevented. Yea, Providence often brings that mischief, upon the enemies of God’s people, which they devised and intended against them: they are snared in the work Edition: current; Page: [217] of their own hands, and their designed mischief returns upon their own heads. So Haman handfell’d the gallows, he had prepared for Mordecai.

This supplies them, with the comforts of life, so that they want no good thing. This gives them rain in due season and measure: makes their fields, such as the Lord has blessed, to yield their fruits in plenty; so that their barns are filled with substance, their presses burst out with new wine, and their garners are full, affording all manner of store; they have plenty, variety, dainties. If at any time they seem to be cut short, and fear want of bread, and cleanness of teeth, the good providence of God finds out ways for their supply, and prevents them with the blessings of goodness. It was a wonderful work of God, for Israel in the wilderness, a land not sown, that for forty years together, they had supplies brought them, from day to day.

This directs them in all their darkness, and points out to them, the path of duty, the way of safety. When in some critical conjunctures, they are wholly at a loss, and, like Jehoshaphat, know not what to do; when they are perplexed in their minds, and hem’d in on every side with difficulties and perils, and can see no way to surmount, or escape them, providence, by some unexpected turns, opens a new scene, and shews them plainly the way, wherein they should go. God often gives his people direction, as to their present duty and safety, by an uncommon coincidence of things in providence; so that whoso is wise, and observes them, may understand the loving-kindness of the Lord. So God guided his people in the wilderness, and led them in a right way, in all their removes.

This protects them, from all enemies and dangers, and is as a wall of fire, round about them, to keep them from harm. When their enemies confederate against them, unite their counsels to deceive them, and their forces to destroy them, and thunder out their boasts and threats to terrify them; and when they themselves are sensible of their own inability to withstand, or defeat them, and, according to human view, must fall sacrifices to their rage and cruelty; then God repents him for his servants when he sees they have no power: then providence undertakes for them, interposes, and powerfully protects them: their enemies are scattered in the imagination of their hearts, and their hands are not able to execute their purposes and threats: So God defended Jerusalem from the numerous army, and proud threatnings Edition: current; Page: [218] of the Assyrian monarch. So God saved England in former days from the formidable Armada of the Spaniards, and the last year from the threatned, and perhaps really intended, invasion of the French: and but a few years ago, he saved New-England from the powerful armament of their French enemies, who came into these American seas. The ancient famous cloud, the symbol of God’s presence, served to Israel, for protection, as well as direction. God’s presence is to his people, a sun and a shield; a shield to defend them, as well as a sun to comfort and direct them.

This gives them success, in all their affairs. Success doth not constantly follow the probability of second causes. The Race is not always to the swift, nor the battle to the strong. Oft-times the best human counsels are turned into foolishness, the wisest measures are disconcerted, the greatest preparations brought to nothing, and the cunningest politicians befooled; while on the other hand, weak and contemptible means are prospered, and the most improbable, meet with the greatest success. This is entirely owing to the divine governing providence. But when God is present with his people, he orders all things well for them, and prospers all their lawful undertakings. The smiles of God upon them, make every thing flourishing—God’s presence makes their land healthful, their fields fruitful, their merchandize gainful, and their armies successful: as in this last instance, we see by the great victory Asa obtained over his enemies—and may see in the repeated victories of our English fleets and armies, over our French enemies—and in the admirable success of our arms, in this quarter of the world, by the reduction of so many of the strong and important fortresses of our enemies, and even of their capital city.

This repairs the ruins, brought upon them, by the judgments of providence. When God’s professing people forsake him, apostatize from his worship, and live in a presumptuous disobedience to his laws, it is necessary, for the vindication of the righteousness and holiness and honour of the divine government, that God testify his displeasure against them, and punish them, with judicial dispensations. And when he doth this, he often breaks them with breach upon breach, till he brings them very low. But he means not to make a full end of them, but to renew them to repentance, and to recover them from their declensions. When therefore they repent, and turn to him that smites them, he becomes to them a repairer of the breaches, and Edition: current; Page: [219] a restorer of paths to dwell in: and builds them up, as he had pluckt them down. Thus did he to his ancient people: he raised up the tabernacle of David, that was fallen, and closed up the breaches thereof, and raised up the ruins thereof, and built them as in the days of old. So did he by the great city, London, when, an hundred years ago, great part of it was laid in rubbish by devouring flames—so did he by this great town, Boston, when, near forty nine years since, this part of it, and the meeting-house, which stood in this place, and the town-house, and many other buildings along this street, on both sides of it, were laid in ashes. God being graciously present with his people, the ruins in a few years were repaired, and that with great advantage and splendor—and so will he again the dreadful desolations, made in it by the late fire, if he be graciously present with them.

This turns all the evils they meet with into real kindnesses to them. Providence has a vast reach, and by seemingly contrary methods, promotes the good of God’s people: and when they are ready to say, all these things are against us, they are meant for good, tend to it, and terminate in it. So the Lord being with Joseph, all the hard things he met with, were the direct way to his future preferment and greatness. So God sent some of his people into captivity, in the land of the Chaldeans, for their good. So the repeated disasters we met with, in the beginning of this war, have been over-ruled for our advantage. God brings his people low, in order to exalt them the higher.

Finally, This favourable providential presence of God with his people, builds his house, and appoints the ordinances of his worship, among them. Where God is with his people, and walks among them, he sets his tabernacle among them, as he did among his people Israel. He institutes symbols of his gracious spiritual presence with them, to be means of keeping up a spiritual communion with him, and of conveying spiritual blessings to them; that so the common blessings of providence may be sanctified to them, by the special blessings of grace.

These are some of the special providential favours, which God bestows upon his people, according to their varied circumstances, when he is graciously present with them. Upon a review of them, who will not say with the renowned Jewish lawgiver, What nation is there so great, who has God so nigh unto them in all things that we call upon him for? Happy art thou, O Israel, who is like unto thee, O people saved by the Lord, the shield of thy help, and the sword of thine excellency? And with the Edition: current; Page: [220] devout king of Israel, Happy is that people, that is in such a case; yea happy is that people, whose God is the Lord. What wise people would not desire to be, and to continue, such a happy people? to know the means, and use them, to be such?

This brings me to the second head of discourse, viz.

[II.] That God’s people’s enjoyment of this favourable providential presence of God with them, depends upon their being with God.

The text assures us, that this is the only way to this felicity: The Lord is with you, while ye are with him, and no longer; for if ye forsake him, he will forsake you. Their obediential presence with God is the only condition, the only qualification of God’s gracious providential presence with them.

All men, even they, who know not God, and are without God in the world, are yet with God, i.e. in his presence, under his inspection, and the government of his providence. They are encompassed with the divine immensity, and in God they live, and move, and have their being. But as God’s presence with his people signifies something more, than his essential presence, and universal providence, even his voluntary, chosen, and gracious presence, so their presence with God, signifies something else, and something more, than this natural and necessary presence with him, even their voluntary, chosen, and dutiful presence. Their presence with God must correspond to his presence with them, be as a kind of counterpart to it; and answer to it, as the wax to the seal.

As God’s being with his people is his being for them, taking care of them, and dispensing favours to them; so their being with God, is their being for God, owning his cause, pursuing his interest, doing his will, and advancing his glory. God’s gracious providential presence with them performs great acts of favour for them, and their obediential presence with God, lies in performing religious duties to him. It implies in it, their keeping covenant with God. Their covenant relation to God constitutes them his peculiar people: and brings them into a state of nearness to him; for they, that are strangers from the covenant, are afar off from God: and their keeping covenant with God, being stedfast in it, abstaining from all sins forbidden, and doing all required duties, believing all revealed truths, and walking in all the commandments & ordinances of the Lord; and in all designing Edition: current; Page: [221] his glory, is their being with God. So also is their eying God in all providential dispensations. When they look thro’ second causes, and above visible instruments, and see the sovereign providence of God in all events, and adore the divine wisdom & goodness, power and righteousness, truth and faithfulness, in them, and compose themselves to a behaviour, comporting with them, they are with God. When they express a dutiful submission to, and a fiducial dependance upon God in all their wants, and fears, & dangers: when they maintain a prayerful frame of spirit, seeking of God the supply of their wants, direction in their streights, deliverance from their dangers, protection from their enemies, and other judgments, success in their enterprizes, and a blessing upon their labours: when they excite themselves to a thankful praising God for all his benefits: when they endeavour a wise and good improvement of all God’s dealings towards them: and when they conscienciously walk in obedience to his commands: then may they be said to be with God, and not to forsake him.

God’s people being thus with him, God will be with them. Not as if their being with God merited his being with them. By no means: for after all, they are unprofitable servants: and there are so many sinful imperfections attending them, in their abiding with God, such as, distrust and impatience, carnal confidence and undue dependance upon themselves or others, or means, neglect of humble believing prayer, or of holy thankful praises, that God might justly withdraw from them, and deny them his gracious presence. But, these infirmities notwithstanding, his people may humbly hope for his presence & blessing; for God is not strict to mark iniquity, where he sees sincerity.

This hope they may build upon the gracious promise of God: the text carries the emphasis of a promise in it: and God expresly promised his people, that if they would walk in his statutes, and keep his commandments, and do them, i.e. if they would be with him, he would walk among them, and be their God: i.e. would be graciously with them. This promise God has ever made good to his people: they ever found that, when they were with God in the way of duty, God was with them in the way of providential mercy: and God will not now suffer his faithfulness to fail.

Besides, the great concernment of God’s glory secures his favourable presence Edition: current; Page: [222] with them, while they are with him. Should God forsake his people, while they keep near to him; should he deny them the blessings, and load them with the judgments, of providence, while they are faithful in his covenant, and stedfast, and unmoveable, and always abounding in works of obedience to him; the wicked world would take occasion to blaspheme his name, as well as insult his people. They would say, Where is now your God? and upbraid them with his want of love to them, or care of them, or power to help them. Therefore, for the glory of his great name, he will not forsake them, while they abide with him. God’s glory is his supreme end; and the advancement of this is the great design, he is carrying on in the world.

What remains is an application; which I shall attempt, by way of address to several orders of men amongst us. My incapacity for, as well as my unacquaintedness with, polite, courtly address, and its unsuitableness to my function, and the sacred desk, will, I trust, obtain an easy pardon, for my plainness of speech; and the example of our prophet, I conceive, will justify me in it.

As your Excellency is, as yet, in the first and chief seat of government over us, justice and decency require me, in the first place, to direct an address to you: an address of a minister of Jesus Christ, reminding of duty, and exciting to it.

It was the providence of God, which advanced you to the exalted station, you are now in. God is the judge; he putteth down one, and setteth up another; he removes one, and replaces another. You are indeed greatly indebted to the king, for his royal favour and commission, but more to God, for the king’s heart was in the hand of the Lord. God, by his special providence, was with you in your exaltation: and from the addresses of both houses of the last assembly, and from the addresses of the freeholders and merchants of this metropolis, in which they bear public, and most honourable, testimonies to your Excellency’s administration, in respect of the wisdom and integrity, the clemency and tenderness of it, and of your constant views to the public good, and the spirited and successful measures you have taken to promote it; and of your tender care of our trade; we gather, that God has been with you in your administration, as he was with young King Solomon, to give you a wise and understanding heart, to rule and Edition: current; Page: [223] judge his people: and from the favour you have found in the sight of the king, in your preferment to a more advantageous command, we see, that God is still with you. Oh, doth not this favourable providential presence of God, which you have so evidently enjoyed, lay you under the strongest obligations to be, and to abide with God, in all the duties of religion, and in all the important affairs of your government?

Duty and gratitude to the king’s majesty, for his repeated royal favours to you, worldly policy, and self-interest, oblige you to be often with him, by your letters, to his great ministers, to know his royal pleasure, to receive his instructions and orders, and to acquaint him with the state and affairs of his subjects. Do not duty and gratitude to the most high God, for providential favours to you; and do not spiritual wisdom, & your best interest, equally, at least, oblige you to be with him, for the continuance, and increase of political and divine wisdom, for the right management in your high office, & great trust, and for procuring his blessing to your self, and your administration? Sir, you are equally God’s minister, as the king’s governour.

Our gracious sovereign, like godly King Asa, is with God, as we gather from his royal pious proclamations: with God, in humble supplications, to implore his blessing & help: with God, in thankful praises, to give him the glory of his favours: and we see that God is with him, as he was with Asa, in the remarkable success, he hath given to his fleets and armies, and the great victories, which by them he has obtained over his proud enemies, in one part of the world and another. This pious example of the king, is worthy the closest imitation of his representative.

Your relation to us, as our governour, will soon cease: but you will need the divine presence, for a worthy and successful conduct, in the government you are appointed to; especially as it is embarrass’d with peculiar difficulties and dangers from perfidious and bloody Indians. Would you have the gracious presence of God go along with you, and abide with you; you must then be with God.

If you are with God, acknowledge your dependence upon him, put your trust in him, supplicate his direction and blessing, and design his glory: God will be with you, to support you under the public burdens, to guide you by his counsel, to make you faithful in your trust, to defend you from enemies, if any you have, to prosper your Edition: current; Page: [224] administration, to make you acceptable to the king, and to your people; to think upon you for good, and to reward you for your faithful services to his people. God’s presence with you will add lustre to your dignity; this will command reverence to your person, and obedience to your government. And what is infinitely more and better, than even this gracious providential presence of God with you, if by faith and prayer, and a holy life, you are with God, God will vouchsafe to you, his gracious spiritual presence, and bless you with spiritual blessings: and when you die out of this world (for tho’ you are an earthly God, you must die like a man), he will, thro’ the merits of Christ, receive you into his immediate glorious presence in heaven, and bestow inconceivably higher honours on you there, than ever he did in this world: he will set you upon a more glorious throne, & crown you with a richer crown, than even your royal master himself is now possessed of.

[But it is fit, and safe to be told the worst, as well as best: therefore permit me, sir, in patience, and without offence, to add, what our prophet said to a great king, his own king, and a godly king; if you forsake God, which God forbid, he will forsake you: if you neglect and reject him, he will do so by you; and make as light account of you, as you can of him. Yea, and as was threatned to a great prince, tho’ you were the signet upon his right hand, he would pluck you thence, and cast you off for ever; for the mouth of the Lord has spoken it, and spake it to the chief ruler of his people; Them that honour me, I will honour: and they, that despise me, shall be lightly esteemed. Wherefore, let king David’s advice, or rather charge, to his royal son and successor, be acceptable to you, and his arguments, have their due weight: And thou, Solomon, my son, know thou the God of thy father, and serve him with a perfect heart, and a willing mind; if thou seek him, he will be found of thee, but if thou forsake him, he will cast thee off for ever.]

Your removal, excellent sir, from this seat of government, will be in a short time: The ancient form of blessing was, The Lord be with thee. A greater blessing we cannot wish you, than that God’s presence may go with you, when he carries you hence. This blessing we wish you, this day, out of the house of the Lord.

In the next place, I shall offer an address, to the honourable, his majesty’s council, and the House of Representatives; and that with a like plainness of speech.

God, in his providence, has devolved upon you a great share, as of the honours, so of the cares and burdens of the government: you are as the eyes and hands of this people, to see and to act for them. You are entrusted with our most valuable priviledges, civil and religious: and, according to your management of them, we are like to be a happy or miserable people. Very important therefore, is your trust and your work; and requires superior intellectual and moral endowments for the faithful discharge and performance of the same. Will you not then be with God, who saith, counsel is mine, and sound wisdom: with God, who giveth wisdom to the wise, and knowledge to them that know understanding. It was the wisdom, honour and safety of Judah, that Judah yet ruleth with God, and is faithful with the saints. It will be no less your’s, to be and to do so to.

You are piously beginning the great affairs of the year with God, in the religious exercises of his house, into which you have called us. Your care must be to be with God in the court-house too; or your being with him here will be but base hypocritical flattery, and an affront to that God, who will not be mocked.

Would you be with God in the elections of the present day, you must, according to your best judgment, choose such as God will approve. As to us your subjects, you are at liberty to choose into the king’s council whom you please: not so as to God. He has given you the character of those, that shall rule his people, and a charge to make choice of such: you are therefore bound in conscience to God, as well as honour to the king, and fidelity to this people, to do your best to elect such; and to provide out of all the people, able men, men of sense and substance; such as fear God; men of virtue and piety; men of truth, hating coveteousness; men of fidelity, generosity, and a public spirit: for the God of Israel has said, and the rock of Israel spake; he that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God.

If, in the elections of this day, you have no regard to the intellectual powers, moral characters and qualifications of men: if from fear or favour, from party spirit or any sinister views, you knowingly make choice of those who want them; you will forsake God, and act without, or rather against, him; and give him just occasion to complain of you, as of his people of old; they have set up kings, but not by me, not by my direction and order, nor according to my will: they have made Edition: current; Page: [226] princes, and I knew it not: I approved it not. In this case, can you expect God’s gracious presence with you? and if you forsake God the first day, and in the chief business of the day; and which has such an interesting influence upon all the succeeding businesses of the year, will it not bode ill to you, and to your people? But we hope better things; and that, as you are, now, and here, beginning with God, you will abide with him thro’ the important elections of the day; and also thro’ all the future sessions of the year; and that in the great & weighty affairs, that come before you, you will seek to God for that knowledge, that will make you understanding in the times, and enable you to know the true interests of your people, and the best methods to promote them; and for that fidelity and resolution, that will embolden you to pursue them, and for the divine blessing to prosper them.

Should you, from a vain conceit of your own wisdom and sufficiency, forsake God, and ask neither his counsel nor blessing; or do it only in a formal, customary, complimental manner; you may justly fear, that God will forsake you, turn you over into the hands of your own counsels, leave you to the darkness & lusts of your own minds, mingle a perverse spirit in the midst of you, suffer parties to be formed, dissentions to prevail, and passion, self-interest, and a party spirit, rather than reason, justice, and a public spirit, to influence and govern you. In this case, your counsels will be carried headlong; and, in all probability, be extreamly prejudicial, if not fatal, to the common-wealth.

God will be with you, in your assemblies, whether you be with him or no: judicially, if not graciously. He will be an inspecter, an observer, a judge. However unaccountable you may be to your people, you must give account to him. Bear it in mind then, and act under the solemn realizing thought of it, that God standeth in the congregation of the mighty: He judgeth among the Gods.

Would it not be tho’t, without the limits of my present call, I would, in a few words, address the honourable the judges in our courts of judicature, and the honoured the justices in our towns and counties.

The names, the estates, the liberties, and even the lives of the subjects, Edition: current; Page: [227] are deeply interested in your judgments: high is your office, awful is your work: and in some cases, attended with peculiar difficulties, perhaps temptations. You need not only the laws of the land for your directory, but wisdom, fidelity and courage, to make a right and just application of them. You are to hear the cause of your brethren, and to judge righteously, between every man and his brother; not to respect persons in judgment, but to hear the small as well as the great; and not be afraid of the faces of men; for the judgment is the Lord’s. You must take heed, therefore, what you do; for you judge not for man, but for the Lord, who is with you in the judgment. Wherefore be you with God, and let the fear of the Lord be upon you. Put on righteousness, and let it cloath you, and your judgment will be as a robe, and a diadem: your greatest comfort, your brightest ornament. God will own and honour you; men will fear and reverence you. But if you forsake God in the judgment, and judge after the sight of your eyes, respect persons and not causes, receive bribes, use partiality, justify the wicked, and condemn the righteous, you will be an abomination to the Lord, and the abhorrence of his people.

Remember, sirs, that tho’ now you sit upon the bench, you must one day stand at the bar. If you have been with God in the judgment, and studied to do justice, to discountenance vice, and to encourage vertue, you will be acquitted in the great audit day; and Christ, the judge, will confer inexpressible honour upon you; will take you to be assessors with him, and you shall judge the world, yea angels. But, if you have forsaken God, and been unjust judges, wo unto you, a more severe & tremendous sentence will be past upon you, than you ever past upon the most flagitious criminal. Now therefore, be instructed, ye judges of the earth, and serve the Lord with fear.

The text leads me particularly to address the gentlemen of the military order and life: but, as they have willingly, and generously offered themselves, to the service, and defence of their country, and are gone to the help of the Lord, to the help of the Lord, against the mighty, and to jeopard their lives in the high places of the field, I forbear—only let our hearts be towards them, our good wishes follow them, and our fervent prayers be to God for them.

My reverend fathers and brethren, will not, I trust, take it amiss, if, upon this occasion, one of the least, and most unworthy, of their order, presumes, by a word of address, to stir up their pure minds by Edition: current; Page: [228] way of remembrance; notwithstanding we expect a sermon to morrow: for even we have need of line upon line.

God, in his providence, has seperated us, from the congregation of his people, to come near to him, to stand before him, and to minister in the holy things of his house. To us are committed the oracles of God, the ministry of the word, the administration of the sacraments, and the charge of precious souls: And who is sufficient for these things? Of all men in the world, we have need to be with God, and to give our selves to prayer, imploring his spirit, to give us a spiritual understanding in the mysteries of the gospel, & to lead us into all truth: his presence, to animate us in our holy work, and to carry us above all the discouragements we meet with, from the carnality and unbelief of our own hearts, from the temptations of satan, from the little visible success of our labours, from the unkindness of our people, and from the oppositions of an ungodly world: his help, to support us under our burdens, and to strengthen us to make full proof of our ministry: and his blessing upon our labours, that we may preach so, as to save our selves, and them that hear us. We had need be with God in our preaching, that we deliver to our people none other things than what we have received from the Lord, and plainly taught in his word; that we keep back nothing that is profitable, nor shun to declare the whole counsel of God: and that we do not offer to the Lord that which cost us nothing, nor utter rashly before him, the sudden, undigested conceptions of our minds. We should be with God in our lives, and like Noah that antediluvian preacher of righteousness, walk with God, and be exemplary in faith and purity, and all the vertues of a holy life; that all may take knowledge of us, that we have been, and are with God. If we are thus with God, we may hope, he will be graciously present with us, to assist, instruct, encourage, and succeed us, in our ministerial work. We have that gracious promise of our divine Master to rely upon, and plead, Lo, I am with you always: and when we have served our generation, according to his will, and are not suffered to continue by reason of death, he will take us into his immediate presence in glory; for he has said, Where I am, there also shall my servant be: and having, thro’ grace, been instrumental of turning many to righteousness, we shall shine as the brightness of the firmament, and as the stars for ever and ever.

But, if we forsake God, become strangers to prayer, and ashamed of the gospel of Christ, and the religion of the Bible: if we trust to the strength of our own reason, and the imaginary greatness of our learning; and preach for doctrines, the unscriptural conceits of our own brains, or the erroneous notions of others; if we corrupt the word of God, and preach another gospel; if we neglect or mislead the souls committed to our charge; and, by the badness of our lives, contradict and frustrate the end of our ministry, we have reason to fear, that God will forsake us utterly; and abandon us to the giddiness and wildness of our own fancies, to the blindness and pride of our own natural reason, to a reprobate mind, and to the delusions of satan: and that, having been wandring stars, the blackness of darkness for ever will be reserved for us; and that, in that outer darkness, we shall have our miserable portion, but just punishment, and be the subjects of a greater damnation.

Finally, I would address a word to this whole people: Hear ye me, all Judah and Benjamin: hear this all ye people, and give ear all ye inhabitants of the land: and, if I might do it without presumption and offence, I would use the pathetic words of Moses; and set your hearts to all the words, which, from God’s word, I testify among you this day; for it is not a vain thing for you, because it is your life. Your peace & safety, your prosperity and happiness, your life, your all turns upon it: The Lord is with you, while ye be with him; if ye seek him, he will be found of you, but if ye forsake him, he will forsake you.

If ye be with God, become a praying and religious people, acting up to your covenant relation and engagements to him, walking in all holy obedience to his laws, and attendance upon his worship and ordinances; God will be with you, and give you the tokens of his gracious presence, in providential mercies. The name of your land will be Jehovah Shammah, the Lord is there. God’s presence with you, will be your surest defence, your highest glory, your truest felicity. This will derive a blessing upon all your labours, husbandry, merchandize, fishery, & whatever you set your hands unto—and upon all your enjoyments. This will make your governour a Nehemiah, seeking your prosperity; this will give you wise & faithful rulers, skilful and upright judges, zealous and godly magistrates; and will make your officers peace, and your exactors righteousness: this will give you holy & orthodox ministers, pure and peaceable churches, learned & flourishing academies; and, in time of war, valiant soldiers and victorious Edition: current; Page: [230] armies. Yea, if you are indeed religiously with God, he will afford his gracious spiritual presence with his word and ordinances; this will make you a holy, as his providential presence will make you, a happy people. Then your righteousness will go forth as brightness, and your salvation, as a lamp that burneth: they’ll be conspicuous and comfortable.

But if you forsake God, cast off your dependance upon him, and refuse subjection to him: if you apostatize from his truths and ways and worship; if you disregard his interest & glory, God will forsake you; you will become the people of his wrath, and may fear, he will write Lo-ammi upon you, disown you, reject you, break down the hedge he has set about you; and open a gap for ruinous judgments to rush in upon you; that as he has loaded you with benefits, he will heap mischiefs upon you. Wo unto you, if God depart from you; with him goes all good. Sinning Judah and Benjamin at length found it so; and so may you too.

To prevent then the misery of a departed God, and to enjoy the blessedness of a graciously present God, Oh be ye with God! And, because this people have backslidden from God, with a grievous backsliding, are become loose in their principles, and vicious in their lives; a people laden with iniquity; Oh return to God, by a hearty repentance, and thorow reformation, and abide with him, in the ways of obedience, that God may abide with you, in the ways of mercy. Then his salvation will be nigh unto you, and glory will dwell in your land.

To conclude. Let us all, let persons of every order and condition, realize it, that the gracious presence of God with us, is the one thing needful, the all-comprehending blessing: and, by a conscientious walking with God, let us engage it with us. The presence of God makes heaven itself such a holy and blessed place: the more of God’s presence we have with us, the more like heaven will it make our land, in point of true holiness and true happiness—let us then, with Israel, deprecate, God forbid, we should forsake the Lord: and with them deliberately resolve, Nay, but we will serve the Lord; and with Solomon, earnestly pray, The Lord our God be with us, as he was with our fathers; let him not leave us, nor forsake us. Amen: And let all the people say, Amen.

the dedication

Did not a wide ocean intervene, the author of the ensuing discourse would not presume to prefix so great a name to a little performance of his, without first humbly requesting the indulgence, and obtaining it. Nor would he trust to the sufficiency of that apology for taking this liberty, did not some persons perswade him to hope, it will be kindly and condescendingly taken as a testimony of that sincere gratitude and high veneration, which not only he but his country has for one, who hath twice at least been a principal instrument in the hand of God, of saving Great Britain and her colonies from impending ruin: Once, by magnanimously conducting a just and glorious war against foreign nations; and once, by preserving peace in his own; by exerting himself to prevent a fatal rupture between Britain and her colonies, and to re-establish such an harmony as essentially concerns the welfare of both.

At the late most important crisis, you, sir, whom no rewards could ever tempt, no frowns of the great ever dismay, no dangers disconcert; and to whom, so good and great in yourself, no titles, however high, could possibly add any new dignity or lustre; you, great sir, was not “ashamed of our chain,” or reluctant at standing forth to plead the cause of poor America; and to stem the mighty torrent that was against her, which threatened to end in a deluge of blood! When it was accounted criminal by many, even to lisp but a broken word or two in her favor, you, sir, was not ashamed or afraid to pour forth all your unrivall’d eloquence in a strenuous vindication of her infringed rights. And, indeed, her cause being supposed good, the more friendless she was, the more she needed, and in some sort deserved, so powerful a patronage. For, surely, great talents were given for great occasions; to be employed in defence of the innocent and feeble. God Edition: current; Page: [236] made some men strong, on purpose to “bear the infirmities of the weak”; that they might be able to assist and support them in their dangers and extremities; as you, sir, have ever done, since you adorned the British senate; and particularly in a late ever-memorable instance.

To you, great sir, under God and the king, grateful America chiefly attributes it, that she is now happily re-instated in the enjoyment of her former liberties and privileges; tho’ she has, at the same time, a very deep sense of her obligations to other great and illustrious personages.

If, sir, you could, at this distance, have an adequate conception of the universal joy of America, preceeded by the most alarming apprehensions for her liberties: If you could be fully sensible how much we ascribe it to you, that they are not lost; how, next to the king, we bless you as our common father, and send up ardent vows to heaven for you; this would, it must give you a sublime, and truly godlike pleasure. It might even suspend, for a while, the severest pangs of that excruciating disorder, which has so often detain’d you from the British senate, to the great detriment of the public; particularly when the late dreadful Stamp-Act was passed. Nay, it might, perhaps, without any other miracle, give you such spirits and vigor, as to “take up your bed and walk,” like those sick and lame persons instantly cured by the word of him, who came from heaven to make us “free indeed.”

So universal, so great is our joy; and so much, sir, are we indebted for it to your good offices! But, alas! what can poor America do in return? Nothing but acknowledge the obligation with as much sincerity as a grateful country ever acknowledged one: Nothing but call you, over and over again, her father, her father; and endeavour to make good your generous engagements for her prudent, dutiful behaviour towards her mother-country: Nothing but erect a few marble, brass or copper statues in honor to you (for America has but little silver or gold); statues that will be of no service to you, since they will go to decay long before your name and memory will need any such poor helps to preserve them.

Alas! America can do no more! Yes, sir, there is one thing more: She will pray that you may long live in health, happiness and honor, that if there should be any occasion hereafter, as in time past, you Edition: current; Page: [237] may step in and prevent her’s and Britain’s ruin, when no other man could; and that, when you must, according to the common lot of men, however great and good (O may it be late!) cease to plead the cause of liberty on earth, you may in heaven, as your reward, enjoy “the glorious liberty of the sons of God”!

The late gracious appearance of divine providence for us, in the day of our trouble, seemed so seasonable, so signal, so important; in a word, so interesting to the present and future generations, that we of this society thought it expedient to agree among ourselves upon a day, in order to take a particular, religious notice of it; and to praise the name of the Lord, in whom is our help. If there had been any probability of our being called together for this end by proclamation, as upon some less memorable occasions, we should not have been desirous to anticipate the day; which might have had the appearance of ostentation. But of that, so far as I have heard, there was very little, if any, prospect. By this perfectly voluntary, and free-will offering, I hope we shall render to God, in some poor measure, the glory due to his name; and that he will graciously accept it, thro’ our Lord Jesus Christ the righteous, our mediator and advocate with the Father. At the same time it is supposed that, in proceeding thus, we give no just ground of offence to Jew or gentile, or to the church of God; which we would by no means do. We only exercise that liberty, wherewith Christ hath made us free, being desirous that all other persons and churches should do the same; and not chusing that either they or we should be “entangled with any yoke of bondage.”

Having rendered our devout thanks to God, whose kingdom ruleth over all, and sung his high praises; permit me now, my friends and brethren, with unfeigned love to my country, to congratulate you on that interesting event, which is the special occasion of this solemnity: An event, as I humbly conceive, of the utmost importance to the whole British empire, whose peace and prosperity we ought ardently to desire; and one, very peculiarly affecting the welfare of these colonies. Believe me, I lately took no inconsiderable part with you in your grief, and gloomy apprehensions, on account of a certain parliamentary act, which you supposed ruinous in its tendency to the Edition: current; Page: [239] American plantations, and, eventually, to Great-Britain. I now partake no less in your common joy, on account of the repeal of that act; whereby these colonies are emancipated from a slavish, inglorious bondage; are re-instated in the enjoyment of their ancient rights and privileges, and a foundation is laid for lasting harmony between Great-Britain and them, to their mutual advantage.

But when you requested me to preach a sermon on this joyful occasion, I conclude it was neither your expectation nor desire, that I should enter very particularly into a political consideration of the affair. Had I conceived this to have been your intention, I must, tho’ with reluctance, have given you a refusal; partly from a conviction of the impropriety of minutely discussing points of this nature in the pulpit, and partly from a sense of my own inability to do it as it ought to be done. I suppose I shall best answer your expectation, as well as most gratify my own inclination, by waving political controversy, and giving you such counsels and exhortations respecting your duty to God and man, as are agreeable to the sacred oracles, to the dictates of sober reason, and adapted to the occasion. This is, therefore, what I chiefly propose to do in the ensuing discourse, as God shall enable me: And may the Father of lights teach me to speak, and you to hear in such a manner, that our assembling together at this time, out of the ordinary course, may be to his honor, and to christian edification.

However, if my discourse is to be particularly adapted to this great occasion, instead of being so general, as to be almost as suitable to any other, you are sensible it is necessary that the occasion itself should be kept in view. I shall therefore briefly premise a few things relative thereto, by way of introduction to the main design; such things, I mean, as shall now be taken for granted. In mentioning which, my aim will be to express, in brief, what I take to be the general sense of these colonies, rather than to explain my own. For it is on such commonly-received opinions, that my exhortations and cautions will be grounded; leaving the particular discussion of them to others, who are better qualified for it, and to whom it more properly belongs. And if I should be mistaken in any of these particulars, it is hoped candor will excuse it; seeing these are matters out of the way of my profession.

In pursuance of this plan, it shall now be taken for granted, that as Edition: current; Page: [240] we were free-born, never made slaves by the right of conquest in war, if there be indeed any such right, nor sold as slaves in any open lawful market, for money, so we have a natural right to our own, till we have freely consented to part with it, either in person, or by those whom we have appointed to represent, and to act for us.

It shall be taken for granted, that this natural right is declared, affirmed and secured to us, as we are British subjects, by Magna Charta; all acts contrary to which, are said to be ipso facto null and void: And, that this natural, constitutional right has been further confirmed to most of the plantations by particular subsequent royal charters, taken in their obvious sense; the legality and authority of which charters was never once denied by either house of Parliament; but implicitly at least acknowledged, ever since they were respectively granted, till very lately.

It is taken for granted also, that the right of trial by juries, is a constitutional one with respect to all British subjects in general, particularly to the colonists; and that the plantations in which civil government has been established, have all along, till of late, been in the uninterrupted enjoyment of both the rights aforesaid, which are of the utmost importance, being essential to liberty.

It shall, therefore, be taken for granted, that the colonies had great reason to petition and remonstrate against a late act of Parliament, as being an infraction of these rights, and tending directly to reduce us to a state of slavery.

It is, moreover, taken for granted, whatever becomes of this question about rights, that an act of that sort was very hard, and justly grievous, not to say oppressive; as the colonies are poor, as most of them were originally settled at the sole and great expence of the adventurers; the expence of their money, their toil, their blood; as they have expended a great deal from time to time in their wars with their French and savage neighbours, and in the support of his majesty’s government here; as they have, moreover, been ever ready to grant such aids of men and money to the crown, for the common cause, as they were able to give; by which means a great load of debt still lies on several of them; and as Great Britain has drawn vast emolument from them in the way of commerce, over and above all that she has ever expended for them, either in peace or war: So that she is, beyond all comparison, richer, more powerful and respectable now, Edition: current; Page: [241] than she would have been, if our fathers had never emigrated: And both they and their posterity have, in effect, been labouring, from first to last, for the aggrandizement of the mother-country. In this light, that share of common sense, which the colonists have, be it more or less, leads them to consider things.

It is taken for granted, that as the surprising, unexampled growth of these colonies, to the extension of his majesty’s dominion, and prodigious advantage of Britain in many respects, has been chiefly owing, under God, to the liberty enjoyed here; so the infraction thereof in two such capital points as those before referred to, would undoubtedly discourage the trade, industry and population of the colonies, by rendering property insecure and precarious; would soon drain them of all their little circulating money; would put it absolutely out of their power to purchase British commodities, force them into manufactures of their own, and terminate, if not in the ruin, yet in the very essential detriment of the mother-country.

It shall, therefore, also be taken for granted, that altho’ the colonies could not justly claim an exclusive right of taxing themselves, and the right of being tried by juries; yet they had great reason to remonstrate against the act aforesaid on the footing of inexpedience, the great hardship, and destructive tendency of it; as a measure big with mischief to Britain, as well as to themselves; and promoted at first, perhaps, only by persons who were real friends to neither.

But as to any methods of opposition to that measure, on the part of the colonies, besides those of humble petitioning, and other strictly legal ones, it will not, I conclude, be supposed, that I appear in this place as an advocate for them, whatever the general sense of the colonists may be concerning this point. And I take for granted, that we are all perfectly agreed in condemning the riotous and fellonious proceedings of certain men of Belial,* as they have been justly called, who had the effrontery to cloke their rapacious violences with the pretext of zeal for liberty; which is so far from being a new thing under the sun, that even Great Britain can furnish us with many, and much more flagrant examples of it.

But, my brethren, however unconstitutional, oppressive, grievous or ruinous the aforesaid act was in its nature, and fatal in its tendency, Edition: current; Page: [242] his majesty and the Parliament have been pleased to hearken to the just complaints of the colonies, seconded and enforced by the prudent, spirited conduct of our merchants; by certain noble and ever-honored patriots in Great Britain, espousing our cause with all the force of reason and eloquence, and by the general voice of the nation: So that a total repeal of that dreadful act is now obtained. His majesty and the Parliament were far too wise, just and good to persist in a measure, after they were convinced it was wrong; or to consider it as any point of honor, to enforce an act so grievous to three million good subjects, so contrary to the interest of the British merchants and manufacturers, and to the general sense of the nation. They have been pleased, in the act of repeal itself, greatly to their honor, implicitly to acknowledge their fallibility and erroneous judgment in the other act, by saying, that “the continuance of the said act would be attended with many inconveniences, and might be productive of consequences greatly detrimental to the commercial interests of those kingdoms.” These being the reasons assigned for the repeal, we may justly conclude, that if those many inconveniences and detrimental consequences could have been foreseen, the act complained of would never have been passed. And as the same reasons will doubtless operate at least as strongly, probably much more strongly hereafter, in proportion to the growth of the colonies, than they do at present, we may naturally conclude also, that an act of the like nature will never again be heard of.

Thus “our soul is escaped as a bird from the snare of the fowlers; the snare is broken, and we are escaped”; tho’ not without much struggling in the snare, before it gave way, and set us at liberty again. But when I speak of that pernicious act as a snare, and those who prepared it for us as fowlers, greedy of their prey, let it be particularly observed, that I intend not the least reflexion on our gracious sovereign or the Parliament; who must not be supposed to have any evil designs against the colonies, which are so necessary to Great Britain, and by which so many thousands of her manufacturers are supported, who, but for them, must actually starve, emigrate, or do what I chuse to forbear mentioning. No! I apply this, as I conclude you will, only to some evil-minded individuals in Britain, who are true friends neither to her nor us; and who accordingly spared no wicked arts, no deceitful, no dishonorable, no dishonest means, to Edition: current; Page: [243] push on and obtain, as it were by surprise, an act so prejudicial to both; and, in some sort, to the ensnaring of his majesty and the Parliament, as well as the good people of America: Being, not improbably, in the interests of the houses of Bourbon and the pretender, whose cause they meant to serve, by bringing about an open rupture between Great Britain and her colonies! These, these men, my brethren, are the cunning fowlers, these the ensnarers, from whose teeth “our soul is escaped as a bird”: And such traitors will, doubtless, e’er long be caught in another snare, suitable for them, to the satisfaction of the king’s good subjects on both sides the Atlantic, if his majesty and the Parliament should judge it necessary for the vindication of their own honor, or for the public good, to bring them to condign punishment.

Let me just add here, that according to our latest and best advices, the king, his truly patriotic ministry and the Parliament have the interest, particularly the commercial interest of the colonies much at heart; being now disposed even to enlarge, instead of curtailing their privileges, and to grant us every indulgence, consistent with the common good of the British empire: More than which we cannot reasonably, and, I am persuaded, do not desire.

These things being premised, let me now proceed to those reflections, exhortations and cautions relative to them, which were the chief design of this discourse. And the present occasion being a very peculiar one, such as never before occurred in America, and, I hope in God, never will again; I shall crave your indulgence if I am considerably longer than is customary on other occasions, which are less out of the ordinary course.

In the first place then, it is evident from the preceding view of things, that we have the greatest cause for thankfulness to Almighty God, who doeth his will among the inhabitants of the earth, as well as in the armies of heaven. He, in whose hands are the hearts of all men, not excepting those of kings, so that he turneth them whithersoever he will, as the rivers of water, hath inspired the people of America with a noble spirit of liberty, and remarkably united them in standing up for that invaluable blessing. He hath raised us up friends of the greatest eminence in Britain, in our perilous circumstances. He hath united the hearts of almost all wise and good men there, to plead our cause and their own successfully. He hath blessed the king with Edition: current; Page: [244] an upright ministry, zealous for the public good, and knowing wherein it consists. He hath given the king wisdom to discern, and integrity to pursue, the interests of his people, at the late alarming crisis, when so much depended on the measures that were then speedily to be taken! He hath changed his royal purpose, and that of his Parliament, in a matter which nearly and essentially concerned, at least our temporal happiness; disposing them to take off from our necks that grievous and heavy burden, which, to be sure, was not put upon us but with reluctance, and thro’ the dishonest artifices of certain wicked men who, perhaps, intended, if possible, entirely to alienate the affections of the colonists from their common father the king, and from their mother-country. O execrable design! to the accomplishment of which, the pernicious measure aforesaid apparently tended. But blessed be he, who governeth among the nations, that he hath confounded the devices of such treacherous men. To allude to the psalm, a part of which I mentioned as my text; “If it had not been the Lord who was on our side, when men rose up against us,” and if they could have had their wicked will, “then they had swallowed us up quick”; “then the waters had overwhelmed us, the stream had gone over our soul; then the proud waters had gone over our soul. Blessed be the Lord, who hath not given us as a prey to their teeth”; the ravening teeth of those cunning fowlers, from whose treacherous snare we have just escaped; “our help being in the name of the Lord, who made heaven and earth.” To him, therefore, we justly owe the undissembled gratitude of our hearts, as well as the joyful praises of our lips: For I take it for granted, that you all firmly believe, that he who made the world, exercises a providential government over it; so that the very hairs of our head “are all numbered by,” and that “a sparrow doth not fall to the ground without” him. How much more then, is his providence to be acknowledged in the rise, in the preservation, in the great events, the revolutions, or the fall of mighty states and kingdoms?

To excite our gratitude to God the more effectually, let us consider the greatness of our late danger and of our deliverance: Let us take a brief retrospective view of the perplexed, wretched state, in which these colonies were, a few months ago, compared with the joyful and happy condition, in which they are at present, by the removal of their chief grievances.

We have never known so quick and general a transition from the depth of sorrow to the height of joy, as on this occasion; nor, indeed, so great and universal a flow of either, on any other occasion whatever. It is very true, we have heretofore seen times of great adversity. We have known seasons of drought, dearth, and spreading mortal diseases; the pestilence walking in darkness, and the destruction wasting at noon day. We have seen wide devastations, made by fire; and amazing tempests, the heavens on flame, the winds and the waves roaring. We have known repeated earthquakes, threatning us with speedy destruction. We have been under great apprehensions by reason of formidable fleets of an enemy on our coasts, menacing fire and sword to all our maritime towns. We have known times when the French and savage armies made terrible havock on our frontiers, carrying all before them for a while; when we were not without fear, that some capital towns in the colonies would fall into their merciless hands. Such times as these we have known; at some of which almost every “face gathered paleness,” and the knees of all but the good and brave, waxed feeble. But never have we known a season of such universal consternation and anxiety among people of all ranks and ages, in these colonies, as was occasioned by that parliamentary procedure, which threatned us and our posterity with perpetual bondage and slavery. For they, as we generally suppose, are really slaves to all intents and purposes, who are obliged to labor and toil only for the benefit of others; or, which comes to the same thing, the fruit of whose labour and industry may be lawfully taken from them without their consent, and they justly punished if they refuse to surrender it on demand, or apply it to other purposes than those, which their masters, of their mere grace and pleasure, see fit to allow. Nor are there many American understandings accute enough to distinguish any material difference between this being done by a single person, under the title of an absolute monarch, and done by a far-distant legislature consisting of many persons, in which they are not represented; and the members whereof, instead of feeling, and sharing equally with them in the burden thus imposed, are eased of their own in proportion to the greatness and weight of it. It may be questioned, whether the ancient Greeks or Romans, or any other nation in which slavery was allowed, carried their idea of it much further than this. So that our late apprehensions, and universal consternation, on account Edition: current; Page: [246] of ourselves and posterity, were far, very far indeed, from being groundless. For what is there in this world more wretched, than for those who were born free, and have a right to continue so, to be made slaves themselves, and to think of leaving a race of slaves behind them; even though it be to masters, confessedly the most humane and generous in the world? Or what wonder is it, if after groaning with a low voice for a while, to no purpose, we at length groaned so loudly, as to be heard more than three thousand miles; and to be pitied throughout Europe, wherever it is not hazardous to mention even the name of liberty, unless it be to reproach it, as only another name for sedition, faction or rebellion.

On the other hand, never did the tide of joy swell so high, or roll so rapidly thro’ the bosoms and veins of the people in general, on any public occasion, as on the news of the repeal. “Then was our mouth filled with laughter, and our tongue with singing,” when the Lord turned our captivity; this was received as an emancipation indeed from unmerited slavery. Nor were there ever before so great external demonstrations of joy among the people of America; not even when all Canada was reduced, or when it was secured to the crown of England by treaty, and our apprehensions of coming under the yoke of France were vanished away. And some there are, who suppose, that France would not have hesitated at allowing such a number of flourishing colonies the exclusive right of taxing themselves, for the sake of a free trade with them, could they have been prevailed on, by violating their allegiance, to put themselves under her protection; as I am fully persuaded these colonies would not do, for all that France has to give. In my poor opinion, we never had so much real occasion for joy, on any temporal account, as when we were thus emancipated, and our soul escaped as a bird from the dreadful snare. And I am perswaded it would rejoice the generous and royal heart of his majesty, if he knew that by a single turn of the scepter, when he assented to the repeal, he had given more pleasure to three million good subjects, than ever he and his royal grandfather gave them by all the triumphs of their arms, from Lake Superior eastward to the Isles of Manilla; tho’ so numerous, so great, so illustrious; and though we partook so largely in the national joy on those occasions. A pepper-corn* a year added to his majesty’s exchequer, would not surely—! But I forbear.

If you please, we will now descend to some farther particulars, relative to our late unhappy and present joyful circumstances, in order to excite our thankfulness to God, for so memorable a deliverance.

This continent, from Canada to Florida, and the West-India Islands, most of them at least, have exhibited a dismal mixed scene of murmuring, despondence, tumult and outrage; courts of justice shut up, with custom-houses and ports; private jealousies and animosities, evil furnishings, whisperings and back-bitings, mutual reproaches, open railing, and many other evils, since the time in which the grievous act aforesaid was to have taken place. Almost every British American, as was before observed, considered it as an infraction of their rights, or their dearly purchased privileges, call them which you will; and the sad earnest of such a galling yoke to be laid on our necks, already somewhat sore by preceding grievances, as neither we nor our fathers were able to bear; or rather, as being itself such a yoke, and likely to grow heavier by length of time, without any increase, either of ability or patience to endure it. The uneasiness was, therefore, justly great and universal, except, perhaps, among a few individuals, who either did not attend to consequences, or who expected to find their private account in the public calamity, by exercising the gainful, tho’ invidious, and not very reputable office of task-masters over their groaning countrymen and brethren. Even our bought Negro slaves apparently shared in the common distress: For which one cannot easily account, except by supposing that even some of them saw, that if the act took place, their masters might soon be too poor to provide them suitable food and raiment; and thought it would be more ignominious and wretched to be the servants of servants, than of free-men.

But to return. The general discontent operated very differently upon the minds of different people, according to the diversity of their natural tempers and constitutions, their education, religious principles, or the prudential maxims which they had espoused. Some at once grew melancholy, sitting down in a kind of lethargic, dull desparation of relief, by any means whatever. Others were thrown into a sort of consternation, not unlike to a phrenzy occasioned by a raging fever; being ready to do any thing or every thing, to obtain relief; but yet, unhappily, not knowing what, when, where, how; nor having any two rational and consistent ideas about the matter; scarce more than a person in a delirium has of the nature of, or proper Edition: current; Page: [248] method of curing the fever, which is the cause of his madness. Some few were, I believe, upon the principles of Sibthorp, Manwaring, Filmer, and that goodly tribe, determined to go no farther in order to obtain redress, than in the way of petition and remonstrance; and this, even tho’ they had been sure of success in some hardy enterprize. Others, who had no religious scruples of this kind, yet thought it extremely imprudent and hazardous to oppose a superior power in such a manner as might, perhaps, draw the whole weight of its resentment on the colonies, to their destruction. But the greater part, as I conceive, tho’ I may be mistaken in this, were firmly united in a consistent, however imprudent or desperate a plan, to run all risques, to tempt all hazards, to go all lengths, if things were driven to extremity, rather than to submit; preferring death itself to what they esteemed so wretched and inglorious a servitude. And even “of devout women not a few” were, I imagine, so far metamorphosed into men on this sad occasion, that they would have declined hardly any kind of manly exertions, rather than live to propagate a race of slaves, or to be so themselves. In short, such was the danger, and in their opinion, so great and glorious the cause, that the spirit of the Roman matrons in the time of the commonwealth, seemed to be now equalled by the fairer daughters of America. The uneasiness of some persons was much encreased by an imagination, that the money to be raised by the duty on stamps, would partly be applied to pay certain civil officers salaries; whereby they would become more entirely and absolutely dependent on the crown, less on the people, and consequently, as was supposed, more arbitrary and insolent. Others were anxious, because they imagined, with how much, or how little reason you will best judge, that the money was to be chiefly applied towards maintaining a standing army in America; not so much to defend and secure the colonies from enemies, of whom they had none, except the aforesaid fowlers, as to awe the colonies themselves into an implicit obedience to ministerial measures, however unjust or execrable in their nature. There is no end, you know, to peoples fears and jealousies, when once they are thoroughly alarmed. And so some suspected that this money was partly intended to maintain a standing army of bishops, and other ecclesiastics, to propagate the importance of certain rites and ceremonies, to which they had an aversion; the divine right of diocesan episcopacy and tythes, with many et cætara’s of the Edition: current; Page: [249] like sacred and interesting importance. These strange notions and fears prevailed very much among certain odd people, who liked their old religion, and were not able to see the reasonableness of their paying for the support of any other. I am not accountable for other people’s whimsical apprehensions: I am here only representing the perplexity, into which peoples minds were thrown by the novel taxation, according to their different views of it; a taxation, which was probably never thought of till a few years ago, when it was proposed to a great and good secretary of state, who was far too friendly to the colonies, as well as too wise, to burn his fingers with an American Stamp-Act.

This diversity of humours, sentiments and opinions among the colonists, of which I have been speaking, naturally occasioned great animosities, mutual censures and reproaches: Insomuch that it was hardly safe for any man to speak his thoughts on the times, unless he could patiently bear to lie under the imputation of being a coward, an incendiary, rebel, or enemy to his country; or to have some other odium cast upon him. In the mean time most of the courts were shut up, and almost all business brought to a stand; and, in some colonies, wide breaches were made between their several governors and houses of assembly; those governors thinking it their duty to push the execution of the stamp-act; and some of them trying to prevent the assemblies petitioning, in the joint manner proposed. In this state of general disorder, approaching so near to anarchy, some profligate people, in different parts of the continent, took an opportunity to gratify their private resentments, and to get money in an easier and more expeditious way than that of labor; committing abominable excesses and outrages on the persons or property of others.

What a dreadful scene was this! Who can take a cursory review of it even now, without horror, unless he is lost to all sense of religion, virtue and good order? These were some of the bitter, and in a good measure, the natural fruits of that unhappy measure which preceeded them. Nor were we wholly unapprehensive of something still worse; of having a more dreadful scene, even a scene of blood and slaughter opened! I will not be particular here; but ask you what you think of British subjects making war upon British subjects on this continent! What might this have terminated in? Perhaps in nothing less than the ruin of the colonies and the downfall of a certain great kingdom, Edition: current; Page: [250] which has long been the support of other states, the terror of her enemies, and the envy and glory of Europe! If I had myself, once, some apprehensions of this kind, as I confess I had, I was very far from being singular therein. One of the best judges of such matters, that any nation or age ever afforded, as well as one of the best men, and most accomplished orators, speaking on this point in a certain august assembly, is reported to have expressed himself thus.

Thus the great patron of America.* Even the remotest apprehensions of this kind, must give a very sensible pain to any American, who at once sincerely loves his own country, and wishes that the happy civil constitution, the strength and glory of Great Britain may be as lasting as the world, and still increasing; as God is my witness, I both wish and pray. If Britain, which has long been the principal support of liberty in Europe, and is, at least was, the chief bulwark against that most execrable of all tyrannies, popery, should in destroying her colonies destroy herself (Heaven forbid it!); what would become of those few states which are now free? what, of the protestant religion? The former might, not improbably, fall before the grand monarch on this side the Alps; the latter before the successor of the apostle Judas, and grand vicar of Satan, beyond them; and so, at length, one universal despotism swallow up all! Some of us had, lately, painful apprehensions of this kind, when there was talk of a great military force coming to stamp America into a particular kind of subjection, to which most people here have an invincible aversion.

It would, doubtless, have been a noble effort of genius and humanity Edition: current; Page: [251] in the—what shall I call them? fowlers or financiers?—to extort a little money from the poor colonies by force of arms, at the risque of so much mischief to America, to Britain, to Europe, to the world. And the golden temptation, it is said, took with too many, for while. A Pandora’s box, or Trojan horse, indeed!

• —O miseri, quæ tanta insania, cives!
• Creditis avectos hostes? aut ulla putatis
• Dona carere dolis Danaûm? sic notus—?*

But not to digress. I have now briefly reminded you of our late sad, perplexed, alarming circumstances; not for the sake of reproaching those who brought us into them, but to excite your gratitude to God, for our deliverance out of them, and for our present happy condition.

The repeal, the repeal has at once, in a good measure, restored things to order, and composed our minds, by removing the chief ground of our fears. The course of justice between man and man is no longer obstructed; commerce lifts up her head, adorned with golden tresses, pearls and precious stones. All things that went on right before, are returning gradually to their former course; those that did not, we have reason to hope, will go on better now; almost every person you meet, wears the smiles of contentment and joy; and even our slaves rejoice, as tho’ they had received their manumission. Indeed, all the lovers of liberty in Europe, in the world, have reason to rejoice; the cause is in some measure common to them and us. Blessed revolution! glorious change! How great are our obligations for it to the supreme Governor of the world! He hath given us beauty for ashes, and the oil of gladness for the spirit of heaviness: He hath turned our groans into songs, our mourning into dancing: He hath put off our sackcloth, and girded us with gladness, to the end that our tongues, our glory may sing praises to him. Let us all then rejoice in the Lord, and give honor to him; not forgetting to add the obedience of our lives, as the best sacrifice that we can offer to heaven; and which, if neglected, will prove all our other sacrifices have been but ostentation and hypocrisy, which are an abomination to the Lord.

The apostle Peter makes a natural transition from fearing God to Edition: current; Page: [252] honoring the king. Let me, accordingly, in the next place, exhort you, my friends and brethren, to a respectful, loyal and dutiful manner of speech and conduct, respecting his majesty and his government; thereby making a suitable return to him for the redress of our late grievances. I am, indeed, well apprised of the firm attachment of these colonies in general, and of our own province in particular, to the king’s person, and to the protestant succession in his illustrious house; for the preservation of which, there is hardly a native of New-England, who would not, upon constitutional principles, which are those of liberty, chearfully hazard his life; or even more lives than one, if he had them to lay down in so good a cause. I have not the least suspicion of any disaffection in you to his majesty: But yet the duty of subjects to kings, and to all that are in authority, is frequently to be inculcated by the ministers of the gospel, if they will follow the example of the apostles in this respect. And the present occasion seems particularly proper to remind you of that important duty; since we have now before us a recent and memorable proof of his majesty’s moderation, his attention to the welfare of his people, and readiness, so far as in him lies according to the constitution, to redress their grievances, on reasonable and humble complaint. If any persons among us have taken it unkindly, that his majesty should have given his royal assent to an act, which they think was an infraction of those liberties and privileges, to which they were justly intitled; and if the usual tide and fervor of their loyal affection is in any degree abated on that account; yet, surely, the readiness which his majesty has shewn to hear and redress his people’s wrongs, ought to give a new spring, an additional vigor to their loyalty and obedience. Natural parents, thro’ human frailty, and mistakes about facts and circumstances, sometimes provoke their children to wrath, tho’ they tenderly love them, and sincerely desire their good. But what affectionate and dutiful child ever harboured resentment on any such account, if the grievance was removed, on a dutiful representation of it? Hardly any thing operates so strongly on ingenuous minds, tho’ perhaps of quick resentment, as the mild condescension of a superior to the force of reason and right on the part of the inferior. I shall make no application of this, any farther than to remind you, that British kings are the political fathers of their people, and the people their children; the Edition: current; Page: [253] former are not tyrants, or even masters; the latter are not slaves, or even servants.

Let me farther exhort you to pay due respect in all things to the British Parliament; the Lords and Commons being two branches of the supreme legislative over all his majesty’s dominions. The right of parliament to superintend the general affairs of the colonies, to direct, check or controul them, seems to be supposed in their charters; all which, I think, while they grant the power of legislation, limit the exercise of it to the enacting such laws as are not contrary to the laws of England, or Great-Britain; so that our several legislatures are subordinate to that of the mother-country, which extends to and over all the king’s dominions: At least, so far as to prevent any parts of them from doing what would be either destructive to each other, or manifestly to the ruin of Britain. It might be of the most dangerous consequence to the mother-country, to relinquish this supposed authority or right, which, certainly, has all along been recognized by the colonies; or to leave them dependent on the crown only, since, probably, within a century, the subjects in them will be more than thrice as numerous as those of Great-Britain and Ireland. And, indeed, if the colonies are properly parts of the British empire, as it is both their interest and honor to be, it seems absurd to deny, that they are subject to the highest authority therein, or not bound to yield obedience to it. I hope there are very few people, if any, in the colonies, who have the least inclination to renounce the general jurisdiction of Parliament over them, whatever we may think of the particular right of taxation. If, in any particular cases, we should think our selves hardly treated, laid under needless and unreasonable restrictions, or curtailed of any liberties or privileges, which other our fellow subjects in common enjoy; we have an undoubted right to complain, and, by humble and respectful, tho’ not abject and servile petitions, to seek the redress of such supposed grievances. The colonists are men, and need not be afraid to assert the natural rights of men; they are British subjects, and may justly claim the common rights, and all the privileges of such, with plainness and freedom. And from what has lately occurred, there is reason to hope, that the Parliament will ever hereafter be willing to hear and grant our just requests; especially if any grievances should take place, so great, so Edition: current; Page: [254] general and alarming, as to unite all the colonies in petitioning for redress, as with one voice. The humble united prayers of three or four million loyal subjects, so connected with Great Britain, will not be thought unworthy of a serious attention; especially when seconded by such spirited resolutions and conduct of the American merchants, as they have lately given an example of. Humble petitions, so enforced, always carry great weight with them; and, if just and reasonable, will doubtless meet with a suitable return, as in the late instance; since Great Britain can scarce subsist without the trade of her colonies, which will be still increasing. And an equitable, kind treatment of them, on her part, will firmly bind them to her by the threefold cord of duty, interest and filial affection; such an one as the wise man says, is not easily broken: This would do more, far more to retain the colonies in due subjection, than all the fleets or troops she would think proper to send for that purpose.

But to return; we ought, in honor to ourselves, as well as duty to the king and parliament, to frustrate the malicious prophecies, if not the hopes of some persons in Britain, who have predicted the most ungrateful and indecent returns from us to our mother-country, for deliverance from the late grievances. It has been foretold that, in consequence thereof, the colonies would grow insolent and assuming; that they would affect a kind of triumph over the authority of parliament; that they would little or nothing regard it hereafter, in other cases; that they would give some broad intimations of their opinion, that it was not for want of inclination, but of power, that the late grievous act was not enforced; that they would treat their brethren in Britain in an unworthy, disrespectful manner; and the like. Such things as these have been predicted, and, probably, by those very fowlers who contrived the snare, from which, to their great mortification, our soul is now escaped as a bird. Let us, my brethren (for it is in our power, and it is our duty), make such men false prophets, by a contrary behaviour; “prophets of the deceit of their own hearts.” This might, probably, vex them sorely; since it is likely, their chief aim is, to bring about a fixed, confirmed disaffection on our part, and a severe resentment on the other, while the jealous enemies of the growing power of Britain, wagg their ever-plotting and enterprising heads, saying, “Aha! so we would have it.” Let us highly reverence the supreme authority of the British empire, which to us is the highest, Edition: current; Page: [255] under that of heaven. Let us, as much as in us lies, cultivate harmony and brotherly love between our fellow subjects in Britain and ourselves. We shall doubtless find our account in this at last, much more than in a contrary way of proceeding. There are no other people on earth, that so “naturally care for us.” We are connected with them by the strongest ties; in some measure by blood; for look but a century or two back, and you will find their ancestors and ours, in a great measure the same persons, tho’ their posterity is now so divided. We are strongly connected with them by a great commercial intercourse, by our common language, by our common religion as protestants, and by being subjects of the same king, whom God long preserve and prosper, while his enemies are cloathed with shame.

If we consider things properly, it is indeed our great felicity, our best security, and highest glory in this world, to stand in such a relation as we do, to so powerful an empire; one which rules the ocean, and wherein the principles of liberty are in general predominant. It would be our misery, if not our ruin, to be cast off by Great-Britain, as unworthy her farther regards. What then would it be, in any supposeable way, to draw upon ourselves the whole weight of her just resentment! What are we in the hands of that nation, which so lately triumphed over the united powers of France and Spain? Though it must, indeed, be acknowledged, that she did this, in a great measure, by means of her commercial intercourse with, and aids from the colonies: Without which she must probably have made a more inglorious figure at the end, than she did at the beginning of the last war; even tho’ Mr. Pitt himself had had the sole direction of it under his majesty. Consider how many millions of people there are in other countries, groaning in vain under the iron sceptre of merciless despotism, who, if they were but imperfectly apprised of the happiness we enjoy, would most ardently desire to be in our situation, and to stand in the like relation to Great Britain. Let us not be insensible of our own felicity in this respect; let us not entertain a thought of novelties or innovations, or be “given to change.” Let us not indulge to any groundless jealousies of ill intentions towards us in our mother-country, whatever there may be in some designing individuals, who do the devil’s work, by sowing discord. It is for the interest of Britain, as she well knows, to retain the affection of these growing colonies, and to treat them kindly to that end: And this bond of interest on her part, Edition: current; Page: [256] is the strongest security to us, which we can have in any political relation whatever. We are bound, in honor to the king and Parliament, to suppose, that it was not for want of ability to enforce a late act, and to crush us, that it was repealed; but from a conviction of the inexpediency, the dangerous consequences, and many inconveniencies of continuing it. And the like reasons will probably operate forever against any act of the same nature, and grow stronger and stronger.

It can answer no valuable end, for us to harbour grudges or secret resentment on account of redressed and past grievances; no good end wantonly and grossly to insult, and thereby to incense any particular powerful persons on the other side of the water, as the supposed enemies of the colonies. To me this seems impolitic at least; as it may perhaps make such persons our enemies, if they were not so before; or, if they were, fix their enmity; and make them more industrious than ever in seeking opportunities to do us mischief. Much less can it answer any good end, to affect to triumph over the power of Parliament: This would, in short, appear equally insolent, disloyal and ridiculous, in the eyes of all sober, unprejudiced men. May God give us the wisdom to behave ourselves with humility and moderation, on the happy success of our late remonstrances and struggles! We are bound in honor so to behave, not only that we may frustrate the malignant predictions before referred to, but that we may answer the just expectation of our friends in Britain, who so nobly espoused our cause, and, as it were, pawned their own honor (how great and sacred a pledge!), for our good conduct, if our grievances were removed. By such an engagement they did us honor, as it manifested their candid and kind sentiments concerning us. This lays us under an additional obligation, in point of gratitude, to that good behaviour, which would have been our duty without it. I cannot but here remind you particularly of the words of that immortal patriot in Parliament, who has now a second time, been the principal means of saving Britain and her colonies from impending ruin.* “Say,” said he,

What son, either of America or of liberty is there, that has the least spark of ingenuity, who can help being touched and penetrated to the inmost recesses of the heart, by such magnanimous and generous expressions in behalf of the colonies? Who is there, that would not almost as willingly die, as that that illustrious patron of America should ever have occasion to be ashamed of espousing its cause, and making himself answerable for us? We had other advocates of distinguished eminence and worth, who generously came under similar engagements for us. God forbid, my brethren, that any one of them should ever have the least reason to blush for his ill placed confidence in us; as all of them will, if we shew any unworthy behaviour towards the king, the Parliament or our mother-country, after this proof of their moderation, and regard for us. And if they, our friends, should have cause to blush for us in this respect, what must we do for ourselves! Where shall we find caverns far enough removed from the light of day, in which to hide our heads! Or what reason shall we have to expect friends, advocates and sponsors again, how much soever we may need them, if we have no more regard for the honor of those who appeared for us at the late alarming crisis; when it was accounted almost criminal to say any thing in our behalf?

Let me subjoin, that as the good people of this province had the honor to lead in a spirited, tho’ decent and respectful application for the redress of our late grievances; methinks they should now be ambitious to have the honor of leading in a prudent, temperate, wise behaviour, in consequence of the success; and, if need be, as I hope there is not, ambitious of setting an example of moderation and discretion to other colonies. This honor would be equal to the first mentioned; and would probably recommend us greatly to those, whom it will always be our interest and duty to please; so long, at least, as we can do it without renouncing our birth-right. It will contribute to remove any impressions that may have been made of late, to our disadvantage. It will at once gratify our best friends, and falsify the slanders of our enemies, who delight in representing us as a seditious, factious and turbulent sort of people, who cannot endure the wholesome and Edition: current; Page: [258] necessary restraints of government. May God rebuke them for, and forgive them this wrong!

Let none suspect that, because I thus urge the duty of cultivating a close harmony with our mother-country, and a dutiful submission to the king and Parliament, our chief grievances being redressed, I mean to disswade people from having a just concern for their own rights, or legal, constitutional privileges. History, one may presume to say, affords no example of any nation, country or people long free, who did not take some care of themselves; and endeavour to guard and secure their own liberties. Power is of a grasping, encroaching nature, in all beings, except in him, to whom it emphatically “belongeth”; and who is the only King that, in a religious or moral sense, “can do no wrong.” Power aims at extending itself, and operating according to mere will, where-ever it meets with no ballance, check, controul or opposition of any kind. For which reason it will always be necessary, as was said before, for those who would preserve and perpetuate their liberties, to guard them with a wakeful attention; and in all righteous, just and prudent ways, to oppose the first encroachments on them. “Obsta principiis.” After a while it will be too late. For in the states and kingdoms of this world, it happens as it does in the field or church, according to the well-known parable, to this purpose; That while men sleep, then the enemy cometh and soweth tares, which cannot be rooted out again till the end of the world, without rooting out the wheat with them.

If I may be indulged here in saying a few words more, respecting my notions of liberty in general, such as they are, it shall be as follows.

Having been initiated, in youth, in the doctrines of civil liberty, as they were taught by such men as Plato, Demosthenes, Cicero and other renowned persons among the ancients; and such as Sidney and Milton, Locke and Hoadley, among the moderns; I liked them; they seemed rational. Having, earlier still learnt from the holy scriptures, that wise, brave and vertuous men were always friends to liberty; that God gave the Israelites a king [or absolute monarch] in his anger, because they had not sense and virtue enough to like a free common-wealth, and to have himself for their king; that the Son of God came down from heaven, to make us “free indeed”; and that “where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty”; this made me conclude, that Edition: current; Page: [259] freedom was a great blessing. Having, also, from my childhood up, by the kind providence of my God, and the tender care of a good parent now at rest with him, been educated to the love of liberty, tho’ not of licentiousness; which chaste and virtuous passion was still increased in me, as I advanced towards, and into, manhood; I would not, I cannot now, tho’ past middle age, relinquish the fair object of my youthful affections, liberty; whose charms, instead of decaying with time in my eyes, have daily captivated me more and more. I was, accordingly, penetrated with the most sensible grief, when, about the first of November last, the day of darkness, a day hardly to be numbered with the other days of the year, she seemed about to take her final departure from America, and to leave that ugly hag slavery, the deformed child of Satan, in her room. I am now filled with a proportionable degree of joy in God, on occasion of her speedy return, with new smiles on her face, with augmented beauty and splendor. Once more then, Hail! celestial maid, the daughter of God, and, excepting his Son, the first-born of heaven! Welcome to these shores again; welcome to every expanding heart! Long mayest thou reside among us, the delight of the wise, good and brave; the protectress of innocence from wrongs and oppression, the patroness of learning, arts, eloquence, virtue, rational loyalty, religion! And if any miserable people on the continent or isles of Europe, after being weakened by luxury, debauchery, venality, intestine quarrels, or other vices, should, in the rude collisions, or now-uncertain revolutions of kingdoms, be driven, in their extremity, to seek a safe retreat from slavery in some far-distant climate; let them find, O let them find one in America under thy brooding, sacred wings; where our oppressed fathers once found it, and we now enjoy it, by the favor of him, whose service is the most glorious freedom! Never, O never may he permit thee to forsake us, for our unworthiness to enjoy thy enlivening presence! By his high permission, attend us thro’ life and death to the regions of the blessed, thy original abode, there to enjoy forever the “glorious liberty of the sons of God!” But I forget myself; whither have I been hurried by this enthusiasm, or whatever else you will please to call it? I hope your candor will forgive this odd excursion, for which I hardly know how to account myself. There were two or three things more which I intended to say relative to this joyful occasion.

To go on then, these colonies are better than ever apprised of their own weight and consequence, when united in a legal opposition to any unconstitutional, hard and grievous treatment; which may be an advantage to them. God often bringeth good out of evil; or what is intended for evil by men, is by him meant for good. So it was particularly in the memorable case of Joseph, whom his hard-hearted, envious brethren sold as a slave into Egypt. There he became great, and his father and brethren were at length obliged to have recourse to him, to keep them and their’s from perishing. And thus, not improbably, may good come out of our late troubles, as well as out of those oppressions, which occasioned the flight of our forefathers into the desarts of America. The great shock which was lately given to our liberties, may end in the confirmation and enlargement of them: As it is said, the stately oaks of the forest take the deeper root, extend their arms the farther, and exalt their venerable heads the higher for being agitated by storms and tempests, provided they are not actually torn up, rent in pieces, or quite blasted by the lightning of heaven. And who knows, our liberties being thus established, but that on some future occasion, when the kingdoms of the earth are moved, and roughly dashed one against another, by him that “taketh up the isles as a very little thing,” we, or our posterity may even have the great felicity and honor to “save much people alive,” and keep Britain herself from ruin. I hope she will never put it out of our power, by destroying us; or out of the inclination of any, by attempting it.

It is to be hoped, the colonies will never abuse or misapply any influence which they may have, when united as aforesaid; or discover a spirit of murmuring, discontent or impatience under the government of Great Britain, so long as they are justly and kindly treated. On the other hand, it is to be hoped, they will never lose a just sense of liberty, or what they may reasonably expect from the mother-country. These things they will keep in mind, if they are wise; and cultivate a firm friendship and union with each other upon equal terms, as far as distance and other circumstances will allow. And if ever there should be occasion, as I sincerely hope and pray there may not, their late experience and success will teach them how to act, in order to obtain the redress of grievances; I mean, by joint, manly and spirited, but yet respectful and loyal petitioning. Setting aside some excesses and outrages which all sober men join in condemning, I believe Edition: current; Page: [261] history affords few examples of a more general, generous and just sense of liberty in any country, than has appeared in America within the year past: In which time the mercantile part in particular have done themselves much honor, and had a great share in preserving the liberties of the plantations, when in the most imminent danger: Tho’ this is not said with the least thought of reflecting on any other body or order of men, as wanting in their endeavours to the same noble end. Had we patiently received the yoke, no one can tell when, or whether ever it would have been taken off. And if there be some animals, adapted by nature to bear heavy burdens submissively, one of which, however, is said, on a certain occasion, to have had the gift of speech, and expostulated with his master for unjustly smiting him; I hope the Americans will never be reckoned as belonging to that spiritless, slavish kind, tho’ their “powers of speech” should not, in the opinion of some nameless, heroic pamphleteer-scoffers in Britain, exceed those of the other. However defective they may be in point of “eloqence,”* I thank God they can at least feel, and complain so as to be tolerably understood.

If your patience will hold out, I will add a few words further, by way of advice, and so conclude. While we endeavour to cultivate harmony and union with our mother-country and our sister-colonies, in all generous and manly ways, we should not, surely, neglect to cultivate the same among ourselves.

There have, I am sorry to say it, but really there have lately been many unwarrantable jealousies, and bitter mutual reproaches among the people of this town and province, occasioned by that unhappy measure, which has been so often referred to. Even wise and good men, tho’ all equally against that measure, could not, however, agree what was to be done, upon the maxims of prudence, tho’ alike concerned for the public welfare. Accordingly some were blamed as too warm and sanguine, others as too phlegmatic and indifferent, in the common and noble cause of liberty. Many were censured, and some, I am well assured, very unjustly, as being friends to, and encouragers of, the fatal measure aforesaid. But how far these accusations were just or unjust, on either side, I will not take upon me particularly to determine. Be that as it may, is it not best, my brethren, to let these Edition: current; Page: [262] contentions subside, now the end is obtained, and we have so fair a prospect before us? Are there any valuable ends to be answered by perpetuating these disputes? I cannot readily conceive any: Perhaps it is, because I have less penetration than most others. Be it as it will, I know one, and one whom we all profess to reverence, who hath said, “Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called the children of God.” And, “Let us study the things that make for peace,” said he that was not behind the chief of the apostles, “and the things wherewith one may edify another.” These sayings may apologize for me, if I am wrong in “preaching peace” at this time. And if none will be offended with me for speaking plainly as to this matter, To me it really seems most prudent, most christian, to bury in oblivion what is past; to begin our civil, political life anew as it were, from this joyful and glorious æra of restored and confirmed liberty; to be at union among ourselves; to abstain from all party names and national reflections, respecting any of our fellow subjects; and to exert ourselves, in our several stations, to promote the common good, “by love serving one another.” Let us make allowances mutually for human frailty, for our different views and conceptions of things, which may be in a great measure unavoidable; for difference of natural constitution, an unequal flow of animal spirits, or strength of nerves: Let no one censure another more hardly, if at all, than the necessity of the case plainly requires. I hope these counsels of peace will not be disrelished by any “son of peace,” or any wise and good man, that does me the honor to be my auditor on this occasion; for I mean not to give offence, but only to do good. Such counsels as they are, I humbly commend them to the God of love and peace, to whose holy will I believe them agreeable, for his blessing; that they may have their just influence on all that hear them. And you will not forget, that we must all one day give an account to him; so that it nearly concerns us to have our ways, motives, and all our doings approved by him. In fine,

Let us all apply ourselves with diligence, and in the fear of God, to the duties of our respective stations. There has been a general dissipation among us for a long time; a great neglect and stagnation of business. Even the poor, and labouring part of the community, whom I am very far from despising, have had so much to say about government and politics, in the late times of danger, tumult and confusion, that many of them seemed to forget, they had any thing to do. Methinks, Edition: current; Page: [263] it would now be expedient for them, and perhaps for most of us, to do something more, and talk something less; every one “studying to be quiet, and to do his own business”; letting things return peaceably into their old channels, and natural courses, after so long an interruption. My immediate aim in what I now say, being only to recommend industry, good order and harmony, I will not meddle with the thorny question, whether, or how far, it may be justifiable for private men, at certain extraordinary conjunctures, to take the administration of government in some respects into their own hands. Self-preservation being a great and primary law of nature, and to be considered as antecedent to all civil laws and institutions, which are subordinate and subservient to the other; the right of so doing, in some circumstances, cannot well be denied. But certainly, there is no plausible pretence for such a conduct among us now. That which may be excuseable, and perhaps laudable, on some very singular emergencies, would at other times be pragmatical, seditious, and high-handed presumption. Let all therefore now join with heart and hand in supporting the lawful, constitutional government over us in its just dignity and vigor; in supporting his majesty’s representative, the civil magistrates, and all persons in authority, in the lawful exercise of their several offices. No true friend of liberty can reasonably object against this; and if any persons should, it would shew that, while they speak great swelling words of vanity, making liberty the pretext, they themselves are the servants of corruption, the ignoble slaves of sin. Without this due regard to government and laws, we shall still be miserable, my friends, notwithstanding all that God and the king have done to make us happy. If one had wings like a dove, it were better to fly far away, and remain alone in the wilderness, where he might be at rest, than to live in a society where there is no order, no subordination; but anarchy and confusion reign. Of these we have surely had enough already; tho’ at the same time I bless God, that there has not been much more, considering the great danger in which we have been, with the general alarm and consternation, by reason of that which is said to make “even a wise man mad,” and much more the rash and indiscrete, of whom there is a great proportion in all communities; considering also the absolute necessity there was, or at least seemed to be, of some very uncommon struggles and exertions, in order to break the snare, and the natural impetuosity of Edition: current; Page: [264] many people’s tempers. So important a change in the situation of public affairs, so great a deliverance, has, perhaps, seldom been brought about in any country, with so little criminal excess, unless it were done by God alone, without the instrumentality or agency of men, by nature liable to so many errors and infirmities. But whatever there has been of this kind, ought to be, and I hope is, lamented by all good men. May that God, in whom our help has been, continue to protect us, our rights and privileges! May he direct our paths thro’ this uncertain life, and all the changes of it; and, of his infinite mercy in Jesus Christ, finally bring us all to those peaceful and glorious regions, where no evil spirits, no wicked fowlers will come; where no snares will be spread for us; no proud waters to go over our soul! And if we hope for admission into those eternal mansions of joy, let every one of us, as the apostle Peter exhorts, “honor all men, love the brotherhood, fear God, honor the king.

Are not the liberties of the Americans as dear to them as those of Britons? Suppose your Lordship had broke the laws of his king, and country; would not your Lordship be willing to be try’d by a jury of your peers, according to the laws of the land? How would your Lordship like to be fetter’d with irons, and drag’d three thousand miles, in a hell upon earth? No! but in a hell upon water,* to take your trial? is not this contrary to the spirit of the law, and the rights of an Englishman? Yet thus you have given direction, as the king’s agent or the agent of the ministry to destroy the rights and laws of the Americans. How your Lordship can answer for this agency of injustice before God, and man, will be very difficult: However, if great men, and good men, and Christians can dare to do such things as these (when in power), heaven grant that I may have an acquaintance with them in this world; or if they have any power in heaven, not in the world to come; for I think, my Lord, that such men, who will take away the rights of any people, are neither fit for heaven; nor earth, neither fit for the land or the dunghil.

Your Lordship lets us know that the case of burning the Gaspee schooner has been laid before the law servants of the crown, and that they make the crime of a deeper die than piracy, namely, an act of high treason, and levying a war against the king.

Well my Lord, and supposing this to be the case, are not the Rhode-Islanders subjects to the king of Great-Britain? Has not the king his attorney, his courts of judicatory to decide matters between Edition: current; Page: [307] the king and the subjects? Why then must there be new courts of admiralty erected to appoint and order the inhabitants to be confin’d, and drag’d away three thousand miles, from their families, laws, rights and liberties, to be tried by their enemies? Do you think my Lord, this is right in the sight of God and man? I think if the Rhode-Islanders suffer this infringement of their liberties, granted them by their charter, from the king of England, any place out of hell is good enough for them, for was there ever such cruelty, injustice and barbarity ever united against free people before, and my Lord Dartmouth to have an hand in it, from whom we might rather have expected mildness, mercy, and the rights of the people supported.

Your Lordship’s letter frequently reminds us that this destructive authority (to destroy the lives and liberties of the people), is his majesty’s will and pleasure. How far his majesty may be influenc’d and dictated by his ministry I will not take upon me to say, but that it is his majesty’s will and pleasure of his own mind and consent, I will not believe a word of it, for his majesty is a person of more tenderness and understanding, than to attempt such tyranny, besides, his attempt to destroy the rights of the people—destroys his right as king to reign over them, for according to his coronation oath, he has no longer a right to the British crown or throne, than he maintains inviolable firm the laws and rights of the people. For violating the people’s rights, Charles Stewart, king of England, lost his head, and if another king, who is more solemnly bound than ever Charles Stewart, was, should tread in the same steps, what can he expect? I reverence and love my king, but I revere the rights of an Englishman before the authority of any king upon the earth. I distinguish greatly between a king and a tyrant, a king is the guardian and trustee of the rights and laws of the people, but a tyrant destroys them.

Besides my Lord, the inhabitants of America know as well

My Lord, as this is according to the laws of England, the liberty, priviledge and power of his majesty’s subjects in Great-Britain, why not then the priviledge of his majesty’s subjects in America? has his majesty (as it all seems to be laid upon him) two kind of laws, one for England and the other for America? a power to reign as king and guardian of his people’s rights at home, and a power to destroy the rights of the colonies abroad? I really don’t understand it my Lord, if he has no right to do it, why do you say he does? This is using his majesty cruel. However somebody does it, your Lordship says it is his majesty with his privy counsel, the latter I rather think. However, be it who it will, whether the king, ministry, or Parliament, they have no more right to do it, than they have to cut your Lordship’s throat. Has not your Lordship a right to oppose any power that may assault your Lordship’s person, right or priviledge, without its being deemed rebellion against the king and state? Yes, sure you have! Then surely my Lord an American has the same right to oppose every usurping power (let it be from whom it will), that assaults his person, or deprives him of his own law or liberty as an American. Has he offended? yes! Is he willing to be tried by his own laws? yes! Then, that man, that king, that minister of state, be who he will, is worse than a Nero tyrant that shall assume to drag him three thousand miles to be tried by his enemies.

Besides my Lord, what is rebellion? if I understand it right, they are persons rising up with an assumed authority and power to act, Edition: current; Page: [309] dictate and rule in direct violation to the laws of the land—I believe my Lord, I am right here, for this reason, your G-ne-al F——c, and your G———r T——n, when in North-Carolina, thought so, and like cruel blood-thirsty savages, murdered mankind for thinking that they had a right to oppose any power that attempted to destroy their liberties. This was my Lord a cruel barbarous slaughter of mankind. However, if it was deemed rebellion in them, and they were treated as rebels, because they (as the ministry said) broke the laws of the government of the province; then surely it follows, that the k—g’s m——y, and P—t, must be rebels, to God, and mankind, in attempting to overthrow (by guns, by swords, and by the power of war), the laws, and government of Rhode-Island. Have not the Rhode-Islanders as much right to the privileges of their own laws, as the king of England has to his crown? sure they have! Then surely, that man must be a tyrant in his soul, that shall deem it rebellion in the Rhode-Islanders, supposing they should kill every man, that shall attempt to destroy their laws, rights and liberties.

It is true my Lord, the Gaspee schooner is destroyed, and thereby the laws of England are violated (as you apprehend), by Indians out of the woods, or by Rhode-Islanders, I cannot say who; but it is a query with me my Lord, whether there is any law broke in burning the Gaspee schooner; if it was done by the Indians (which is the current report) then there is no law broke; for the scripture says, “where there is no Law, there is no transgression.” And it is well known, that the Indians were never under any law to the English; did I say, they were never under any law to the English, heaven forgive me! I mean my Lord no other law than the sword and bayonet; the same law that some would fain bring the Americans under now. But suppose my Lord, that this deed was done by the Rhode-Islanders, the query is still with me—whether there is any transgression committed? the scripture says, where there is no Law, there is no transgression: Now, the question is, Do the Rhode-Islanders receive their laws from England? If so, there is a transgression committed against those laws, but if not, there is no transgression, says St. James. For my part, I cannot see how any man in America, can properly break the laws of England. The whole lies here, the laws of America only are broke, let the offender then be tried by the law he has broke, What can justice, I had almost said tyranny desire more: However my Lord, there is no other Edition: current; Page: [310] idea arises in my mind (and it is no wonder, for the Bostonians are very notional), which is, if there is any law broke, it is the king and the ministry who have broke it; for I would be glad to know my Lord, what right the king and ministry has to send an armed schooner to Rhode-Island, to take away the property of the people, any more than they have to send an armed schooner into Brest, and demand the property of France? Know this, that the king of England has no more right, according to the laws of God and nature, to claim the lands of America, than he has the lands of France—America, my Lord, in the native rights of the Americans, it is the blood-bought treasure of their forefathers; and they have the same essential right to their native laws, as they have to the air they breathe in, or to the light of the morning, when the sun rises; and therefore they who oppress the Americans must be as great enemies to the rights of the laws of nature, as they who would (if it were in their power) vail the light of the sun from the universe. Remember my Lord, the Americans have a priviledge to boast of above all the world. They never were in bondage to any man, and therefore it is more for them to give up their rights into the hands of the Turks; consider what English tyranny their forefathers fled from, what seas of distress they met with, what savages they fought with, what blood-bought treasures, as the dear inheritance of their lives, they have left to their children, and without any aid from the king of England; and yet after this, these free-born people must be counted rebels, if they will not loose every right of liberty, which their forefathers bought, with their blood, and submit again to English ministerial tyranny—O America! O America!

My Lord, I hope I need not remind your Lordship of the enquiry that the divine Messiah made to Peter, when they required a tax, or tribute, from him. Of whom, says Christ, to Peter, do they gather tax, or tribute, of the children, or of strangers? And Peter said of strangers. Then, says Christ, the children are free. Now, the Gaspee schooner, my Lord, was a stranger; and they should, if it was in their commission, have gathered tax from strangers: But instead of which, they would have gathered it from the children. They forgot that the children were free: Therefore, my Lord, must it certainly be, that the Gaspee schooner has committed the transgression, & broke the laws, of the freedom of this country. No doubt, my Lord, but Edition: current; Page: [311] they have a right to tax the strangers, that come to dwell in their country; but to tax the children, which are free in their own native country, this will not do! Nature forbids it; the law of God condemns it. And no law, but that of tyranny, can desire it.

And therefore it was, my Lord, that the children (who are by the law of God, and the law of nature free), looked upon the Gaspee-schooner as a stranger, as such they treated her; but when the stranger attempted to gather tax of the children who are free then they looked upon her, as a pirate, who took away their property without their consent, by violence, by arms, by guns, by oaths and damnations: This they thought looked so like piracy, that the children did not like it; and they thought their behavior as strangers, was very unpolite, that they could not so much as pass by these strangers, but the children must bow to them, and come to them; this, the children being free, did not like, and they thought it was best for the children, and the strangers, all to be free: And therefore, one night, my Lord, they went and set the strangers (who, by the way, were all prisoners), free—free upon the face of the whole earth; and then to preserve them free, they burnt their prison. Now, my Lord, would it not be hard to hang these poor men for it? However,

If there is any law broke, it is this, that the Gaspee schooner, by the power of the English ministry and admiralty, have broke the laws, and taken away the rights of the Americans. And yet the Americans must be punish’d for it, contrary to their own laws. O! Amazing! I would be glad to know my Lord, what right the king of England has to America? it cannot be an hereditary right, that lies in Hanover, it cannot be a parliamentary right that lies in Britain, not a victorious right, for the king of England never conquered America. Then he can have no more right to America, than what the people have, by compact, invested him with, which is only a power to protect them, and defend their rights civil and religious; and to sign, seal, and confirm, as their steward, such laws as the people of America shall consent to. If this be the case, my Lord, then judge whether the king of England and the ministry are not the trangressors in this affair, in sending armed schooners to America, to steal by power and sword the people’s property. And if any are to be try’d for law-breakers, it surely ought, in justice, to be them. But the people Edition: current; Page: [312] of America act my Lord very honest in the affair, they are willing to give and take, to give the English offenders the liberty to be try’d by their own laws, and to take the same liberty wherein they have offended to be tried by their own laws, as the king of England has to his crown, or that the natives of Britain has to the rights of an Englishman—consider then, my Lord, how cruel, how unjust, how unanswerable before God and man it must be, by any violence and power to destroy the rights of the Americans.

My Lord, the close of your Lordship’s letter, is such that it is enough to make the blood of every vein stand stagnated as a testimony against ministerial bloody power. It not only gives a right to every American to be angry, but to be incensed against your lordship, wherein you tell the governor of Rhode-Island, that it is his majesty’s pleasure, that General Gage, hold the troops in readiness to assist this assumed court of admiralty, to destroy the rights of the people. What my Lord, is bloody Bonner’s days so near America! O America! O America! What, the blood-power of the sword and death to aid civil magistrates to destroy the people’s rights? Stop a little my Lord, give a little breathing time—for it is a solemn thing to die. I wonder your Lordship’s knees did not smite together, when as the king’s, or ministerial agent, you wrote this authority, how a good man, a christian, and one that fears God, can be an agent not only to destroy the rights of a people, but to oppress them; with the military power of blood and death, is enough to make the earth to reel, and all heaven to stand aghast! Be astonish’d O ye heavens at this! I hope, my Lord, you do not intend to renew that bloody, barbarous assassination in America which I saw the Scotch barbarian troops thro’ the orders of Lord B——n and Lord W———h spread in St. George’s fields, remember the blood of young Allen cries to heaven for vengeance in their face, and a louder voice than Abel’s blood, which cry’d to heaven for vengeance, is still heard in Boston streets, against a bloody military power, and tho’ the murderers escaped by a scene well known to some, but too dark to explain—yet the God of truth and justice stands at the door. Supposing my Lord, that the Rhode-Islanders, for the sake of blood bought liberties of their forefathers, for the sake of the birthrights of their children, should shew a spirit of resentment against a tyrannical arbitrary power that attempts to destroy their Edition: current; Page: [313] lives, liberties and property, would it not be unsufferable, cruel, for this (which the law of nature and nations teaches them to do) to be butchered, assassinated and slaughtered in their own streets by their king? Consider, my Lord, that we must all appear before the judgment seat of Christ, and that it would be a cold cordial for your Lordship, at the bar of God, to have thousands of Americans rise up in judgment against you. Yet I would rather this was the case, tho’ I suffer’d death with them, than they should lose their essential rights as Americans.

But it may be meet to let your Lordship know, that if the Americans unite (as there seems a good prospect of it) to stand as a band of brethren for their liberties, they have a right, by the law of God, of nature, and of nations, to reluct at, and even to resist any military and marine force, surely they must be intended in readiness for the French, and not for Americans, for can it ever enter into the heart of a mother to murder her children? of a king to kill his subjects? of an agent to destroy the rights of the colonies he represents? But suppose my Lord, that this should be the bloody intent of the ministry, to make the Americans subject to their slavery, then let blood for blood, life for life, and death for death decide the contention. This bloody scene can never be executed but at the expence of the destruction of England, and you will find, my Lord, that the Americans will not submit to be slaves, they know the use of the gun, and the military art, as well as any of his majesty’s troops at St. James’s, and where his majesty has one soldier, who art in general the refuse of the earth, America can produce fifty, free men, and all volunteers, and raise a more potent army of men in three weeks, than England can in three years. But God forbid that I should be thought to aim at rouzing the Americans to arms, without their rights, liberties and oppression call for it. For they are unwilling to beat to arms, they are loyal subjects; they love their king; they love their mother-country; they call it their home; and with nothing more than the prosperity of Britain, and the glory of their king: But they will not give up their rights; they will not be slaves to any power upon earth. Therefore, my Lord, as a peace-maker; as their agent; as their friend; lay their grievances before their king. Let the Americans enjoy their birthright blessings, and Britain her prosperity, let there be a mutual union between the mother Edition: current; Page: [314] and her children, in all the blessings of life, trade and happiness; then, my Lord, both Britons, and Americans, will call you blessed.

Wishing, from my heart, the inviolable preservation of the rights and liberties of the Americans, and the growing happiness of England:

The faithfulness of the prophet Micah; the fidelity of his heart, and the zeal of his soul for the liberties of the people, was remarkable. His faithfulness when tyranny reigned by authority; when the laws, rights and liberties of the people were at the dispose of the arbitrary power of the wicked king Ahaz, as it is written 2 Chron. 28. 1.

And therefore this faithful prophet lays the matter to heart, as one that rever’d the liberties and happiness of the people above the authority of the king, and the power of his senates. And therefore says, in the verse preceeding the text, “The good man is perished out of the earth, and there is none upright among men; they all lie in wait for blood, they hunt every man his brother with a net.” And is not this the case at this day? for what is the ministry hunting after now? is not every one hunting for their brother, with the net of admiralty-courts and tyranny? if they can but once get their American brethren in this net, they may kick and flirt as long as they will, they’ll never get out any more. It is indeed said, “In vain is the net spread in the sight of any bird” and that “he has made us wiser than the fowls of the air,” but wherein will the Americans appear to be wiser than the fowls of the air, if they suffer themselves to be taken in this ministerial net?

Observe, that it was a dark time with the nation, a dark time with the church of the living God, and a very distressing time respecting the people, when Micah appeared cotemporary with Isaiah, as a Edition: current; Page: [316] prophet of the Lord, and a son of liberty, therefore he tells the oppressors of the people, “The best of them is a brier, and the most upright of them sharper than a thorn hedge—the day of the watchmen, and thy visitation cometh, now shall be their perplexity.” And is not this the case? Is not the day of the watchmen of America come, who watch for the rights of the people, as the centinels of the land, to defend them from every invasion of power and destruction? Now their visitation in Providence is come—try the watchmen whether they will stand for God, and the people, or not. Now shall be their perplexity of the ministry, who lie in wait for blood and hunt every man his brother with a net, who utter their mischievous desire, and so they wrap it up. For this faithfulness, in King Ahaz, and Hezekiah’s days, the prophet Micah’s name has a singular honor in the annals of heaven above the rest of the prophets in Israel—Jer. 17, 18, 19. because he said—“hear this I pray you, ye heads of the house of Jacob, and princes of the house of Israel, that abhor judgment and pervert all equity.”

Therefore, these sayings of that pious prelate of the church of England, bishop Burnet, in his history of his own time, are noble, valuable and great; especially where he says, “there is not any thing more certain than this: That kings are made for the people, and not the people for them.” Was not David made a king for the people? Was not Saul? Was not Solomon? Then let not kings think too highly of themselves; for the God of heaven never intended they should be any more than the servants of the people; therefore the bishop adds, “that, perhaps, there is no nation under heaven more sensible of this than the English nation; so that, if the prince does not govern, by this maxim, the people will soon grow very unkind to him.” If this be the case, the king of England may immediately see the reason of all his people’s hard speeches, and unkindness to him: It is because he has departed, either by inclination, or persuasion, from this royal standard. Therefore he adds, “the interest, and essential rule for a king is to study the interest of the nation; to be ever in it; to be always pursuing it:” This will lay such a degree of confidence in him, that he will ever be safe in the people, while they feel they are safe in him; and not a moment longer. So that if the king of England is not happy let him thank himself for it: It is not his people’s fault—it is his own. For that king is not worthy to reign, that does not make the rights of his people the rule of his actions: Knowing this, that he receives all Edition: current; Page: [317] his power, and majesty, from them; and how can he think that he has any right to rule over them, unless he rules in their hearts by inviolable maintaining their rights? For as the ministers of the gospel (when in their proper place) are no otherwise than the people’s servants; so the king is no more than the servant of the people: And when at any time, he is unfaithful, as the people’s servant, they have a right to say to him, “give an account of thy stewardship, that thou mayest be no longer steward.” For what can he judge, when a free and affectionate people, lay their grievances, with tears, at his feet, praying, for years past, for redress? and yet he will not hear them!!! Or if he does, he answers them like Rehoboam—roughly: What can he expect, but Rehoboam’s revolution? “What part have we in David? Or what portion have we in the son of Jesse? Every man to thy tent, O Israel.” And there, the pious bishop further observes, “that a prince that would command the affections, and praise of the nation, should not study to stretch his prerogative”; here I think the pious bishop missed it, for it is not his prerogative but the people’s; and this is what makes it so unsufferable, and unbearable, that the king should make use of their power and prerogative, to destroy their rights: This Charles Stewart did, and he fell into the hands of wicked men, and they cut off his head for it.

But to proceed to the words of the text. “That they may do evil with both hands earnestly; the prince asketh, and the judge asketh for a reward, and the great man he uttereth his mischievous desire: So they wrap it up.”

Observation the first.

It is then plain that a craving, absolute prince, is a great distress to a people.

The prince asketh! What does he ask for? Why the tall pine trees, for masts for his great ships; well, let him have them, not as his right, no, but as your gift to him. Well, but the prince asketh? Well, what does he ask now? Why, that the British streets may be paved with American gold; well do not make a word about that? let him have it, but let it be in the fair way of trade, and commerce, not by taxation, and oppression. The essence of money, lies, in what money buys. This England can furnish you with.

But the prince asketh? Well what is it? will he never have done asking? What does he ask now? Have patience, and you shall hear, Edition: current; Page: [318] well what is it? Why it is the favour of the government of Rhode Island, to hold a court of admiralty to authorize them to confine suspected persons (guilty or not guilty), and drag them away three thousand miles, to take their trial by a jury of strangers, if not enemies. But the granting of this, in some measure, depends upon the consent of the governor. But all governors (who are worthy the name) are such as the scripture describes Judges 5. 9. “My heart, says one, nay every American will say the same, is towards the governours who offer themselves willingly among the people,” to rule by their laws, to defend the rights of the people, to protect their persons, to secure their liberties. And this is (we hear) the happiness, power and bulwark of Rhode Island government. For its safety lies in this, that the governor of the province, and the judges of the superior court, the representatives of the people, and general assembly, are solemnly bound by oath, to rule, govern and decide, and determine only by their own laws; if so, they have a right to tell the prince, that though he asketh yet he will ask in vain.

Once more,

But the prince asketh, what now does he ask? Will he never have done asking? Well, but what does he ask? Why he asketh, the women, the wives upon the government of Rhode Island, to spare their husbands from their beds, from their bosoms, from their arms, and from their children; to be confin’d in the horrid kingdom of a man of war’s crew; to be transported back again to tyranny their forfathers fled from, to a land of snares, and the shadow of death. This may be thought to be harsh language, and by the ministry, a hard saying who can bear it? But it is not a hair’s breadth more in meaning, than the intended power and tyranny of this new court of admiralty. And will you not submit to it? No! that is right; I am glad of it, but perhaps, it may be thought rather hard, when a prince asketh, not to grant so small a favour.

But the text likewise says—The Judge asketh for a reward. The judges have the key of the laws, the hearts of the lawyers, and the power of juries, too much in their own hands. The lives of the people, the rights of the subject, and the disposal of their property, was originally intended to be determined by juries only. But as the judges have assumed by custom, a power of dictating to lawyers even at the bar, and a direction to the jury; it highly becomes them more than ever, Edition: current; Page: [319] to be men fearing God and hating covetousness. Therefore it is an ill sound to hear that the judge asketh for a reward, what can it be for? sure it cannot be for freeing the King street murderers, or pleading that it was only manslaughter; if he k—w that it was wilful murder. No doubt but this act of kindness will be rewarded, if not at the judgment seat of Christ, which some despise; yet at the bar of God, when, he shall say, arise ye dead and come to judgment: Then there will be no setting aside a witness in Mr. P——ms case, nor no other.

Again the text saith,

The Judge asketh for a reward! Well, what reward is it, a reward from the crown of Britain? if so, not to let him have it, by no means: For if once the judges of the courts of judicatory of this province become dependent for their support, or salaries, upon the favour of the crown, or ministry at home, you become a nation of slaves to ministerial power; for thereby you submit the key of all your essential rights as Americans, to be in the hands of your enemies: For if you suffer the judges to become dependent for their pay upon the ministry of England, what are they but the ministry’s servants. If so, you may naturally suppose, they must do as the ministry directs them; if not, they will be unfaithful servants; and if faithful to the ministry, where then are your rights? Where is the security of your lives, or your property. For a more bolder, daring innovation upon your right of power, decision and determination by your own laws, respecting your right and property between man and man, between the crown of England, and the rights of America, cannot possibly be made, or attempted to be made, than to make your judges dependent upon the British ministry; it is in effect, giving up your right to all you have, to all that you, or your children can ever possess. As the possession of a person’s right, whether hereditary, or by purchase, depends much upon the determination of the judges. And if the judges are wholly to be dependent upon the crown of England, for nomination and support, then you may easily judge whose servants and slaves you are to be. For it is well known that the judges, or general courts, or some body, has for these hundred years, and more, distressed their brethren in their estates, and in their consciences, by imposing payment for ministers, and for a worship of God contrary to the people’s consciences; and if they have done these things in the green tree, what may you not expect in the dry.

But as the text says, The Judge asketh for a reward. If it be for his fidelity in his high office, for his honourable support, according to the dignity of his character, you are bound in duty, in affection, and in obedience to let him have it. Shew your affection, readiness and gratitude, to reward your judges, as the guardians of your rights; as those who from their hearts, should protect and hand forth the liberties of their brethren to them. This is the way to become a band of brethren from the governor, to the meanest subject. Perhaps, the whole of your complaint in this respect, is owing for want of your taking an earlier opportunity, to settle such salaries, as their merit, labour and expence deserves.

Yet let not this lead us from the observation, which was, that, an asking, craving, absolute prince, is a great distress to a people. Was not this the case of the people in King Ahaz, and in King Ahab’s day, when he crav’d Naboth’s vineyard? Likewise in Jeroboam’s days, who deprived the people of their religious liberties, in worshipping the God of Israel, in his temple at Jerusalem? who set up his golden calves at Dan and Bethel, of whom it is said, this is Jeroboam the son of Nebat, who taught Israel to sin. Was not this the case in Zedekiah’s days, though he was warned by the word of the Lord, and by the prophet of the God of Israel? Yet he was, notwithstanding, absolute and craving, though he was told, it would end in the destruction of himself, and his people. Was not this the case of almost all the distress, deaths, and bloodshed, that have ever happened in England since the conquest of Julius Cæsar? their king’s ruling and reigning, by a dispotic power, which they assumed, contrary to the laws and rights of the people. Were not the Britons obliged by the love of liberty, to obtain their royal Magna Charta, sword in hand, from King John? Was not this the case in the reign of Charles the first, when the people and parliament took up arms, to maintain the rights and laws of the people; and when it required either the head of the king, or the loss of their liberties? they soon decided the matter; they soon let the king know that they rever’d their rights and liberties, above his life, power, and prerogative. In Charles the second’s reign, there was much the same absolute power over the rights of the people, both civil and religious: But he had a peculiar politeness of temper in pleasing even his very enemies. In James the second’s reign, dispotic power was too evident, and distressing for the people to bear; therefore Edition: current; Page: [321] a revolution, both of king, and state, by the spirit, power, and arms, of the people, was soon accomplished.

The second observation is,

That when the king, judges, and senates, unite to destroy the rights of the people by a dispotic power, or as the text expresses it, that they may do evil with both hands, then the prosperity of the nation totters; the crown shakes; and the destruction of the people’s rights is near at hand. For the rights of the people, which is the supreme glory of the crown and kingdom of Britain, is the Magna Charta of the king as well as of the people; it is as much his previledge, as it is his glory, to maintain their rights; and he is as much under a law (I mean the law of the rights of the people), as the people are under the oath of allegiance to him. And therefore whatever power destroys their rights, destroys at the same time, his right to reign, or any right to his kingdom, crown, or glory; nay, his right to the name of a king among the people. Was not this the case in Rehoboam’s days, when the people were distressed with large and heavy taxations, and oppressions? they petitioned the king to relieve them from such oppressions, but would he hearken to them, according to the advice of his father’s counsellors? No! but according to the advice of his young counsel, he answered them like an arbitrary prince, in the speech of his dispotic ministry, roughly, My father chastised you with whips, but I will chastise you with scorpions: But, would the people bear this oppression? No! What part, said they, have we in David? Or what portion in the son of Jesse? To thy tents, Oh Israel. Was not this the case in Zedekiah’s reign? And was not this lately the case in Sweeden, when the king with a few of his senates, and ministry, about him, destroyed the rights of the people, by the power of the sword, and established his despotic will as the law of the land, by the tyranny of death?

Observation the third,

This shews, that an arbitrary dispotic power in a prince, is the ruin of a nation, of the king, of the crown, and of the subjects; therefore it is to be feared, abhorred, detested and destroyed, because the happiness of the king, and the prosperity of the people are hereby, not only in danger, but upon the brink of destruction. Every age and every history furnishes us with proofs, as clear as the light of the morning, of the truth of this.

But it is the singular happiness of the Americans, according to their own laws, not to be in bondage to any power upon the earth. The king of England, has no power to enact, or put in force any law that may oppress them, his very attempting to do it, at once destroys his right to reign over them. For the brightest gem which the king of England wears, in the british crown, is that majesty, trust, and confidence, which the Americans invest him with as the king and guardian of their rights, and liberties.

The Parliament of England cannot justly make any laws to oppress, or defend the Americans, for they are not the representatives of America, and therefore they have no legislative power either for them or against them.

The house of Lords cannot do it, for they are peers of England, not of America; and, if neither king, lords, nor commons, have any right to oppress, or destroy, the liberties of the Americans, why is it then, that the Americans, do not stand upon their own strength, and shew their power, and importance, when the life of life, and every liberty that is dear to them and their children is in danger?

Therefore, let me address you with all the power of affection, with all the pathos of soul, as one who esteems the full possession of the rights of the Americans, as the highest blessing of this life—to stand alarm’d! See your danger, death is near, destruction is at the door—need I speak? Are not your harbours blockaded from you? Your castle secured by captives—your lives destroyed—revenues imposed upon you—taxation laid—military power oppressing—your charter violated—your g——r’s heart not right—your constitution is declining—your liberties departing, and not content with this, they now attack the life, the soul, and capitol of all your liberties—to chuse your judges, and make them independent upon you for office or support, and erect new courts of admiralty to take away by violence, the husband from his family, his wife, his home, his friends, and his all, through a scene, less joyful than Pluto’s horrid kingdom. To be confin’d, and tried for his life by the accusation of a negro.

Has not the voice of your father’s blood cry’d yet loud enough in your ears, in your hearts “ye sons of America scorn to be slaves”? Have you not heard the voice of blood in your own streets, louder than that which reached to heaven, that cry’d for vengeance, that was, saith the Lord to Cain, the voice of thy brother’s blood, of only Edition: current; Page: [323] one, but this of many brethren. Therefore, if there be any vein, any nerve, any soul, any life or spirit of liberty in the sons of America, show your love for it; guard your freedom, prevent your chains; stand up as one man for your liberty; for none but those, who set a just value upon this blessing, are worthy the enjoyment of it.

Which leads me to the fifth [sic] observation, which is,

That it is not rebellion, I declare it before God, the congregation, and all the world, and I would be glad if it reached the ears of every Briton, and every American; That it is no rebellion to oppose any king, ministry, or governor, that destroys by any violence or authority whatever, the rights of the people. Shall a man be deem’d a rebel that supports his own rights? it is the first law of nature, and he must be a rebel to God, to the laws of nature, and his own conscience, who will not do it. A right to the blessing of freedom we do not receive from kings, but from heaven, as the breath of life, and essence of our existence; and shall we not preserve it, as the beauty of our being? Do not the birds of the air expand their wings? the fish of the sea their fins? and the worm of the earth turn again when it is trod upon? And shall it be deem’d rebellion? Heaven forbid it! Shall Naboth’s disputing with King Ahab, respecting his vineyard, be deemed rebellion? Or the people sending home their governor in irons some years ago, be deemed rebellion? It is no more rebellion, than it is to breathe.

Sixthly, to observe,

That when the rights and liberties of the people are destroyed, it is commonly by the mischievous design of some great man. The text says, the great man uttereth his mischievous desire: But who this great man is, we do not certainly know, but may shrewdly guess; but whether Lord Bute, duke of Grafton; or Lord Hillsborough, is not material, but the mischievous design, is what we fear, is what we feel, if they instill in the king’s mind a divine right of authority to command his subjects, this is mischievous. King Charles found it so, Rehoboam found it so, and so will our present king, if he hearkens to such advice.

If they make the name of the king sacred, I hope they mean a political sacredness: If so, he is no more sacred than the people have made him, by investing him with the sacred trust of their rights. If any great man, or the whole ministry makes use of the king’s name, or his Edition: current; Page: [324] authority, to enforce their arbitrary will, as a law to the subjects, that the subjects must obey, and passively submit, because, say they, it is his majesty’s will and pleasure: This is a mischievous design—mischievous to the dignity of the crown—to his majesty’s person—to his security—to his family—and their safety. It is likewise mischievous to his majesty’s subjects, as it spreads discord, disunion and disaffection to the king, to his authority, and power, which is a mournful consideration, and is the bane of all our national distress. The people in England, and the people in America, would fain love their king, and obey him with reverence, and affection, and make him the most happy prince upon the earth, if he would but prevent this mischievous design of the ruin of their essential rights and liberties.

But the text says, “The great man uttereth his mischievous desire”—and indeed we believe he does, in the closet, in the cabinet, and in the ears of the king. Oh! it is a mischievous design, too deep for us to fathom, or come to the bottom of, it carries in it the plain aspect of distress to the king, and distruction to the people. Oh! kind heaven, prevent what king and people have too much cause to fear; however, at best, it is a mischievous design to alienate (by any direction, or dictation) the affections of his majesty’s good subjects; as it destroys the bonds, and ties, of national blessings; their rights, their liberties; their lives; their properties: And if this is not a mischievous design there can scarce be one found out of the deeps of the dark mansions.

But to return to you, my dear Americans, you think hard to pay duties for teas, imports, clearances, entries, &c. &c. But what will you farmers and landholders think, of paying a fixed tax for every acre of land you enjoy? for every apple tree you rear? for every barrel of cyder you make, for every pound of candles you burn? for every pound of soap you use, for every pair of shoes you wear, for the light of the morning, and the sun, that a kind heaven gives you; what do you think of paying a continual tax for all these? this is contain’d in the mischievous design. Stand alarm’d, O ye Americans. But I close with the last remark from the text. So they wrap it up. It will do, it will do say they. The king, say they, has a right to appoint judges, courts of admiralty, impose revenues, lay taxes, send military forces, block up their harbours, command them—compel them by arms—pay their judges—get the key of their laws, rights and liberties into our hands, this will do! and so they wrap it up, as fine and smooth as can Edition: current; Page: [325] be: But I think it is better to unwrap it again. What do you think, my dear Americans? But I add no more—but advise you, as it is a day of public thanksgiving, to bless God for the liberties and mercies we do enjoy; not for those you are deprived of. My second advice is, love your king, pray for him, pray for your governor, pray for your judges, that all their reign may be easy to themselves, and happy for the people.

introduction

Inasmuch as there appears to us a real need of such an appeal, we would previously offer a few thoughts concerning the general nature of liberty and government, and then shew wherein it appears to us, that our religious rights are encroached upon in this land.

It is supposed by multitudes, that in submitting to government we give up some part of our liberty, because they imagine that there is something in their nature incompatible with each other. But the word of truth plainly shews, that man first lost his freedom by breaking over the rules of government; and that those who now speak great swelling words about liberty, while they despise government, are themselves servants of corruption. What a dangerous error, yea, what a root of all evil then must it be, for men to imagine that there is any thing in the nature of true government that interferes with true and full liberty! A grand cause of this evil is, ignorance of what we are, and where we are; for did we view things in their true light, it would appear to be as absurd and dangerous, for us to aspire after any thing beyond our capacity, or out of the rule of our duty, as it would for the frog to swell till he bursts himself in trying to get as big as the ox, or for a beast or fowl to dive into the fishes element till they drown themselves. Godliness with contentment is great gain: But they that will take a contrary course fall into temptation, and a snare, and into many foolish and hurtful lusts, which drown men in destruction and perdition. 1 Tim. 6. 6, 9.

The true liberty of man is, to know, obey and enjoy his Creator, and to do all the good unto, and enjoy all the happiness with and in his fellow-creatures that he is capable of; in order to which the law of love was written in his heart, which carries in it’s nature union and benevolence to being in general, and to each being in particular, according to it’s nature and excellency, and to it’s relation and connexion to and with the supreme Being, and ourselves. Each rational soul, as he is a part of the whole system of rational beings, so it was and is, both his duty and his liberty to regard the good of the whole in all Edition: current; Page: [332] his actions. To love ourselves, and truly to seek our own welfare, is both our liberty and our indispensible duty; but the conceit that man could advance either his honor or happiness, by disobedience instead of obedience, was first injected by the father of lies, and all such conceits ever since are as false as he is.

Before man imagined that submission to government, and acting strictly by rule was confinement, and that breaking over those bounds would enlarge his knowledge and happiness, how clear were his ideas! (even so as to give proper names to every creature) and how great was his honor and pleasure! But no sooner did he transgress, than instead of enjoying the boldness of innocency, and the liberties of paradise, he sneaks away to hide himself; and instead of clear and just ideas, he adopted that master of all absurdities (which his children follow to this day) of thinking to hide from omniciency, and of trying to deceive him who knows every thing! Instead of good and happiness, he felt evil, guilt and misery; and in the room of concord was wrangling, both against his Creator and his fellow-creature, even so that she who was before loved as his own flesh, he now accuses to the great Judge. By which it appears, that the notion of man’s gaining any dignity or liberty by refusing an intire submission to government, was so delusive, that instead of it’s advancing him to be as gods, it sunk him down into a way of acting like the beasts and like the devil! the beasts are actuated by their senses and inclinations, and the devil pursues his designs by deceit and violence. With malicious reflections upon God, and flattering pretences to man, he drew him down to gratify his eyes and his taste with forbidden fruit: and he had no sooner revolted from the authority of heaven, than the beauty and order of his family was broken; he turns accuser against the wife of his bosom, his first son murders the next, and then lies to his Maker to conceal it; and that lying murderer’s posterity were the first who broke over the order of marriage which God had instituted; and things proceeded from bad to worse, till all flesh had corrupted his way, and the earth was filled with violence, so that they could no longer be borne with, but by a just vengeance were all swept away, only one family.

Yet all this did not remove the dreadful distemper from man’s nature, for the great Ruler of the universe directly after the flood, gave this as one reason why he would not bring such another while the Edition: current; Page: [333] earth remains, namely, For the imagination of man’s heart is evil from his youth*, so that if he was to drown them as often as they deserved it, one deluge must follow another continually. Observe well where the distemper lies; evil imaginations have usurped the place of reason and a well informed judgment, and hold them in such bondage, that instead of being governed by those noble faculties, they are put to the horrid drugery of seeking out inventions, for the gratification of fleshly lusts, which war against the soul; and to guard against having these worst of all enemies detected and subdued; enemies which are so far from being God’s creatures, that strictly speaking, they have no being at all in themselves, only are the privation of his creatures well-being; therefore sin, with it’s offspring death, will, as to those who are saved, be swallowed up in victory. Sin is an enemy both to God and man, which was begotten by satan, and was conceived and brought forth by man; for lust when it is conceived bringeth forth sin, and sin when it is finished bringeth forth death.†

Now how often have we been told, that he is not a freeman but a slave, whose person and goods are not at his own but anothers disposal? And to have foreigners come and riot at our expence and in the fruit of our labours, has often been represented to be worse than death. And should the higher powers appear to deal with temporal oppressors according to their deserts, it would seem strange indeed, if those who have suffered intolerably by them, should employ all their art and power to conceal them, and so to prevent their being brought to justice! But how is our world filled with such madness concerning spiritual tyrants! How far have pride and infidelity, covetousness and luxury, yea deceit and cruelty, those foreigners which came from hell, carried their influence, and spread their baneful mischiefs in our world! Yet who is willing to own that he has been deceived and enslaved by them? Who is willing honestly to bring them forth to justice! All acknowledge that these enemies are among us, and many complain aloud of the mischiefs that they do; yet even those who lift their heads so high as to laugh at the atonement of Jesus, and the powerful influences of the Spirit, and slight public & private devotion, are at the same time very unwilling to own that they harbour pride, infidelity, or any other of those dreadful tyrants. And nothing Edition: current; Page: [334] but the divine law refered to above, brought home with convincing light and power, can make them truly sensible of the soul-slavery that they are in: and ’tis only the power of the gospel that can set them free from sin, so as to become the servants of righteousness: can deliver them from these enemies, so as to serve God in holiness all their days. And those who do not thus know the truth, and have not been made free thereby,* yet have never been able in any country to subsist long without some sort of government; neither could any of them ever make out to establish any proper government without calling in the help of the Deity. However absurd their notions have been, yet they have found human sight and power to be so short and weak, and able to do so little toward watching over the conduct, and guarding the rights of individuals, that they have been forced to appeal to heaven by oaths, and to invoke assistance from thence to avenge the cause of the injured upon the guilty. Hence it is so far from being necessary for any man to give up any part of his real liberty in order to submit to government, that all nations have found it necessary to submit to some government in order to enjoy any liberty and security at all.

We are not insensible that the general notion of liberty, is for each one to act or conduct as he pleases; but that government obliges us to act toward others by law and rule, which in the imagination of many, interferes with such liberty; though when we come to the light of truth, what can possibly prevent it’s being the highest pleasure, for every rational person, to love God with all his heart, and his neighbour as himself, but corruption and delusion? which, as was before noted, are foreigners and not originally belonging to man. Therefore the divine argument to prove, that those who promise liberty while they despise government are servants of corruption is this; For of whom a man is overcome, of the same is he brought in bondage. 2 Pet. 2. 18, 19. He is so far from being free to act the man, that he is a bond slave to the worst of tyrants. And not a little of this tyranny is carried on by such an abuse of language, as to call it liberty, for men to yield themselves up, to be so foolish, disobedient and deceived, as to serve divers lusts and pleasures. Tit. 3. 3.

Having offered these few thoughts upon the general nature of government and liberty, it is needful to observe, that God has appointed Edition: current; Page: [335] two kinds of government in the world, which are distinct in their nature, and ought never to be confounded together; one of which is called civil, the other ecclesiastical government. And tho’ we shall not attempt a full explanation of them, yet some essential points of difference between them are necessary to be mentioned, in order truly to open our grievances.

section i

Some essential points of difference between civil and ecclesiastical government.

1. The forming of the constitution, and appointment of the particular orders and offices of civil government is left to human discretion, and our submission thereto is required under the name of their being, the ordinances of men for the Lord’s sake. 1 Pet. 2. 13, 14. Whereas in ecclesiastical affairs we are most solemnly warned not to be subject to ordinances, after the doctrines and commandments of men. Col. 2. 20, 22. And it is evident that he who is the only worthy object of worship, has always claimed it as his sole prerogative, to determine by express laws, what his worship shall be, who shall minister in it, and how they shall be supported. How express were his appointments concerning these things by Moses? And so wise and good a ruler as Solomon, was not intrusted with any legislative power upon either of these articles, but had the exact dimensions of the temple, the pattern and weight of every vessel, with the treasuries of the dedicate things, and the courses of the priests and Levites, all given to him in writing by the Spirit, through the hand of his father David. 1 Chron. 28. 11–19. And so strict were God’s faithful servants about these matters, that Daniel who in a high office in the Persian court, behaved so well that his most envious and crafty foes, could find no occasion against him, nor fault in him concerning the kingdom, till they fell upon the device of moving the king to make a decree about worship, that should interfere with Daniel’s obedience to his God; yet when that was done, he would not pay so much regard to it as to shut his windows. Dan. 6. 4–11. And when the Son of God, who is the great Law-giver and King of his church, came and blotted out the hand-writing of the typical ordinances, and established a better covenant, or constitution of his church, upon better promises, we are assured Edition: current; Page: [336] that he was faithful in all his house, and counted worthy of more glory than Moses. What vacancy has he then left for faliable men to supply, by making new laws to regulate and support his worship? especially if we consider,

2. That as the putting any men into civil office is of men, of the people of the world; so officers have truly no more authority than the people give them: And how came the people of the world by any ecclesiastical power? They arm the magistrate with the sword, that he may be a minister of God to them for good, and might execute wrath upon evil doers; and for this cause they pay them tribute: upon which the apostle proceeds to name those divine commandments which are comprehended in love to our neighbour, and which work no ill to him. Surely the inspired writer had not forgotten the first and great command of love to God; but as this chapter treats the most fully of the nature and end of civil government of any one in the new-testament, does it not clearly shew that the crimes which fall within the magistrates jurisdiction to punish, are only such as work ill to our neighbour? Rom. 13. 1–10. While church government respects our behaviour toward God as well as man.

3. All acts of executive power in the civil state, are to be performed in the name of the king or state they belong to; while all our religious acts are to be done in the name of the Lord Jesus; and so are to be performed heartily as to the Lord, and not unto men. And it is but lip service, and vain worship, if our fear toward him is taught by the precepts of men. Col. 3. 17, 23. Isa. 29. 13. Mat. 15. 9. It is often pleaded, that magistrates ought to do their duty in religious as well as civil affairs. That is readily granted; but what is their duty therein? Surely it is to bow to the name of Jesus, and to serve him with holy reverence; and if they do the contrary they may expect to perish from the way. Phil. 2. 10. Psa. 2. 10–12. But where is the officer that will dare to come in the name of the Lord to demand, and forcibly to take, a tax which was imposed by the civil state! And can any man in the light of truth, maintain his character as a minister of Christ, if he is not contented with all that Christ’s name and influence will procure for him, but will have recourse to the kings of the earth, to force money from the people to support him under the name of an embassador of the God of heaven! Does not such conduct look more like the way of Edition: current; Page: [337] those who made merchandize of slaves and souls of men, than it does like the servants who were content to be as their master, who said, He that heareth you heareth me; and he that despiseth you despiseth me? Rev. 18. 9, 13. Luke 10. 3–16.

4. In all civil governments some are appointed to judge for others, and have power to compel others to submit to their judgment: but our Lord has most plainly forbidden us, either to assume or submit to any such thing in religion. Mat. 23. 1–9. Luke 22. 25–27. He declares, that the cause of his coming into the world, was to bear witness unto the truth; and says he, Every one that is of the truth heareth my voice. This is the nature of his kingdom, which he says, is not of this world: and gives that as the reason why his servants should not fight, or defend him with the sword. John. 18. 36, 37. And it appears to us that the true difference and exact limits between ecclesiastical and civil government is this, That the church is armed with light and truth, to pull down the strong holds of iniquity, and to gain souls to Christ, and into his church, to be governed by his rules therein; and again to exclude such from their communion, who will not be so governed; while the state is armed with the sword to guard the peace, and the civil rights of all persons and societies, and to punish those who violate the same. And where these two kinds of government, and the weapons which belong to them, are well distinguished, and improved according to the true nature and end of their institution, the effects are happy, and they do not at all interfere with each other: but where they have been confounded together, no tongue nor pen can fully describe the mischiefs that have ensued; of which the Holy Ghost gave early and plain warnings. He gave notice to the church, that the main of those antichristian confusions and abominations, would be drawn by philosophy and deceit, from the hand-writing of ordinances that Christ has blotted out. And to avoid the same, directs the saints to walk in Christ Jesus as they received him, rooted and built up in him, and stablished in the faith as they have been taught; viewing that they are complete in him, which is the head over all principality and power. Therefore he charges them not to be beguiled into a voluntary humility, by such fleshly minds as do not hold this head, but would subject them to ordinances after the doctrines and commandments of men. Col. 2.

Now ’tis well known that this glorious head made no use of secular force in the first sitting up of the gospel church, when it might seem to be pecularly needful if ever; and it is also very evident, that ever since men came into the way of using force in such affairs, their main arguments to support it have been drawn from the old Jewish constitution and ordinances. And what work has it made about the head as well as members of the church?

First they moved Constantine, a secular prince, to draw his sword against heretics; but as all earthly states are changeable, the same sword that Constantine drew against heretics, Julian turned against the orthodox. However, as the high priest’s sentence in the Jewish state, decided matters both for prince and people, the same deceitful pilosophy that had gone so far, never left plotting till they had set up an ecclesiastical head over kingdoms as well as churches, who with Peter’s keys was to open and shut, bind and loose, both in spiritual and temporal affairs. But after many generations had groaned under this hellish tyranny, a time came when England renounced that head, and set up the king as their head in ecclesiastical as well as civil concernments; and though the free use of the scriptures which was then introduced, by a divine blessing, produced a great reformation, yet still the high places were not taken away, & the lord bishops made such work in them, as drove our fathers from thence into America. The first colony that came to this part of it carried the reformation so far, as not to make use of the civil force to save the people to support religious ministers (for which they have had many a lash from the tongues & pens of those who were fond of that way) but the second colony, who had not taken up the cross so as to separate from the national church before they came away, now determined to pick out all that they thought was of universal and moral equity in Moses’s laws, and so to frame a christian common-wealth here.* And as the Jews were ordered not to set up any rulers over them who were not their brethren; so this colony resolved to have no rulers nor voters for rulers, but brethren in their churches. And as the Jews were required to inflict corporal punishments, even unto death, upon non-conformers to their worship, this common-wealth did the like to such as refused to conform to their way; and they strove very hard to have the Edition: current; Page: [339] church govern the world, till they lost their charter; since which, they have yielded to have the world govern the church, as we shall proceed to shew.

section ii

A brief view of how civil and ecclesiastical affairs are blended together among us, to the depriving of many of God’s people of that liberty of conscience which he has given them.

We are not insensible than an open-appearance against any part of the conduct of men in power, is commonly attended with difficulty and danger; and could we have found any way wherein with clearness we could have avoided the present attempt, we would gladly have taken it. But our blessed Lord & only Redeemer, has commanded us, to stand fast in the liberty wherewith he has made us free; and things appear so to us at present that we cannot see how we can fully obey this command, without refusing any active compliance with some laws about religious affairs that are laid upon us. And as those who are interested against us, often accuse us of complaining unreasonably, we are brought under a necessity of laying open particular facts which otherwise we would gladly have concealed: and all must be sensible that there is a vast difference between exposing the faults, either of individuals or communities, when the cause of truth and equity would suffer without it, and the doing of it without any such occasion. We view it to be our incumbent duty, to render unto Caesar the things that are his, but that it is of as much importance not to render unto him any thing that belongs only to God, who is to be obeyed rather than man. And as it is evident to us, that God always claimed it as his sole prerogative to determine by his own laws, what his worship shall be, who shall minister in it, and how they shall be supported; so it is evident that this prerogative has been, and still is, encroached upon in our land. For,

1. Our legislature claim a power to compel every town and parish within their jurisdiction, to set up and maintain a pedobaptist worship among them; although it is well known, that infant baptism is never express’d in the Bible, only is upheld by men’s reasonings, that Edition: current; Page: [340] are chiefly drawn from Abraham’s covenant which the Holy Ghost calls, the covenant of circumcision, Acts 7. 8. And as circumcision was one of the hand-writing of ordinances which Christ has blotted out, where did any state ever get any right to compel their subjects to set up a worship upon that covenant?

2. Our ascended Lord gives gifts unto men in a sovereign way as seems good unto him, and he requires every man, as he has received the gift, even so to minister the same; and he reproved his apostles when they forbid one who was improving his gift, because he followed not them. 1 Pet. 4. 10, 11. Luk. 9. 49. But the Massachusetts legislature, while they claim a power to compel each parish to settle a minister, have also determined that he must be one, who has either an accademical degree, or a testimonial in his favour from a majority of the ministers in the county where the parish lies. So that let Christ give a man ever so great gifts, yet hereby these ministers derive a noble power from the state, to forbid the improvement of the same, if he follows not their schemes.* And if the apostles assumed too much in this respect to themselves, even when their Lord was with them, can it be any breach of charity to conclude that ministers are not out of danger of doing the like now? especially if we consider how interest operates in the affair. For,

3. Though the Lord hath ordained that they which preach the gospel shall live of the gospel; or by the free communications to them, which his gospel will produce. 1 Cor 9. 13, 14. Gal. 6. 6, 7. Yet the ministers of our land have chosen to live by the law; and as a reason therefor, one of their most noted writers, instead of producing any truth of God, recites the tradition of a man, who said, “Ministers of the gospel would have a poor time of it, if they must rely on a free contribution of the people for their maintenance.” And he says, “The laws of the province having had the royal approbation to ratify them, they are the king’s laws. By these laws it is enacted, that there shall be a Edition: current; Page: [341] public worship of God in every plantation; that the person elected by the majority of the inhabitants to be so, shall be looked upon as the minister of the place; that the salary for him, which they shall agree upon, shall be levied by a rate upon all the inhabitants. In consequence of this, the minister thus chosen by the people, is (not only Christ’s, but also) in reality, the king’s minister; and the salary raised for him, is raised in the king’s name, and is the king’s allowance unto him.”*

Now who can hear Christ declare, that his kingdom is, not of this world, and yet believe that this blending of church and state together can be pleasing to him? For though their laws call them “orthodox ministers,” yet the grand test of their orthodoxy, is the major vote of the people, be they saints or sinners, believers or unbelievers. This appears plain in the foregoing quotation; and another of their learned writers lately says, “It is the congregation in it’s parocal congregational capacity that the law considers; and this as such does not enough partake of an ecclesiastical nature to be subject to ecclesiastical jurisdiction.†

Hence their ministers and churches must become subject to the court, and to the majority of the parish in order to have their salary raised in the king’s name: But how are either of them in the mean time subject to the authority of Christ in his church? How can any man reconcile such proceedings to the following commands of our Master which is in heaven? Mat. 23. 9, 10. What matter of grief and lamentation is it that men otherwise so knowing and justly esteemed, should by the traditions of men be carried into such a crooked way as this is! for, though there is a shew of equity in allowing every society to choose it’s own minister; yet let them be ever so unanimous for one who is of a different mode from the court, their choice is not allowed. Indeed as to doctrine ministers who preach differently, yea directly contrary to each other, about Christ and his salvation, yet are supported by these laws which at the same time limit the people to one circumstantial mode.

It is true the learned author just now quoted says, “If the most of Edition: current; Page: [342] the inhabitants in a plantation are episcopalians, they will have a minister of their own persuasion; and the dissenters, in the place, if there be any, must pay their proportion of the tax for the support of this legal minister.”* But then his next words shew that they did not intend ever to have such a case here; for he says,

How essentially and how greatly does this constitution differ from the institutions established in God’s word, both in their nature and effects?

1. In their nature. Here you find that every religious minister in that constitution, is called the king’s minister, because he is settled by direction of the king’s laws, and the tax for such a minister’s support is raised in the king’s name, and is called the king’s dues: whereas no man in the Jewish church might approach to minister at the holy altar, but such as were called of God, as was Aaron: and the means of their support, were such things as God required his people to offer and consecrate to Him; and when they withheld the same, he says, ye Edition: current; Page: [343] have robbed me, even this whole nation; and it is represented as his peculiar work to reward obedience, and to punish disobedience in such affairs.* It is evident from sacred record that good men in every station, used their influence by word and example to stir up their fellow servants to do their duty toward God in these respects; and good rulers, in conjunction with church officers, took care to have what was offered to him secured and distributed according to God’s commandments.† But what is there in all this that can give the least countenance to the late method, of mens making laws to determine who shall be Christ’s ministers, and to raise money for them in their own name! Christ said to the Jews, I am come in my Father’s name, and ye receive me not; if another shall come in his own name, him ye will receive. How can ye believe, which receive honor one of another, and seek not the honor that cometh from God only? John 5. 43, 44.

Even a heathen monarch, when he was moved to make a decree in favour of God’s minister’s and worship at Jerusalem, it was to restrain their enemies from injuring or interrupting of them, and to order that a portion of the king’s goods should be given unto the elders of the Jews for the building of the house of God, and for the burnt offerings of the God of heaven. Ezra 6. 6–9. Nothing appears of his levying any new tax for worship, only that he gave the articles there specified out of his own goods; yet some professed christians have imposed new taxes upon people on purpose to compel them to support their way of worship, and have blended in with other rates, and then called it all a civil tax. But as the act itself is deceitful so ’tis likely that the worship supported by such means is hypocrisy. For,

2. The effects of the constitution of our country are such, that as it makes the majority of the people the test of orthodoxy, so it emboldens them to usurp God’s judgment seat, and (according to Dr. Mather’s own account, which we have often seen verified) they daringly give out their sentence, that for a few to profess a persuasion different from the majority, it must be from bad motives; and that, they know in their conscience that they do not act by the universal law of equity, if they plead to be exempted from paying the money which the majority demand of them! And though in our charter the king grants to all Edition: current; Page: [344] protestants equal liberty of conscience: yet for above thirty years after it was received, the congregationalists made no laws to favour the consciences of any men, in this affair of taxes, but their own sect; and it is here called arbitrary power, and even a forbidding that the king should have his dues, if a governor shewed so much regard to the charter, as to oppose their extorting money from people of the king’s denomination, for their congregational ministers. And perhaps the learned author now referred to, never delivered a plainer truth, than when he said, “The reforming churches flying from Rome, carried some of them more, some of them less, all of them something of Rome with them, especially in that spirit of imposition and persecution which too much cleaved to them.”

These evils cleaved so close to the first fathers of the Massachusetts, as to move them to imprison, whip and banish men, only for denying infant baptism, and refusing to join in worship that was supported by violent methods: yet they were so much blinded as to declare, That there was this vast difference between these proceedings and the coercive measures which were taken against themselves in England, viz. We compel men to “God’s institutions”; they in England compelled to “mens inventions.” And they asserted that the baptists were guilty of “manifest contestations against the order and government of our churches, established (we know) by God’s law.”* Though they professed at the same time that,

In reply to which Mr. Williams says,

But says he,

How weighty are these arguments against confounding church and state together? yet this author’s appearing against such confusion, was the chief cause for which he was banished out of the Massachusetts colony. And though few if any will now venture openly to justify those proceedings, and many will exclaim against them at a high rate; yet a fair examination may plainly shew, that those fathers had more appearance of a warrant for doing as they did, than their children now have, for the actings which we complain of. For those fathers were persuaded, that the judicial laws of Moses which required Israel to punish blasphemers, and apostates to idolatry with death, were of moral force, and binding upon all princes and states;§ especially on such as these plantations were.¶ And how much more countenance did this give for the use of force to make men conform to what they believed to be the right way, than men can now have for compelling Edition: current; Page: [346] any to support a way which at the same time they are allowed to dissent from? For the Jews also were required to pull down houses, and to have persons away out of their camps or cities, if the priests pronounced them unclean; and they were not permitted to set up any king over them who was not a brother in their church. Did not these things afford arguments much more plausible, for their attempt to compel the world to submit to the church, than any can have for the modern way, of trying to subject the church in her religious affairs to rulers, and the major vote of inhabitants, a great part of whom are not brethren in any church at all! Though the state of Israel was obliged thus to inflict death or banishment upon non-conformers to their worship, yet we have not been able to find, that they were ever allowed to use any force to collect the priests or prophets maintenance. So far from it, that those who made any such attempts were sons of Beliel, and persons that abhorred judgment, and perverted all equity. 1 Sam. 2. 12–16. Mic. 3. 5, 9.

Many try to vindicate their way by that promise, that kings shall become nursing fathers, and queens nursing mothers to God’s people. But as the character carries in it’s very nature, an impartial care and tenderness for all their children; we appeal to every conscience, whether it does not condemn the way of setting up one party to the injury of another. Our Lord tells us plainly, that few find the narrow way, while many go in the broad way; yet the scheme we complain of, has given the many such power over the few, that if the few are fully convinced that the teacher set up by the many, is one that causeth people to err, and is so far from bringing the pure gospel doctrine, that they should break the divine command, and become partakers of his evil deeds; if they did not cease to hear him, or to receive him into their houses as a gospel minister;* yet only for refusing to put into such a minister’s mouth, the many are prepared with such instruments of war against them, as to seize their goods, or cast their bodies into prison, where they may starve and die, for all what that constitution has provided for them. In cases of common debts the law has provided several ways of relief, as it has not in the case before us; for here the assessors plead, that they are obliged to tax all according to law, and the collector has the same plea for gathering of it, and the minister says, I agreed with the society for such a sum, and it is not Edition: current; Page: [347] my business to release any. So that we have had instances of serious christians, who must have died in prison for ministers rates, if christianity and humanity had not moved people to provide them that relief, which neither those ministers nor the law that upholds them have done.

Another argument which these ministers often mention, is the apostolic direction to us, to pray for all that are in authority, that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and honesty. But do they pray and act according to that direction? One while they cry up the great advantages of having religion established by law; and some have caused near as loud a clamour about it as the craftsmen did at Ephesus; but when it comes to be calmly represented, that, religion is a voluntary obedience unto God, which therefore force cannot promote; how soon do they shift the scene, and tell us, that religious liberty is fully allowed to us, only the state have in their wisdom thought fit to tax all the inhabitants, to support an order of men for the good of civil society. A little while ago it was for religion, and many have declared, that without it we should soon have no religion left among us: but now tis to maintain civility. Though by the way it is well known, that no men in the land, have done more to promote uncivil treatment of dissenters from themselves, than some of these pretended ministers of civility have done. In 1644 the court at Boston passed an act to punish men with banishment, if they opposed infant baptism; or departed from any of their congregations when it was going to be administered.* And after they had acted upon this law, one of their chief magistrates observed, that such methods tended to make hypocrites. To which a noted minister replied, that if it did so, yet such were better than profane persons, because said he, “Hypocrites give God part of his due, the outward man, but the profane person giveth God neither outward nor inward man.”† By which it seems that in that day, they were zealous to have the outward man if no more given to God; but now that conduct is condemned as persecution, by their children, who profess to allow us full liberty of conscience, because they do not hinder our giving our inward man to God, only claim a power to seize our outward man to get money for themselves. And though many of us have expended ten or twenty Edition: current; Page: [348] times as much, in setting up and supporting that worship which we believe to be right, as it would have cost us to have continued in the fashionable way, yet we are often accused of being coveteous, for dissenting from that way, and refusing to pay more money out of our little incomes, to uphold men from whom we receive no benefit, but rather abuse. How far is this from leading a peaceable life, either of godliness or honesty!

section iii

A brief account of what the baptists have suffered under this constitution, and of their reasons for refusing any active compliance with it.

Many are ready to say, the baptists are exempted from ministerial taxes, therefore why do they complain? Answer, We would be far from forgetting or undervaluing of our privileges: but are willing thankfully to acknowledge, that our honored rulers do protect our societies, so as not to allow them to be interrupted in their worship; and as the taking cognizance of marriage belongs to them, we take it as a favour that they grant our ministers power to administer it, so that we may have marriage solemnized among ourselves. Many other liberties we also enjoy under the government that is set over us, for which we desire to be thankful, both to the author, and to the instruments of them. Yet if our opponents could once put themselves into our place, we doubt not but they would think it was high time, to seek for more full liberty than we have hitherto enjoyed, a short view of but a little part of what we have met with, may be sufficient to evince this.

Our charter, as before observed, gives us equal religious liberty with other christians: yet the pedobaptists being the greatest party, they soon made a perpetual law to support their own way, but did nothing of that nature to exempt our denomination from it, for 36 years; and since that time, what they have done in that respect has only been by temporary acts, which have been so often changed, that many times their own officers have hardly known what the law was, that was in force; and as an exact conformity to the letter of their laws is much insisted upon in their executive courts, while those acts Edition: current; Page: [349] have never been enforced with penalties upon their own people, they have often broken them, and we have had but little chance to get them punished for so doing. For in all their acts till the last, they have imposed a name upon us, that signifies re-baptizers; which we cannot understandingly own. In many acts the words “belonging thereto” were inserted so ambiguously, as to leave it disputable, whether a being church members or only a belonging to the congregation or worshipping assembly were intended; and in the case of Haverhill, where their certificate was otherways compleat, and the case had been determined in the baptists favor, in that which both parties had agreed should be the final trial, yet another hearing was obtained in which the want of them ambiguous words in the certificate, was made, the main plea by which an action was turned against us, of near three hundred dollars. All their latter acts have required a list or lists of our societies, to be given in annually, by a certain day, signed by three principal members, and the minister if there be any; and because one of our churches of above 50 members (and which is now a church in good credit) happened one year to have such a difficulty with their minister, as prevented the giving in of said list, they were taxed to pedobaptist ministers; and tho’ some of the society were advised to apply to their county court for relief, yet instead of obtaining any, the court took away 20 dollars more from them. Another church gave in their list by the direction of a noted lawyer, yet they were all taxed to the pedobaptist worship, and one of the principal members of the baptist church, which the law directed to sign the list, was strained upon; and both the inferior and superior court turned the case against him, because he was a party concerned.

Here note, the inhabitants of our mother-country are not more of a party concerned, in imposing taxes upon us without our consent, than they have been in this land who have made and executed laws, to tax us to uphold their worship. This party influence has appeared in a much larger number of instances than we are willing to trouble the public with at this time but one instance more will set our case in such a striking light, that we must ask for a very serious attention to it; we mean that of Ashfield, formerly called Hunts-town in the county of Hampshire. One of the conditions on which that plantation was granted by our legislature, was their settling a learned orthodox minister, and building a meeting-house. Now in the year 1761, full Edition: current; Page: [350] two thirds of the inhabitants called and settled a minister, who they believed was taught of God and truly orthodox. But not being of the same mode with the court (for they were baptists) other people were prompted on, before this society could get up a meeting-house, to settle another minister, and to tax the first minister with all his people to support their way. This burden the baptists bore for a number of years, till in 1768, they presented a petition to our general court for relief; who ordered that they should serve the town and proprietors of Ashfield with a copy of the petition, that they might shew cause, if any they had, at the next session of the court why it should not be granted, and that a further collection of taxes from the petitioners should be suspended in the mean time. Yet in the same session of the court, a law was made which cut the baptists in that place, off from any exemption from ministerial taxes at all. In consequence of which several hundred acres of their lands were sold at public auction, for but a small part of their real value; of which ten acres belonged to the baptist minister. And after five or six journies of above an hundred miles to seek relief, and long waiting without success, their messenger was at last plainly told, by a number of our representatives, “That they had a right to make that law, and to keep the baptists under it as long as they saw fit.” Hereupon notice was given in some Boston papers, of a design among our churches of joining to seek redress from another quarter.

Accordingly at an association or general meeting of our churches at Bellingham, in September, 1770, these things were considered, and it was unanimously agreed upon to apply to his majesty for help, if it could not speedily be obtained here; and a committee and agents were chosen for that purpose. When news hereof was spread, our committee were urged by leading men both in church and state, to apply again to our general court; which therefore they did in October following. In the mean time a piece dated from Cambridge, where the court was then sitting, was published in all the Boston news-papers, wherein it was represented that, “All possible care had been taken to prevent our suffering the least disadvantage from our religious sentiments”; and we were challenged to shew the contrary if we could.

Upon this the pious and learned Mr. John Davis, who from Pennsylvania had not long before been ordained pastor of the second baptist Edition: current; Page: [351] church in Boston, and who was clerk of our committee, called them together to consider of this matter. And though they were far from desiring to enter into a news-paper controversy, yet they advised him to make some reply to that challenge: He did so; and on Dec. 27, published a brief and plain view of the case of Ashfield: but instead of any fair and manly treatment upon it, he in the Evening-Post of Jan. 7, 1771, was not only insulted with the names of, “A little upstart gentleman; enthusiastical biggot; and, this stripling high-fliar”; but had it also insinuated that he was employed “by the enemies of America to defame and blacken the colonies, and this town in particular.” And they had the impudence to pretend to the world, that all this was wrote by a catholic baptist. And they inflamed the populace so against Mr. Davis, that his most judicious friends were afraid of his being mobbed. But can it be in the power of others to blacken any people so much, as by this treatment of a worthy stranger (now at rest) they have blackened themselves! Instead of honestly coming to the light (which our Lord gives as the criterion to know him that doth truth, John 3. 21.) how do they hover in the works of darkness.

The first article in our committee’s petition to the legislature, being for Ashfield, they were ordered to notify the proprietors thereof: They did so; and in the spring session of the assembly, they came with a long address against us, in which they begin, with saying more generally of the baptists in that part of the province,

Then they go on to say,

Having thus denied us any claim from natural rights, they resume what they call an indispensible duty, viz. an attempt to lay before our honored legislature the baptists’ character, and the springs of their actions; and after a number of mean reflections without any proof at all, they sum up the springs of the actions of most of them to be “Pride, vanity, prejudice, impurity and uncharitableness.” Very dreadful indeed if it could be proved! but that is referred to a hereafter, and they say, “At present we shall content ourselves with assuring your excellency and honors, that the foregoing account is not exaggerated.”

From this they proceed to observe, that as it belongs to rulers to “protect and support all regular religious societies of protestants,” so they say, “Whenever any religion or profession wears an ill aspect to the state, it is become a proper object of attention to the legislature. And this is the religion of the people whom we have been describing.” How much does this resemble the language of him who said, It is not for the king’s profit to suffer them!* or theirs who cried, If thou let this man go, thou art not Cæsar’s friend!†

After thus representing that the religion of the baptists that way, wears an ill aspect to the state, they go on to speak of the conditions upon which Ashfield was granted; and then try to prove that Mr. Ebenezer Smith, pastor of the baptist church there, “is not a minister in law,” because he has neither an accademical degree, nor a testimonial in his favor from the majority of the ministers of that county. And to give an idea of the smallness of his ability for teaching, they say,

The clearest light we have gained in the matter is this. After Mr. Edition: current; Page: [353] Smith had been preaching in a neighbouring town some years ago, a minister who was present asked him what a butler was? he readily replied, Pharoah’s cup-bearer. After a little more talk, said minister* asserted, that Mr. Smith used the word butler instead of buckler in his sermon. He did not remember that he had; but if he did so, how injurious is the above representation? is it not the evil which we read of in Isa. 29. 20, 21? Having made this reflection upon Mr. Smith, they say, “He has none of the qualifications of a minister according to the laws of Christ, or of this province, unless those of simplicity and orthodoxy.” We wish his accusers were so well qualified. 2 Cor. 1. 12. and 4. 2.

In April, 1771, the address we have made a few remarks upon was referred to a committee of both houses of our general court, who reported that, “Your committee find, that in the sale of those lands there was no unfairness, but every thing was quite fair, quite neighbourly, and quite legal.”† And as to our plea for exemption from ministerial taxes they say, “There is an essential difference between persons being taxed where they are not represented, therefore against their wills, and being taxed when represented.” So they advised the court to dismiss our petition as unreasonable; and though the honorable house of representatives did not accept that advice, but voted to repeal the Ashfield law; yet the council refused to concur with them therein; so that if his gracious majesty in council had not disannuled said law for us, our brethren of Ashfield must, for ought that appeared to the contrary, have been entirely stripped of the inheritances, which they had purchased, and subdued at the peril of their lives, because of the sword of the wilderness.

It may be remembered that the pedobaptist proprietors of Ashfield, Edition: current; Page: [354] represented that the baptists there were not worthy of the protection of our legislature. The following narrative may help to explain what they meant by it. The news of what our king had done for them, arrived and was published in Boston the latter end of October, 1771, at which their oppressors discovered great uneasiness; and on the 8th of November came two officers with numerous attendants, to the house of Mr. Smith, father of the baptist minister in Ashfield (and very much of a father to that society), with a warrant from the chief judge of that county, to seize his person, and to search his house and shop for bad money: and it was said they had a like warrant for the minister, but he happened to be then absent on a journey. His father was made a prisoner before he was out of his bed in the morning, and though he promised the use of his keys, and desired that no lock might be broken, yet while he was at prayer with his family, for which he obtained leave of one officer, the other broke open his shop, and did considerable damage there; and after searching both that and his house as much as they pleased, they carried him before the aforesaid judge and others; where it plainly appeared that the complaint was entered against Mr. Smith from a report, that he had put off a counterfeit dollar; which report was then proved to be a false one. Yet the old gentleman was not released, but was kept a prisoner through a cold night, in circumstances that greatly injured his health, and next day was bro’t on further examination, when even his frequent retirement for secret devotion, which he had practised for above forty years; was catched hold of to raise a suspicion of his being guilty: and he was bound over with two sureties to the next superior court in that county. Hereupon the following men who had been called as witnesses against him, gave him their testimony in writing, declaring that they were ready to make oath to it, in the following terms, viz.

Also Leonard Pike, to whom the report was that Mr. Smith had put off a bad dollar, gave from under his hand that said report had no truth in it. These are eight of the ten witnesses that were summoned against Mr. Smith; & tho’ much pains was taken to procure evidence against him at the superior court, yet he was entirely acquitted; and the law was open for him to come back for damages, for a malicious prosecution; but they had contrived to have the complaint against him entered by a bankrupt, so that no recompence might be obtained by him. Are these the goodly fruits of having a particular mode of worship established by law, and their ministers supported by force!

Though we are often accused of complaining without reason, yet no longer ago than the 26th of last January, three men of good credit, belonging to a numerous and regular baptist society in Chelmsford, were seized for ministerial rates (notwithstanding they had given in a list according to law) and though one of them was above four score years old, another very infirm in body, while the third had no man at home, able to take care of the out-door affairs of his numerous family, yet they, in that cold season, were all carried prisoners to Concord gaol.

These accounts we have received from good authority, and have taken great pains to have them stated as exactly and truly as possible; and if any can point out the least mistake in what has been now related, we shall be glad to correct it. At the same time we are far from charging all the evils we complain of, upon the whole congregational denomination without distinction; for we believe there are many among them in various stations, who are sorely grieved at these oppressions. We are willing also to make all the allowance that is reasonable, for the influence of old customs, education and other Edition: current; Page: [356] prejudices, in those who have injured their neighbours in these affairs; but is it not high time now to awake, and seek for a more thorough reformation! We agree with the committee of our honored legislature in saying, there is an essential difference between persons being taxed where they are represented, and being taxed where they are not so; therefore the whole matter very much turns upon this point, viz. Whether our civil legislature are in truth our representatives in religious affairs, or not? As God has always claimed it as his prerogative, to appoint who shall be his ministers, and how they shall be supported, so under the gospel, the peoples communications to Christ’s ministers and members, are called sacrifices with which God is well-pleased. Phil. 4. 18. Heb. 13, 16–18. And what government on earth ever had, or ever can have any power to make or execute any laws to appoint and enforce sacrifices to God!

In civil states the power of the whole collective body is vested in a few hands, that they may with better advantage defend themselves against injuries from abroad, and correct abuses at home, for which end a few have a right to judge for the whole society; but in religion each one has an equal right to judge for himself; for we must all appear before the judgment seat of Christ, that every one may receive the things done in his body, according to that he hath done (not what any earthly representative hath done for him) 2 Cor. 5. 10. And we freely confess that we can find no more warrant from divine truth, for any people on earth to constitute any men their representatives, to make laws to impose religious taxes, than they have to appoint Peter or the Virgin Mary to represent them before the throne above. We are therefore brought to a stop about paying so much regard to such laws, as to give in annual certificates to the other denomination, as we have formerly done.

1. Because the very nature of such a practice implies an acknowledgment, that the civil power has a right to set one religious sect up above another, else why need we give certificates to them any more than they to us? It is a tacit allowance that they have a right to make laws about such things, which we believe in our consciences they have not. For,

2. By the foregoing address to our legislature, and their committees report thereon, it is evident, that they claim a right to tax us from civil obligation, as being the representatives of the people. But how Edition: current; Page: [357] came a civil community by any ecclesiastical power? how came the kingdoms of this world to have a right to govern in Christ’s kingdom which is not of this world!

3. That constitution not only emboldens people to judge the liberty of other mens consciences, and has carried them so far as to tell our general assembly, that they conceived it to be a duty they owed to God and their country, not to be dispensed with, to lay before them the springs of their neighbours actions;* but it also requires something of the same nature from us. Their laws require us annually to certify to them, what our belief is concerning the conscience of every person that assembles with us, as the condition of their being exempted from taxes to other’s worship. And only because our brethren in Bellingham, left that clause about the conscience out of their certificates last year, a number of their society who live at Mendon were taxed, and lately suffered the spoiling of their goods to uphold pedobaptist worship.

4. The scheme we oppose evidently tends to destroy the purity and life of religion; for the inspired apostle assures us, that the church is espoused as a chaste virgin to Christ, and is obliged to be subject to him in every thing, as a true wife is to her husband. Now the most chaste domestic obedience, does not at all interfere with any lawful subjection to civil authority; but for a woman to admit the highest ruler in a nation into her husband’s place, would be adultery or whoredom; and how often are mens inventions about worship so called in the sacred oracles?† And does it not greatly concern us all, earnestly to search out and put away such evils, as we would desire to escape the awful judgments that such wickedness has brought on other nations! Especially Edition: current; Page: [358] if we consider that not only the purity, but also the very life and being of religion among us is concerned therein; for ’tis evident that Christ has given as plain laws to determine what the duty of people is to his ministers, as he has the duty of ministers to his people; and most certainly he is as able to enforce the one as the other. The common plea of our opponents is, that people will not do their duty if rulers do not enforce it; but does not the whole book of God clearly shew, that ministers as often fail of doing their duty as the people do? And where is the care of rulers to punish ministers for their unfaithfulness? They often talk about equality in these affairs, but where does it appear! As Christ is the head of all principality and power; so the not holding the head, from which all the body by joints and bands having nourishment ministred, and knit together, increaseth with the increase of God, but bringing in an earthly power between Christ and his people, has been the grand source of anti-christian abominations, and of settling men down in a form of godliness, while they deny the power thereof. Has not this earthly scheme prevailed so far in our land, as to cause many ministers, instead of taking heed to the ministry received from the Lord; and instead of watching for souls as those who must give an account,* rather to act as if they were not accountable to any higher power, than that of the men who support them? and on the other hand, how do many people behave as if they were more afraid of the collector’s warrant, and of an earthly prison, than of Him who sends his ministers to preach his gospel, and says, He that receiveth whomsoever I send, receiveth me; but declares, That it shall be more tolerable in the day of judgment for Sodom, than for those who receive them not?† Yea, as if they were more afraid of an earthly power than of our great King and Judge, who can this night require the soul of him that layeth up treasure for himself, and is not rich towards God; and will sentence all either to heaven or hell, according as they have treated Him well or ill, in his ministers and members.‡

5. The custom which they want us to countenance, is very hurtful to civil society: for by the law of Christ every man, is not only allowed, but also required, to judge for himself, concerning the circumstantials Edition: current; Page: [359] as well as the essentials, of religion, and to act according to the full persuasion of his own mind; and he contracts guilt to his soul if he does the contrary. Rom. 14. 5, 23. What a temptation then does it lay for men to contract such guilt, when temporal advantages are annexed to one persuasion, and disadvantages laid upon another? i.e. in plain terms, how does it tend to hypocrisy and lying? than which, what can be worse to human society! Not only so, but coercive measures about religion also tend to provoke to emulation, wrath and contention, and who can describe all the mischiefs of this nature, that such measures have produced in our land! But where each person, and each society, are equally protected from being injured by others, all enjoying equal liberty, to attend and support the worship which they believe is right, having no more striving for mastery or superiority than little children (which we must all come to, or not enter into the kingdom of heaven) how happy are it’s effects in civil society? In the town of Boston they enjoy something of these blessings, and why may not the country have the same liberty? The ministers who have had the chief hand in stirring up rulers to treat us as they have done, yet have sometimes been forced to commend the liberty we plead for. When they wanted to get footing in the town of Providence, they wrote to governor Jencks and other rulers there, in the following words, viz.

And after more of this nature, they close with saying,

The town of Providence wrote them an answer the next February, in which they say,

Here the public may take notice, how desirous pedobaptists ministers are to have odious things on their side buried out of sight, but Edition: current; Page: [361] how contrary has their practice ever been toward us? Even to this day they can hardly preach a sermon, or write a pamphlet for infant-baptism, without having something to say about the mad men of Munster, who they tell us rebelled against their civil rulers: Whereas in truth we never had the least concern with them, any more than our opponents have with the pope or Turk. Indeed they often assert, that those mad men were the first that ever renounced infant-baptism; but there is proof enough from their own historians, that this story which they have so often told from their pulpits, is as absolute a falshood as ever was uttered by man. And though one learned and pious president of Cambridge college, was brought to embrace our sentiments, and to bear his testimony in the pulpit there, “against the administration of baptism to any infant whatsoever”; for which he suffered considerable abuse with much of a christian temper:* While his successor, another “very learned and godly man” (who therefore must have been well acquainted with the original), held that “baptism ought only to be by dipping or plunging the whole body under water[”]:† yet these and other honorable examples in our favor have been passed over, and every scandalous thing that could be pick’d up, has been spread, to prejudice people’s minds against our profession in general. And let it be remembred, that when pedobaptist ministers wanted to be favored in Providence, they declared, that they could not think of the peace and love which societies of different modes of worship have generally entertained one another with in that government without admiration; and they experienced so much of this from the baptists in Providence, that when some others made a difficulty about admitting Mr. Josiah Cotton (the first minister of the pedobaptists there) as an inhabitant in the town, Col. Nicholas Powers (a leading member of the baptist church) became his bondsman to the town: therefore we hope that our honorable rulers and others, will be cautious about giving credit to stories of a contrary nature, when they are told to procure or to justify the use of force in supporting ministers; especially since ministers refuse to share in the reproach of such proceedings. For a minister who has exerted himself very much of Edition: current; Page: [362] late, to support the cause of those called standing churches, yet says,

Where are the rulers that will stand alone in that practice, without either ministers or truth to support them!

conclusion

And now our dear countrymen, we beseech you seriously to consider of these things. The great importance of a general union through this country, in order to the preservation of our liberties, has often been pleaded for with propriety; but how can such a union be expected so long as that dearest of all rights, equal liberty of conscience is not allowed? Yea, how can any reasonably expect that he who has the hearts of kings in his hand, will turn the heart of our earthly sovereign to hear the pleas for liberty, of those who will not hear the cries of their fellow-subjects, under their oppressions? Has it not been plainly proved, that so far as any man gratifies his own inclinations, without regard to the universal law of equity, so far he is in bondage? so that it is impossible for any one to tyranize over others, without thereby becoming a miserable slave himself: a slave to raging lusts, and a slave to guilty fears of what will be the consequence. We are told that the father of Cyrus, tho’ a heathen,

And we are told by the same author,* of another wise heathen, who said, “ ’Tis observable, that those that fear the Deity most, are least afraid of man.” And shall not christians awake to a most hearty reverence of him who has said (and will ever make good his word), With what measure ye meet, it shall be measured to you again.

Suffer us a little to expostulate with our fathers and brethren, who inhabit the land to which our ancestors fled for religious liberty. You have lately been accused with being disorderly and rebellious, by men in power, who profess a great regard for order and the public good; and why don’t you believe them, and rest easy under their administrations? You tell us you cannot, because you are taxed where you are not represented; and is it not really so with us? You do not deny the right of the British parliament to impose taxes within her own realm; only complain that she extends her taxing power beyond her proper limits; and have we not as good right to say you do the same thing? and so that wherein you judge others you condemn your selves? Can three thousand miles possibly fix such limits to taxing power, as the difference between civil and sacred matters has already done? One is only a distance of space, the other is so great a difference in the nature of things, as there is between sacrifices to God, and the ordinances of men. This we trust has been fully proved.

If we ask why have you not been easy and thankful since the parliament has taken off so many of the taxes that they had laid upon us? you answer that they still claim a power to tax us, when, and as much as they please; and is not that the very difficulty before us? In the year 1747, our legislature passed an act to free the baptists in general from ministerial taxes for ten years: yet because they increased considerably, when that time was about half expired, they broke in upon the liberty they had granted, and made a new act, wherein no baptist church nor minister was allowed to have any such exemption, till they had first obtained certificates from three other churches. By which the late Mr. John Procter observed (in a remonstrance that he drew, and which was presented to our court) that they had as far as in them lay,

So we have now related a case, in which a number of our brethren were put to new cost for copies to notify others, with hope of relief to themselves, and yet in the same session of court, they had a worse burden laid upon them than before; and their repeated cries, and then the petition of our united churches, were all rejected.

A very great grievance which our country has justly complained of is, that by some late proceedings a man’s house or locks cannot secure either his person or his property, from oppressive officers. Pray then consider what our brethren have suffered at Ashfield.

Many think it hard to be frowned upon only for pleading for their rights, and laying open particular acts of encroachment thereon; but what frowns have we met with for no other crime? and as the present contest between Great-Britain and America, is not so much about the greatness of the taxes already laid, as about a submission to their taxing power; so (though what we have already suffered is far from being a trifle, yet) our greatest difficulty at present concerns the submitting to a taxing power in ecclesiastical affairs. It is supposed by many that we are exempted from such taxes, but they are greatly mistaken, for all know that paper is a money article; and writing upon it is labour, and this tax we must pay every year, as a token of submission to their power, or else they will lay a heavier tax upon us. And we have one difficulty in submitting to this power, which our countrymen have not in the other case: that is, our case affects the conscience, as their’s does not: and equal liberty of conscience is one essential article in our charter, which constitutes this government, and describes the extent of our rulers authority, and what are the rights and liberties of the people. And in the confession of faith which our rulers and their ministers have published to the world, they say,

And a most famous historian of their’s, after mentioning some former violations of that liberty, says,

These things were then delivered and were received with the thanks of the house of representatives, and ten years after were spread by the historian thro’ the nation, with the express design of stoping any further complaints about New-England’s persecutions. But if the constitution of this government, gives the magistrate no other authority than what belongs to civil society, we desire to know how he ever came to impose any particular way of worship, upon any town or precinct whatsoever? And if a man has a right to his estate, his liberty and his family, notwithstanding his non-conformity to the magistrates way of worship, by what authority has any man had his goods spoiled, his land sold, or his person imprisoned, and thereby deprived of the enjoyment both of his liberty and his family, for no crime at all against the peace or welfare of the state, but only because Edition: current; Page: [366] he refused to conform to, or to support an imposed way of worship, or an imposed minister.*

In a celebrated oration for liberty, published last spring in Boston, a maxim was recited which carries it’s own evidence with it, which is this, no man can give that which is another’s. Yet have not our legislature from time to time, made acts to empower the major part of the inhabitants in towns and precincts, to give away their neighbours estates to what ministers they please! And can we submit to such doctrines and commandments of men, and not betray true liberty of conscience! Every person is or ought to be, benefited by civil government, and therefore they owe rulers honor and a tribute on that account; but the like cannot be truly said of an imposed minister; for as the gospel ministry is an ordinance of God and not of man, so the obligation that any person or people are under to obey and support any man as a minister of Christ, arises from the consideration of his appearing to them to resemble his Master in doctrine and conversation, and from the benefit which people receive under their ministrations.† From whence the law of equity makes the free communications of our carnal things to Christ’s ministers, to be a matter that as really concerns the exercise of a good conscience toward God, as prayer and praise do; for they are both called sacrifices to him in the same chapter. Heb. 13. 15, 16.

Thus we have laid before the public a brief view of our sentiments concerning liberty of conscience, and a little sketch of our sufferings on that account. If any can show us that we have made any mistakes, either about principles or facts, we would lie open to conviction: But we hope none will violate the forecited article of faith so much, as to require us to yield a blind obedience to them, or to expect that spoiling of goods or imprisonment can move us to betray the cause of true liberty.

A late writer in the Boston papers, has taken much pains to prove, that some other colonies have imposed upon people in such affairs worse than New-England has; and to prove it he informs us, that an act for ministers maintenance, was passed in New-York near eighty years ago, which succeeding rulers have turned to support a denomination that had very few representatives in court when the act was made, while the denomination who made it, have been denied any benefit from it. If so, how loud is the call to every man that is a friend to liberty, and who regards the good of posterity, to rise and exert all his influence, to demolish the engine which has done so much mischief in all ages! We are far from trying to represent the fathers of New-England as the worst of the colonists; We believe the contrary. But our veneration for their memory, is so far from reconciling us to, that it fills us with greater detestation of, that mystery of iniquity, which carried them into such acts or imposition and persecution as have left a great blemish upon their character. And since these are tedious things to dwell upon, we shall close with this remark.

The Massachusetts ministers, in their letter to governor Jencks and other baptists in Providence, said, We hope and pray that ancient matters that had acrimony unhappily in them may be buried in oblivion. Now we are told that acrimony signifies that quality in one body whereby it corrodes, eats up or destroys another. This eating destroying quality is truly unhappy: but how can it be buried before it is dead? The worst of criminals are to be executed before they are buried. Therefore let this cruel man-eater be fairly executed, and we are ready to join heart and hand to bury him, and not to have a bone of him left for contention in all the land. If it be so hard to our opponents to hear of these matters, what has it been to those who have felt their eating and destroying influence for these hundred and forty years? And how can any person lift up his head before God or man, and say he hopes to have these things buried, if he at the same time holds fast, and tries hard to keep alive the procuring cause of them!

The foregoing appeal, having been examined and approved by many of his brethren, is presented to the public, by their humble servant,

postscript

Since the above was written, I have received direct accounts, that at Montague (whose case is mentioned p. [349].) they continue from time to time, to make distress upon the principal members of the baptist church there, whom the law directs to sign their certificates, while they let the rest of the society alone. Also that William White a regular member of the baptist church in Ashfield, who lives in Chesterfield, and has had his standing in said church certified according to law; yet had a cow taken from him on August 25, 1773, and sold the 30th, for the pedobaptist ministers rate; and that in both of these places, the civil charges of the town, and the ministers salary are all blended in one tax (contrary as I am informed to the law of our province) so that our brethren who would readily pay their civil tax, yet cannot do it, without paying the ministers also! Now the grand pretence that is made for the use of the secular arm to support ministers is, that thereby equality is established among the people; but what religion, equality or equity can there be in the above proceedings!

to the respectable freemen, of the english colony of connecticut

The ensuing discourse was delivered on a very solemn occasion, before an auditory apparently serious and devout in their attention; and is now made public at the desire of some of my public spirited friends. Such as it is, I cheerfully offer it as my poor mite, into the public treasury; while others are casting in of their abundance. And I hope and trust that your candor will be such, amidst all the inaccuracies and imperfections that attend such an hasty composition, as to accept it for a real token and proof of my undissembled love and heart-felt concern for my dear country, under the dark and threatning aspects of divine providence on our most invaluable liberties and privileges. While I observe with the most sensible grief, and anxious concern, some of my countrymen, sunk into a state of worse than brutal stupidity and insensibility, who secretly rejoice in the distressing miseries and calamities brought on our suffering brethren at Boston; and ardently wish and pray, in the most profane manner, if I may be allowed the expression, that our charter and birth-right privileges may be taken from us; that we may be ruled by the iron rod of oppression, and chained down to eternal slavery and bondage. Whose factious and rebellious leaders improve every opportunity in their power, to impeach a loyal people; and to send misrepresentations of us to their correspondents that have access to the British court, to hasten our intended ruin and destruction. I say, while these clandestine, mischievous operations are carrying on against us, as black and dark as the powder-treason plot; it revives my soul, and rejoices my heart to find that the main body of the people, or at least, the most sensible and judicious part of them, are in some degree, awakened by the loud thunders in Providence, and have their eyes opened to the danger and ruin we are threatened with; that they are so far raised above that infamous herd of vile miscreants, as to know that they are Edition: current; Page: [378] men, and have the spirits of men; and not an inferior species of animals, made to be beasts of burden to a lawless, corrupt administration. This manly, this heroic, and truly patriotic spirit, which is gradually kindling up in every free-man’s breast, through the continent, is undoubtedly a token for good; and will, if duly regulated by Christian principles and rules, ensure success to American liberty and freedom. No free state was ever yet enslaved and brought into bondage, where the people were incessantly vigilant and watchful; and instantly took the alarm at the first addition made to the power exercised over them. They are those only of the tribes of Issachar, who keep in profound sleep; and like strong and stupid asses, couch down between heavy burdens; that insensibly sink into abject slavery and bondage. It is a duty incumbent upon us at all times, to keep a watchful attention to our interests (especially in seasons of peril and danger), to watch and pray that we fall not.

I do not mean to encourage evil jealousies and groundless suspicions of our civil rulers, the guardians of our liberties; nor to countenance seditious tumults in the state, so destructive to our civil happiness and peace. I am a firm friend to good order and regularity; that all ranks of men move in strait lines, and within their own proper spheres: That authority and government be supported and maintained so as to promote the good of society, the end for which it was instituted; perfectly consistent with which, a people may keep a watchful eye over their liberties, and cautiously guard against oppression and tyranny, which I detest and abhor, and solemnly abjure.

But you, gentlemen freemen, have been so well indoctrinated in the principles of loyalty and good policy, have been so constantly taught from your infancy, to fear God, and honor the king, that ’tis needless to add any particular instructions on this head. However, as my heart, at this threatning period, is so full of apprehension of danger, you will not, I trust, take it as any reflection on your understanding and integrity as a body, should I drop the hint, that there may possibly be some here and there in disguise, against whose plausible pretences, and artful insinuations, it might be well for you to guard.

Men (says the truly ingenious and patriotic Farmer, in Pennsylvania), who either hold or expect to hold certain advantages by setting examples of servility to their countrymen; men, who trained to the employment, or self-taught Edition: current; Page: [379] by a natural versatility of genius; serve as decoys, for drawing the innocent and unwary, into snares; it is not to be doubted but that such men will diligently bestir themselves on this, and every like occasion, to spread the infection of their meanness as far as they can. On the plans they have adopted, this is their course; this is their method to recommend themselves to their patron: they act consistently in a bad cause. From them we shall learn how pleasant and profitable a thing it is, to be, for our submissive behaviour, well-spoken of at St. James’s, or St. Stephen’s, at Guild-hall, or the Royal-exchange. Specious fallacies will then be drest up with all the arts of delusion, to persuade one colony to distinguish herself from another by unbecoming condescentions, which will serve the ambitious purposes of great men at home; the way to obtain considerable rewards. It will be insinuated to us with a plausible affectation of wisdom and concern, How prudent it is to please the powerful—How dangerous to provoke them. And then comes in the perpetual incantation that freezes up every generous purpose of the soul, in cold inactive expectation, that if there is any request to be made, compliance will obtain favourable attention. Our vigilance, and our union are success and safety. Our negligence and our division are distress and death; nay, worse, they are shame and slavery. The persons here meant (says the abovesaid gentleman), are those base spirited wretches, who may endeavour to distinguish themselves by their sordid zeal in defending and promoting measures which they know, beyond all question, to be destructive to the just rights and true interests of their country. It is scarcely possible to speak of them with any degree of propriety; for no words can truly describe their guilt and meanness; but every honest bosom, on this being mentioned, will feel what cannot be exprest.

Some of a narrow contracted turn of mind may think that by this quotation, and some other expressions I have used, I aim to point out persons of a certain religious profession, as objects of public odium and contempt. To which I answer, no further than their temper and conduct render them worthy of it. I do not think that piety, public virtue, and a love to one’s country, are entailed to, or inseperably connected with any one mode of professing christianity; however some may have the advantage of others, in their tendency to promote these christian and political virtues; yet I believe there may be mean, base and mercenary wretches in every profession, who for one sweet delicious morsel to themselves, might be tempted to sell their country with all its liberties and privileges, as profane Esau sold his birthright. On the other hand, I believe there are many good men, of Edition: current; Page: [380] sound integrity, of unblemished morals, and truly lovers of their country in every denomination of christians. On this subject, it matters not with me, whether a man be a stated member of this or that church, whether he be in communion with that established in Old England, or in New; provided he be a good man, actuated by evangelical principles and motives, and will stand fast in the liberty wherewith Christ has made him free. I disdain the low singularities of a party. I desire that every man may think and judge for himself in religion, and enjoy all the sacred rights and liberties of conscience in full. There is but one general distinction that is of essential importance in the cause now depending, and that is to be made by drawing the dividing line between the true friends to the rights of humanity, our dear country, and constitutional liberties and privileges, civil and religious: And the base, traitorous and perfidious enemies thereto. Let the first sort of such an amiable character be honoured and beloved, and promoted to all public offices and employments in the state: let the latter sort have a public brand of infamy put upon them, to mark them out as the worst of villains, the open and avowed enemies of mankind, and traitors of their country, who are secretly hoping for ministerial favours. If any under pretence of great moderation, or a pacific disposition, stand as neuters in this important cause, skulking as behind the door, and undetermined on which side they can serve themselves to best advantage, sometimes appearing friendly to this party, and sometimes to that; we can have no safe dependence on them in a day of extremity. He that will not stand forth firmly and boldly for this country, when exposed so as to need his help; is no true friend to it. And as there may possibly be some such secret dissembling enemies acting in disguise, among us; it might be well for you, gentlemen freemen, to be cautiously on your guard against them: they cannot safely be trusted with the lowest office in the state. As you have it in your power to choose your own rulers and officers, from a governor even down to a tythingman, the present state of these times makes it requisite and necessary that you be very vigilant and watchful, and get a thorough knowledge of men’s political principles, before you advance them to any seat in government, or any office in the state. If the office oaths had an additional clause to them, in this critical day, it might possibly be a stronger safeguard and security to us, viz. That every person who comes into office, solemnly Edition: current; Page: [381] swear, not only allegiance to the king, and faithfulness in general; but that he will maintain and defend the constitutional rights, and charter privileges of his country. I add but my best wishes and hearty prayers to God for the continuation of these rights and privileges to us, and our children after us, to the latest posterity. I remain your most cordial friend, and devoted humble servant,

God the sovereign Lord and supreme Ruler of all things, has made men in such a manner, and placed them in such circumstances, as plainly to discover his will, that they should unite and combine into societies for their mutual benefit and advantage. He has not, by the light of nature, nor by any positive declarations of his will, infallibly directed what form of society he would have to prevail, nor prescribed any one particular species of civil government, as more agreeable to him, than another. But has made mankind rational creatures; and left them to choose that which they apprehend to be most perfect in its nature and kind, and best suited to their state, situation and circumstances. The divine constitution, and government of God over his intelligent creatures, is fixed; and it does not become men to exercise their invention or wisdom in seeking any alteration or change in it: but to study the most ready and cheerful submission; as they may be assured, that whatever God requires, is fit and right for his subjects to comply with. His authority and power over us is unlimited and uncontrolable, and cannot be denied, or opposed without our being guilty of the highest crime of rebellion. But no created being is invested with such absolute, unlimited power, nor qualified for the exercise of it. Error and imperfection belongs to every individual of the human race. The brightest character that was ever justly drawn among mortal men, has this dark shade in it: So that the will of none, is infallibly right in all things, and cannot therefore be complied with in all instances, consistent with a good conscience, and the superior obligations we are under to the sovereign Ruler of the world; who still maintains this rightful authority over us, and has not given it by delegation, to any one among created beings: all of whom were originally made free-agents; and considered as in a state of nature, previous to their uniting as members of society, have their liberty and free choice to agree upon such a form of government, and mode of administration in their civil and temporal affairs, as they judge most conducive to their happiness and good: any one of which has no more claim Edition: current; Page: [383] than another to be, jure divino, or of divine right, on any other principle, than its being more conformable to right reason and equity, by the eternal rules of which, God has manifested it to be his will, that his rational creatures be governed.

As societies and communities have their beginning and origin in voluntary compact and agreement; when persons have entered by consent and free choice, into society, they must acknowledge themselves under strict and sacred obligations to act toward one another agreeable to the laws and constitution of that society whereof they are members. There are certain duties required of rulers, as well as of subjects; and their obligations faithfully and punctually to fulfil them, rise in proportion to the dignity and importance of their high and elevated stations; and the effect and influence which their conduct has on the rest of the body. A man’s being raised to honour and promotion above others, is so far from releasing him from, or lessening his duty, that every step he takes in his advancement, proportionably enlarges it, and adds a new and powerful obligation to the performance of it. The most absolute of sovereign princes owe something to the meanest of their subjects; and may be very criminal in the neglect or refusal of it. Subjects have rights, privileges and properties; and are countenanced and supported by the law of nature, the laws of society, and the law of God; in demanding full protection in the enjoyment of these rights, and the impartial distribution of justice, from their rulers. And when rulers refuse these, and will not comply with such a reasonable and equitable demand from the subject; the society is dissolved; and its fundamental laws violated and broken; and the relation between the ruler and the subject ceases, with all the duties and obligations that arose from it. For it must be supposed, and every one of common sense will readily allow, that no man would ever have consented to place himself in the state of a subject, on any other consideration or footing than that of his having protection and justice from those to whom he submitted. The good of society in all its individual members, is the end for which it is formed; and for which government is instituted and appointed. And this cannot be obtained, unless rulers exert their power, influence and authority to protect their subjects in all their valuable rights and privileges; defend them against their enemies, both from without, and within; and administer impartial justice among them. David, who had, for many years, exercised Edition: current; Page: [384] an absolute sovereignty and dominion over the kingdom of Israel, had no notion of aggrandizing himself, and his nobility, by enslaving his subjects, and striping them of their property, at his own arbitrary will and pleasure, contrary to law and right: but considers himself as appointed to serve them, whose rights and privileges were esteemed by him, more sacred and inviolable than those of the royal scepter and diadem. The best and most illustrious part of his character consisted in this, that he approved himself the faithful servant of God, and his generation. His ambition and desire was to serve his generation; not to be served by them in the character of abject vassals and slaves. A king or prince of his noble and heroic spirit could have no pleasure or satisfaction in ruling over their fellow-mortals, degraded to such a low, infamous state, so far beneath humanity. But to rule over men that have the spirit of men, the spirit of loyalty and liberty; and who possess some property too; is an honour to the most dignified king or prince. And the more of this spirit of liberty, in conjunction with property among the subjects, the greater is the honour of him that sways the scepter in righteousness over them. This Jewish, or Israelitish prince was very sensible, that kings and rulers were liable to do wrong, unjust actions, as well as others; that the subjects had rights and properties that might be invaded or encroached upon by them. We therefore find among his last words, the excellent sentence now read, which he spake just as he was leaving his earthly throne and kingdom, and going to appear before a higher tribunal. He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God. David himself had been a ruler over men: he was the man who was raised up on high; the anointed of the God of Jacob, must therefore, from his own great experience and observation, be supposed to have a thorough knowledge and understanding of the subject on which he here speaks with so much seriousness and solemnity, as in the near view of eternity, which consideration adds weight and importance to his expressions; and might be sufficient to engage the attention of the most dignified rulers, and sovereign princes, to them; who must be inexcusable if they refuse to receive instruction from them, since a greater than David is here: The God of Israel has said, the Rock of Israel has spoken. That glorious Being by whom kings reign, and princes decree justice, is the author of this divine sentence here given forth: to whom sovereign rulers are as strictly accountable for all their conduct, Edition: current; Page: [385] as the meanest of their subjects—may therefore properly be called upon, and that, by the authority of the great Lord and governor of the world, to attend to, and conscientiously practice their duty in such plain, important instances of it. Be wise now therefore O ye kings, says God, be instructed ye judges of the earth; serve the Lord with fear, rejoice with trembling. Psal. ii. 10, 11.

In further discoursing from these words, I shall,

• I. Consider the necessity and importance of justice in civil rulers.
• II. Shew that the fear of the Lord is the proper, effectual principle, to influence such to the observation and practice of justice.

I. ’Tis highly necessary and important, that civil rulers should be just. Such are concerned in the rules of justice and righteousness, as well as other men; and indeed, more so, in proportion as they are raised above others; and have it in their power to do greater good or evil, according as they are inclined. Was the doctrine true, That all property is vested in the king, or chief rulers; and that they can do no wrong to their subjects: Such scripture precepts and directions from the sovereign Ruler of the world as that in my text, would be entirely needless and impertinent; and seem, on this supposition, to argue his want of wisdom and knowledge, on this important subject. But however bold some conceited, ambitious mortals may be, in censuring others, when advanced a little above them in wealth and power; yet, I would hope that few or none will dare openly to attack divine revelation, and censure the ruling wisdom of God. Let God be true, tho’ every man be found a liar. Let God be wise, tho’ every man be found a fool. If those that rule over men, must be just; there is certainly some rule of justice and righteousness for them to observe in this office and character: and it may be infered by just consequence, That they are capable of doing wrong; and as liable so to do as other men, that those who stand related to them as subjects, have really something to call their own, that they have rights and properties distinct from their sovereign, are capable of suffering injustice, oppression and wrong, even from them; and that, in a greater degree than from any of their fellow-subjects, in proportion to the greater degree of their strength and power. The aforesaid doctrine therefore, advanced by some, That kings and sovereign rulers with their ministry, can do no wrong, is so far from being true, that it is the most false, absurd doctrine that was ever preached in the world; and of most pernicious bad consequence both to ruler and Edition: current; Page: [386] ruled, directly tending not only to the temporal, but eternal destruction of both. As rulers are capable, when they rightly improve the superiour advantages of their high and elevated stations, of doing more towards promoting justice and righteousness among their fellow-men: so, when of a contrary temper and disposition, that i[s] to say, when they neglect, and refuse to attend to those good laws and rules of equity; and take it into their heads to act in an arbitrary, tyrannical manner, to oppress and enslave their subjects; they do the highest injustice and wrong, and the greatest mischief and evil of any men in the world; and are the biggest plagues, and heaviest judgments upon a society that can be sent upon them.

Corruptio optimi est pessima.

None therefore that are promoted to the office and character of civil rulers, ought to think themselves above the observation of the eternal rules of justice and righteousness, by which they themselves, as well as their subjects, will be tried hereafter, and justified or condemned by the righteous judge of the world.

But that I may, to better advantage, illustrate the great necessity and importance of justice in civil rulers, I shall briefly consider them in their several capacities, and shew the necessity of their being just, while acting in them.

Now, under the name of rulers, are comprehended; both those who enact laws, and those who execute them; those who are cloathed with legislative authority, and those who have that which is judicial and ministerial.

When men first joined in society, ’twas impossible for them to form at once, a complete, perfect system of laws, to suit all exigences, and particular cases that might happen: they could not foresee all future events, and make provision for them. The body politic, is like the natural body; subject to a variety of distempers and diseases, ’tis sometimes strong, healthy and vigorous, and every part performs its proper office and function, without impediment or obstruction: At other times, it declines, grows weak and relaxed in all its nervous parts; and to use the significant and beautiful language of inspiration, The whole head is sick, and the whole heart faint; from the sole of the foot, even unto the head, there is no soundness in it. And as it is liable to be thus sickly and distempered; so ’tis liable to be dissolved and die.

Now, as a man finds it necessary to regulate himself in regard to diet, exercise, physic, &c. and suit his way of living to the present condition of his body, as will best serve to promote the health and activity of all the members of it; so there is the necessity of the like wise, prudential methods of administration in government, suited to the different state and circumstances of the body politic. And as circumstances vary, and new and different scenes open to view; new laws become necessary for the health and benefit of the community. All governments have therefore a legislative authority lodged in some hand or other; not to be exercised at the arbitrary will and pleasure of one or more individuals; but in the exercise of it to be restrained and limited, at least by the eternal rules of justice and righteousness, as it is designed, not for the destruction, but for the health and preservation of the body. And as it is necessary for the well-being of society, that good laws be made; so ’tis likewise necessary that they be duly put in execution; and that, both in civil and criminal cases: this being the life of the law, without which it signifies nothing toward answering the end for which it was made. Now, in order to this, some persons must have authority to judge between a man and his neighbour, and to put their judgments in execution.

Thus rulers considered either in their legislative or executive capacity, are designed for the general and public good of the community they serve; they are the ministers of God, instituted and ordained to attend continually unto this very thing; and in both these capacities, they must be just. Particularly,

1. There is justice to be observed in making laws. The legislative authority is usually stiled supreme. The power of making laws is undoubtedly the highest in every society. The executive officers are obliged to observe the rule prescribed them by the legislators; and all the subjects of every order, to yield obedience to their laws; provided they are not prejudicial to, but salutary and for the good of society; and do not interfere with the duty they owe to the great Sovereign of all men; and do not contradict the end for which men unite, as members of society; nor run counter to the fundamental constitution on which they are settled. While a society subsists, no man, or number of men, have authority to call to account those who are vested with supreme authority: which makes it extremely difficult to correct disorders in a state, when the foundations are out of course. But tho’ Edition: current; Page: [388] sovereign rulers cannot, while they continue in their high office and character, be called to account, by any under them; yet ’tis possible for them, by acting contrary to the design and intention of their office, to dissolve the society over which they rule; and so, at once lose all their sovereign power and authority: after which, they can have no more than other men, to screen them from such punishment as their crimes deserve. And when such a melancholy event takes place, that a civil society is dissolved, and men return to a state of nature; they have the same liberty they at first had, to form themselves into society again, in what form, and on what terms they please.

But notwithstanding the sovereignty of legislators, they are under strict and sacred obligations to observe the rule of justice, in enacting laws. ’Tis a great and very dangerous mistake to suppose, that legislators have a power absolutely arbitrary; or that their authority is under no limitation or restraint at all. Right and wrong, are founded in the nature of things; and cannot be altered and changed, even by the voice of such kings and monarchs as are betrusted with the power of making laws. The Psalmist mentions, A throne of iniquity which frameth mischief by a law. And if he had not mentioned such a thing, any person of common sense and understanding, who considered things with the least degree of attention, would soon be convinced, that ’twas in the nature of things, possible to establish iniquity by a law. And any one who is acquainted with the history of former ages; or even with the present state of the world, cannot but know, that this has in fact, been often done. No intelligent friends to the christian institution doubts, but the laws made by the heathen emperors for extirpating Christianity, and destroying the professors of it, were unjust. All sound protestants, I suppose, will agree on passing the same sentence on the laws which establish an inquisition in some popish countries. And it must be a pleasure to all lovers of liberty and virtue, to observe, that the number of those who wish that no penal laws might be enacted in matters merely religious, that no person might be liable to any penalty, or lie under any incapacity, on account of any opinion or practice in religion, which does not at all affect the peace and happiness of human society, is daily increasing.

Now, if there be any such thing as acting unjustly in making a law, ’tis plain that rulers, considered in their legislative capacity, are obliged to observe some rule of justice. For where there is no duty or Edition: current; Page: [389] obligation of this sort, there can be no such thing as acting unjustly.

’Tis a part of justice in legislators to enact such laws as are suited to the circumstances of the society for the regulation of which they are intended: such as conduce to the public good: And such as, instead of destroying, will secure and protect the just rights and privileges of every individual member: such as will in an equitable manner, decide controversies between particular subjects; and defend the weak, and prevent their becoming an easy prey to the strong: such, finally, as may be a terror to evil doers, and an encouragement to those that do well.

There is further, justice to be observed between the community and particular persons; under which head, are to be reckoned the granting proper reward to those who faithfully serve the public in any capacity: paying public debts: and sacredly observing the public faith. Here likewise may be mentioned the penalties annexed to laws. Penal laws are intended for the public good: The great intention of punishing the transgressors of them is, that others may be kept in awe. And legislators have a right to annex such penalties to their just and equitable laws, as are sufficient to maintain their authority, and secure the observation of them. But yet, there is justice to be observed in proportioning punishments to crimes: and no doubt, it would be unjust, cruel and barbarous, to affix the most severe punishments that could be invented, to small and trifling offences.

2. Rulers considered in their executive capacity as putting laws in execution, must be just. Executive officers are obliged to proceed according to the received and established laws of their country. By these, they are to judge and determine all controversies, both of a civil and criminal nature, which come before them; doing strict, impartial justice to all men, without respect of persons. Their duty is not to oppress: but to deliver the poor that cry to them; the fatherless, and him that hath none to help. They ought to endeavour that the blessing, not the curse of him that is ready to perish, may come upon them: and to cause the widow’s heart to sing for joy. It concerns them to put on righteousness, and to clothe themselves with judgment, as with a robe and diadem. They must be eyes to the blind, and feet to the lame, and fathers to the poor; and the cause which they know not, ought to be searched out. To them it belongs to break the jaws of the wicked; and to pluck the spoil out of his Edition: current; Page: [390] teeth: to curb and restrain the violent; and let the oppressed go free. But it being so evident, and universally acknowledged, that those who put the laws in execution, ought to be just men, I shall not enlarge upon this head: but proceed briefly to show the necessity and importance of rulers being just; or to mention some of the obligations they are under to this great duty. And here,

1. This is necessary to their answering the design of their office, and promoting the welfare and good of human society. Public good is the end of government of every sort. ’Tis with a view of promoting and securing this, that men enter into society. ’Tis for obtaining this, that some are appointed to rule over others; and that those submit to, and obey them. Now, this important end cannot be obtained, unless rulers act uprightly and justly. When civil rulers, forgeting the end of their institution, and the proper duties of their station, neglect and trample upon the rules of justice; and consult only to gratify their own pride and ambitious humour and passion: when they consider their subjects as an inferior species of beings, made as beasts of burden, for their pleasure or profit; when, instead of observing the reason and nature of things, they make their own mere will and pleasure, the rule of acting; and govern in an arbitrary, tyrannical manner; ’tis impossible to describe the evils and mischiefs they bring on mankind. These have been so great and terrible, that some have been ready to question, Whether civil rulers have not done more hurt than good, in the world. When we see an haughty and ambitious monarch, or corrupt ministry spending the blood and treasure of their subjects, in carrying on an unrighteous quarrel and contention with them, or against their neighbours; from a mistaken notion of glory; distressing their towns and cities with their troops and armaments, depopulating their country, and seeming to aim at the universal destruction of mankind; we may well be shock’d at the sight, and look on such a lawless, arbitrary ruler, as the heaviest calamity and judgment, that a righteous God can send upon a sinful people. But notwithstanding the dark and dismal prospect which a scene of tyranny and oppression affords; ’tis undoubtedly true, that civil government is designed for the good of men; and when administered with justice and mercy, it does excellently well answer this design. As tyrants are the greatest of temporal judgments, as being the cause of all the most distressing evils that can be imagined; so good rulers are the Edition: current; Page: [391] greatest blessings to the world, and the instruments in God’s hand, of securing all our other good things. But then, to render them such, they must be just, considered both in a legislative and executive capacity.

2. Rulers are obliged to be just, on account of the great trust reposed in them. Sovereign authority is the greatest trust that can be reposed in any man. The power of making laws is very great, and extensive in its nature, and of the utmost importance in the exercise of it. And next to this, is that of putting laws in execution. The man that is appointed to judge another, with authority to decide all controversies among his fellow-subjects: to determine and pass sentence upon the lives and properties of such vast numbers of men; has a very great and important trust reposed in him. And the weight and importance of the trust reposed in any inferiour executive officer, is proportioned to the authority vested in him. Now, the receiving such a trust lays a man under very great obligations to faithfulness in the discharge of it. Men in such high places of trust and authority, instead of being released from the laws of God, and having their obligations to faithfulness in the discharge of duty, lessened and diminished; have them increased, in proportion to their advancement; and it is not beneath the dignity of their stations, to attend very seriously to the advice and exhortation of the Psalmist, Be wise now therefore, O ye kings; be instructed ye judges of the earth. Serve the Lord with fear; kiss the son, lest he be angry, and ye perish from the way, when his wrath is kindled but a little. ’Tis of importance, if men have but one talent, that they improve it: but if they have ten, and neglect and refuse so to do; the punishment will be tenfold greater. If a private man neglects his duty, he, and others connected with him, may suffer. But if a chief ruler is unjust and unfaithful, the whole community or body politic suffers. As much therefore as the welfare and happiness of such a community, or body, is to be valued above, and preferred to the happiness of an individual; so much higher and greater are his obligations to faithfulness, than the obligations of a private member of society; and if he refuses to discharge them uprightly and conscientiously, as in the fear of God; a proportionably heavy and aggravated punishment must he expect to receive, when judged by him.

3. The exercise of justice is necessary in civil rulers, to their own present comfort, and future happiness. ’Tis a common observation, Edition: current; Page: [392] that the greatest tyrants are the greatest and most miserable slaves. Those rulers who invade the rights and liberties of their own subjects, in an arbitrary, tyrannical manner, and seek to oppress and enslave them; are always in fear of being themselves destroyed by them. They are obliged, at vast expence, to keep up large armies to distress and enslave their peaceable subjects; who, under such a grievous yoke of bondage, cannot be easy and satisfied; but will be naturally struggling after liberty; and be ready, when it galls their necks, to turn against and depose such oppressing tyrants; and sometimes, to imbrue their hands in their blood: of which, many instances are to be found in the histories of the Roman, and of the Turkish empire. Whereas, when princes rule in a just and constitutional way, with mildness and benignity; and seek the good and welfare of their subjects; they may always put full, unreserved confidence in them, and depend on being supported and defended by them, at the expence of all that is dear and valuable to them; yea, at the expence of their lives, which will not be thought too dear a sacrifice for the safety and honour of such a worthy prince.

Again. This justice and faithfulness in rulers is necessary to their having peace in their own minds and consciences. Such have consciences as well as other men, accusing or else excusing; who, upon the faithful discharge of the high trust reposed in them, will have inward peace, security and joy, and heart-felt satisfaction such as the world can neither give, nor take away. But on the other hand; if the rules of justice and righteousness be neglected and trampled upon by them, and they practise high handed tyranny and oppression: and seek to enslave and destroy their subjects; what dreadful horrors of conscience must they necessarily feel when awakened to any serious reflections on their wicked, guilty conduct, which has been so distressing and ruinous to thousands more innocent and righteous than themselves.

Lastly. This justice and faithfulness is necessary to their future happiness. Tho’ civil rulers are stiled gods, yet must they die like men; and at last, give an account of themselves to the judge of the quick, and the dead.

[II.] I now proceed to the next thing proposed, which as in the second place, to shew, That the fear of the Lord is the proper, effectual Edition: current; Page: [393] principle to influence civil rulers to the exact observance of justice.

He that ruleth over men, must be just: And that he may be so, he must rule in the fear of the Lord. If we consider human nature, as vitiated by the apostacy; we shall find, that hardly any thing but the fear of punishment, is able to keep men in awe, and due subjection. That it is thus with subjects, is evident from the many severe laws, and terrible executions of them, which the wisest and most merciful rulers in all nations, have found necessary to preserve the peace, and promote the happiness of civil society. Now, ’tis certain that the essential principles of human nature are the same in all men, whatever external relations they sustain. There is therefore great danger, that rulers will degenerate into tyrants; and of blessings, become plagues and curses to mankind; unless there be some way to keep them in awe, some principle to excite their fears, and by that means, keep them within their proper sphere, and engage them to the observation of justice. Now, this is not always to be done by a fear of men. Sovereigns are exempted from the common power of human laws; there is no ordinary authority that may judge them; and this their security may prove a strong temptation to them, to neglect the proper duties of their exalted stations. They may trust in their forces and armies to defend them from the resentment of an injured and oppressed people; and so imagine themselves perfectly secure from punishment at present; and the nearer any subordinate ruler approaches to sovereignty, the less has he to fear from men, and consequently, the greater prospect has he, of indemnification in acting unjustly. There is therefore the utmost need and necessity, that those who rule over men, should rule in the fear of the Lord; that they should have a firm belief of the being, perfections and providence of God; that they should not only fear his vindictive punishing justice, but beyond this, as the text requires, maintain an holy awe and reverence of him upon their minds; and consider him as that righteous judge to whom they must at last, give an account of the discharge of the great trust reposed in them; and from whom they shall receive a righteous sentence of absolution or condemnation.

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1. What we have heard on this subject, should serve to excite our thankful acknowledgments to the supreme Ruler of the world for his great favour to us in the happy constitution of government we have hitherto lived under. The providence of God which rules the world (tho’ it does not neglect the lesser affairs of men), especially concerns itself in more important things, which respect more large societies and communities of men. Civil government is one of the principal of these. God is the judge; he setteth up one, and putteth down another; and orders all the changes and revolutions that come to pass in the kingdoms and empires of the world: whose providence has been very extraordinary, and in a manner, miraculous, in conducting our fathers into this, once howling wilderness in preserving them in their weak, infant-state, when exposed to destruction many ways; and leading them to settle on such an excellent constitution of government; which affords such full protection, and ample security to the subjects, of their lives, liberties and properties; and in providing for us in succession down to this day, such a wise, virtuous and upright set of rulers who we have reason to think, have, in the main, ruled in the fear of the Lord. Our privileges in this respect are very great, beyond what any other people enjoy in any part of the earth. The bigger part of the world have had their liberties wrested out of their hands; been opprest and enslaved by lawless and cruel tyrants: while we are yet in the possession of freedom. May God preserve it to us safe, and hand it down to the latest posterity! Our fathers went through the greatest perils and dangers to procure these privileges for us; and we ought to be willing to do our utmost to preserve them, and hand them down to our children and offspring. Our treasure, and our blood too, are not too dear and costly sacrifices for such valuable things.

2. Of what importance is it, that civil rulers be men of uprightness and integrity; men of real piety and religion; who fear the Lord, and keep up a proper awe and reverence of him upon their minds? This is necessary to their own comfort and happiness; to the peace of their consciences; and to their having a well-grounded hope of a future crown of glory in the coming world. It is likewise necessary to the good and happiness of the society, over which they are appointed to rule. If a sovereign prince or ruler be destitute of integrity and justice; Edition: current; Page: [395] and has not the fear of the great God before his eyes: all inferior motives which might have influence on men in lower stations, will be insufficient to restrain him from wicked nets of tyranny and oppression, and keep him to his duty. As such cannot well be arraigned before any human tribunal on earth, to account for their conduct; if they have no fear and dread on their minds, of appearing before, and accounting to their supreme Judge, the sovereign ruler of the world; they will be in the utmost danger, not only of ruining themselves both for time and eternity; but also, of ruining their subjects in all their dear and valuable interests; and of involving them in the greatest conceivable distresses and troubles. This is so far from being true, That such can do no wrong; that on the contrary, the experience of all ages testifies, that they are capable, when they loose the principles of justice and religion, of doing the greatest mischief and wrong, of any men in the world. As a roaring lion, and a raging bear, says Solomon, So is a wicked ruler over a poor people. He adds further, The prince that wanteth understanding is also a great oppressor.

3. What has been said on this subject, is perfectly agreeable to, and justifies the principles on which the British nation acted, as a body, in deposing king James the second, that tyrannical oppressive prince, when pursuing measures tending to their destruction; and in introducing king William of glorious memory, to the throne, to sway the scepter in righteousness. This grand revolution happened between eighty and ninety years ago. The kings who have reigned over us, since which period, in succession, can make out no just claim and title to the throne, on any other principles than those advanced in this discourse. If these are not well grounded and established; but fail; they must fail with them, and be deemed only usurpers; and the pretender on the other hand, the only rightful heir to the crown. If we embrace the abovesaid doctrine, The kings with their council and ministry can do no wrong, but must be obeyed in all their edicts and commands; we must of necessity, condemn the conduct of the nation in general, in rising up against, and deposing king James; and join with the rebels in the highlands of Scotland, in their endeavours to overthrow the present constitution of Great Britain; and to bring in one of the descendents of James, as our rightful king, and disown him that now sits on the throne; and look upon the aforesaid rebels, as the only loyal people in the kingdom; if the nation had no right to oppose the Edition: current; Page: [396] measures of that ancient king, when they evidently tended to deprive the subjects of their dear liberties and their best rights and properties. If the constitution of England forbids them to resume, and take their things into their own power, when they could not have protection from their sovereign: if it was wrong and unjustifiable for the people to think and judge for themselves, and seek the best remedy in their power, when they found themselves grievously oppressed by the unrelenting hand of arbitrary power: when they found their chief ruler fail in all the essential points of his high office and character, and to act contrary to the very end and design of its institution; then it will follow, that the very foundation-principles of government have been subverted by the revolution, and all, excepting a few that have been deemed rebels, both kings and their subjects have been upon a wrong, wicked plan, for near a century past. And to get right, we must throw up the present constitution of England and the Hanover family, that is in present possession of the throne; and return back in our allegiance to the Stuart family; and to their popish plan of government. These are the genuine consequences of the doctrine of passive obedience and non-resistance, so zealously preached up by some artful and designing men, who act as creatures of the state, and probably expect high honours and promotions from a corrupt ministry, as a reward for their labours, to be gathered out of the spoils of their country. A doctrine as unfriendly and injurious to the king, as it is dangerous to the rights and liberties of his subjects. The crown and dignity of the king can be maintained and defended, only on these just and equitable principles, on which the rights and privileges of the people are secured and established. He that denies the right which the body of the people have, to take care of their liberties when in danger, does virtually dethrone our present king, and make him only a usurper; and acts the most friendly and favourable part towards a popish pretender. For it was certainly in consequence of the people’s taking their rights and liberties into their own hands, that the illustrious house of Hanover was advanced to the throne of England.

4. If the rules of justice and righteousness ever allowed a people, a right to take care of their liberties and privileges, as all I trust, will readily grant; they are still possessed of this right, and may lawfully use and exert it for those salutary purposes, as they have occasion or Edition: current; Page: [397] call in divine providence. On this sure ground and footing, the wise and judicious part of the reputable inhabitants of America, proceed to consult the best measures of safety and preservation in this critical and alarming situation of our public affairs.†

The conduct of the several provinces thro’ the continent, in sending commissioners to meet in general congress, to secure the threatned liberties and properties of the people, may be justified on these principles. If the people in these American colonies, have really any property, any thing to call their own; which cannot be denied without the most injurious reflection and insult upon, and abuse of them, and their ancestors, who have been labouring and toiling for this purpose, so many years: if this, I say, be granted; then they have a right to secure and defend themselves in the possession of it; and none have a right to take it from them without their consent. But as we hold our properties and privileges by royal charter, has not the Edition: current; Page: [398] king and ministry a right to take this charter from us, and to strip us of all? I answer. No more than you that have wives, have a right to break the marriage covenant; and turn them out naked and destitute, and set them adrift. Property is prior to all human laws, constitutions and charters. God hath given the earth to the children of men. Our fathers acquired property in this land, and were rightfully possessed of it, previous to their obtaining a royal charter; as can easily be demonstrated. The charter is the most solemn stipulation and compact between the parties, the sovereign and the subject, on certain terms. “And the breaking of charters,[”] says a late excellent writer,

5. As all human counsels and endeavours may be insufficient for these important purposes of securing and defending the rights and liberties of a people, when in danger of being, wrested out of their hands, by the violent exertions of arbitrary power; we see the propriety, and the reasonableness of the duty of looking to God, in a way of solemn fasting and prayer, at such a time, for deliverance and safe protection. God, the sovereign ruler of the world, has the great affairs of the kingdoms and empires of the earth, in his own hands; and can dispose of them as seems good unto him. He has the hearts of kings and ministers in his hands, and can turn them, as he turns the rivers of water. In seasons of such danger and distress, our eyes and our hearts should be lifted up to him, for that help and relief that we need. And as we are now called to this important duty, by the pious rulers of the land; all that are so far above the beasts that perish, as to know the rights, the liberties and privileges that essentially belong to humanity; and withal, have any belief of the being of a God, and of his governing providence, will, I trust, heartily unite herein, with a very serious and devout frame of mind; while the ignorant, the profane, and stupid infidals, may probably make a scoff and ridicule of these sacred solemnities.

The great controversy that has for some years, subsisted between the chief rulers in the mother country and the English colonies in America, has arisen to a very great height: and let the fault be on which side it will, we have reason to tremble at the consequences, as we are threatened with most awful ruin and destruction in all that is dear and valuable to us. A neighbouring province begins to feel very sensibly, the distressing effects thereof; as great numbers of its industrious inhabitants are reduced to a suffering state, and become real objects of charity; being turned out of the means by which they procured their daily bread. The chief rulers neither feed nor guide them: but are using means that tend to devour and destroy them; and no other colony or province on the continent has the least security from having the same cruel, oppressive and tyrannical measures used towards them. All the most judicious and sensible part of the inhabitants thro’ the whole continent of America, view themselves as interested and concerned in the consequences of this dispute; and expect to stand or fall by the issue of it. The port and harbour of Boston has, for some time been shut up; their trade and commerce stopped; their charter-rights invaded; the security of their lives, liberties and properties, taken away; with an armed force in the midst of them, to heighten their distress, and bring on their complete ruin. Which respectable province, and metropolis of New-England, being once enslaved by the cruel exertions of arbitrary power, and stript of their property for which they, and their ancestors have been, for so many years industriously labouring; some other colony or province will, no doubt, be taken in hand: and so the horrid and execrable scene of tyranny and oppression be vigorously prosecuted from place to place, until it spread over the whole continent. The aspect of our public affairs was never more dark and gloomy, than at the present day. The kingdom under such a load of debt, in such a distracted, divided and convulsed state, as forebodes its speedy ruin and destruction. The foundations of government seem awfully out of course; and the righteous in a state of utmost peril and danger, as they have no sure ground of safety to stand upon.

We are certainly threatened with the loss of our precious liberties and privileges, and of all our dear and valuable interests. Allowing that our conduct as a body, has been loyal, dutiful and obedient to our earthly sovereign; that we have given no just cause or provocation Edition: current; Page: [400] to resolve on such severe, unprecedented measures, as these in the late acts of parliament; yet, can we say, it has been strictly right and justifiable in the sight of the sovereign Ruler of the world? Whose hand is to be considered in these dark clouds that hang over, these distressing judgments that are coming on the land. Have we done nothing to provoke his divine displeasure against us? It becomes us very seriously to inquire, What meaneth the heat of his anger! Who, or what has procured the tokens of his wrath and indignation; which some, as instruments stand ready to execute upon us? And how shall we obtain his favour? Sins of any kind, when they become common; when they are openly practised, and that with impunity; bring public guilt; and it may be expected, that if men don’t testify against them, God himself will do it; and that, by sending distressing judgments on a people. And God’s judgments and threatnings of providence are sometimes of such a nature, as to point out the particular kinds of sin by which he is offended. Let us try this rule in our present circumstances.

The first disadvantage people in general feel and complain of, from the late judicial system of tyranny and oppression; and the severe, unexampled acts of parliament that have been published in consequence of it is, that trade and commerce, and the means of increasing our wealth and riches, are obstructed; and great loss and damages sustained; and at the same time, public charges increased, in supporting agents and commissioners to consult, and look out a way of safety and deliverance for us. Those who live at a distance in the country, from those populous cities and towns that are the chief seat of trade and commerce are not so immediately affected at first, by the operation of these cruel and inhuman acts. Yet must, in time, and in a very short time too, feel the destressing and impoverishing effects of them: which, if carried into execution in the full length and breadth of them will not only diminish our estates; but strip us of all our substance, and reduce us to the condition of slaves that have no possession or property to call their own.

And does not this point out our sins, as especially provoking to God, and procuring the present tokens of his displeasure? Is it not a plain indication that God is offended with that covetousness, or excessive love of the world which abounds? That inordinate love of money, which is the root of all evil? It is owing to this, that men Edition: current; Page: [401] murmur and complain under that public charge which the present state of things makes necessary; and which, after all our complaints, is nothing like what the generality of men are subject to, in their best times, when they have the greatest peace, and least public expence. It has been represented, that some uneasy, dissatisfied persons, who are disaffected to the privileges of their country, have gone so far as to say, They had rather that the king and his ministry might come, and take away our charter-privileges, and all that we have, than to pay such taxes for the support of government over them. To such, if there are any such among us, I would recommend a serious consideration of the awful sentence God pronounced against the murmuring Israelites in the wilderness. Numb. xiv. 28. As truly as I live, saith the Lord, as ye have spoken in mine ears, so will I do to you. I will here cite a passage from a sermon of the Rev. Mr. Trumbull, delivered at the freeman’s-meeting, in the town of New-Haven, April 12th, 1773, with his note subjoined thereto. Speaking of the advantages of free states, arising from their choosing rulers from among themselves, he observes concerning rulers thus chosen, “Their government is mild and righteous. And as they do not govern to get their bread, and advance their fortunes, at the ruin of ours; and as they can lay no burdens on us, without bearing the same weight themselves, their government is as remarkable for the little expence of it, as it is for its gentleness, impartiality and righteousness. All our expences, by way of salary to civil officers, do not, I imagine, amount annually, by considerable, to the one half of the salary of a king’s governor, in any of the neighbouring provinces.”* On the other hand, the present judgment and threatning discover God’s displeasure against us, for Edition: current; Page: [402] indulging pride and vanity, luxury and intemperance. The plain voice of providence is, that God is awfully offended with all that practise these ruinous and destructive vices.

We are further threatened with being deprived of all our civil privileges, and brought under a most cruel, arbitrary and tyrannical kind of government. The scheme of government planned out for Boston, is in its whole frame and constitution, completely despotic and arbitrary. The will of the chief ruler is law; and the subject holds his estate, and even life, only during his pleasure. This arbitrary government will, no doubt, be carried to its greatest extent through all the American colonies, and exercised in all its terrors and cruelties upon them, if the present ministry are permitted to carry the point they are contending for, in such a sanguine manner.

Now, does not this threatning point out some particular sins, as procuring it? We have been greatly favoured of God in respect to the constitution of the government more immediately over us; and the administration of our public affairs. We in this colony enjoy, not only the full liberties of Englishmen; but even some peculiar privileges, confirmed by royal charter, which distinguish us from the rest of our fellow subjects in the plantations. But how far have we been from being truly thankful for such privileges? And how ready to slight and abuse them? How earnestly have some wished themselves in the condition of the poor tenants and slaves in a neighbouring province, rather than pay a trifle to support their liberties, and freedom, and real estate, in this? How apt have we been to despise the persons, and slight the authority of the rulers of our people? To hearken to, and propagate reports prejudicial to their character? To countenance and join with the disaffected, and begrudge their reward; which is far less than magistrates in any other province have? And after all the murmuring about it, is very inadequate to the public services they perform, and the advantages we derive from their administration. There was something of this disposition in the Jews of old: They refused the waters of Shiloah that run softly—they were discontented and unthankful under a mild government, and gentle administration, that allowed Edition: current; Page: [403] them great privileges and liberties; therefore God threatens to bring upon them the waters of the river, strong and many, or to subject them to the tyrannical government of the king of Assyria.

Once more. We are awfully threatened with being deprived of the liberty of our consciences, the liberty of professing the important truths of the gospel; and attending those sacred ordinances which God has instituted with a view to advance the glory of the Redeemer, and promote the salvation of his people. This will most probably be the consequence of carrying those schemes and plans into execution, which the present ministry have projected. And does not this loudly declare, That our having neglected the worship and turned our backs upon the ordinances of God; our distrusting and despising the grace of the gospel, and trifling away the day of salvation; are to be numbered among those sins by which we have awfully provoked a righteous God to anger against us. That omissions and neglects of this kind, have abounded to an unusual, and indeed, to an astonishing degree, cannot be denied. That such sins are provoking to God, and that especially, in a country which, like this, was originally settled principally for the purposes of reformation and religion, cannot reasonably be doubted. And therefore we may justly conclude, that God is testifying against these kinds of sin in particular, and threatning us on account of them. Shame and sorrow, humiliation and abasement become us for these things. We ought, each one, to examine his own heart and life, and enquire what has been done by, or among us, to provoke the Lord to such an awful controversy; and speedily to return, by gospel-repentance, to his love and service; and to the steady conscientious practice of all religious duties he requires of us. Let us be deeply affected with the present critical and alarming situation of our public affairs; and unite in fervent prayers to that God who is higher than the kings of the earth, that he would graciously interpose for our relief; that he would avert the impending storms of vengeance, and favour us with peace and tranquility, and the full enjoyment of all our valuable liberties and privileges; that our rulers may feed us according to the integrity of their hearts, and guide us by the skilfulness of their hands.

And let us be at peace among ourselves. It is at all times contrary to the temper and spirit of the gospel; but especially unsuitable and improper in such a day as this, to be widening differences, laying Edition: current; Page: [404] unreasonable stress upon disputable points, and to set on foot controversies that tend to alienate people’s love and affection from each other, and to increase a party separating spirit, to sow the seeds of discord, and foment animosities. It rather becomes us to fix our attention upon the common cause, the public good and general interest of the land. Our strength, our glory, and our security depend very much upon our friendly agreement and firm union together. If we get divided and broken to pieces among ourselves, what will become of us? What advantage will it give an enemy to our liberties, to bring distressing burdens upon us, and lay such a yoke upon our necks that neither we, nor our posterity can bear. That to which our special attention is at this day called, is not a private by-interest, that concerns the men of one denomination only: but of a general, public nature that concerns men of every persuasion, that are well-wishers to their country’s welfare. Even those who have gone off from the scheme and plan of religion professed by the first fathers of this country, have great cause of thankfulness for their liberties and privileges which they enjoy equally with others that still retain it. They have the same advantages from that happy form of civil government; the same protection from it, of their persons and properties; have the same liberty of conscience, worship where they please without controul or oppression; or if they choose to stay at home on the Lord’s-day, and join with no worshiping assembly, it is seldom they meet with any interruption or disturbance. What more can they desire? There does not appear the least probability that either they, or we, should gain any advantage on civil or religious accounts, by giving up our privileges; and submitting to a new and different form of government in church and state; with a great additional burden of taxes which would be unavoidably connected with it; under which, who would groan and complain loudest, we cannot tell before trial be made. I hope none of us wish for such a fatal experiment and proof of a public spirit. We all doubtless think, whatever be our peculiar sentiments in religion, that we are sufficiently burdened already. The poor of the people are groaning under poverty and distress: many have a load of debt upon them, and know not which way to turn for the common daily necessaries: are loudly complaining of difficulties, and looking out for relief, some in one way, and some in another; plausible schemes are projected for this purpose, and set on foot and Edition: current; Page: [405] encouraged, to serve a present turn, without looking to the consequences; and very impolitic and imprudent measures taken by many, as a remedy which proves worse than the disease, or will do so in the end, and constantly increase the difficulties complained of. If our taxes at present, are heavy; they do not grow lighter or easier by the people’s breaking into parties and divisions among themselves, and pursuing schemes that are in opposition to the main, standing interest, and public good of the country; but are evidently increased thereby to the disadvantage and hurt of all. If some few individuals find their account herein, yet ’tis certainly distressing to the public; and must, sooner or later, be so to all concerned in it. If those who stand in the gap, on whose shoulders the interest of the country stands for its support and defence, should, in any future time, find the burden too heavy for them to bear; and be over-powered by those who direct them, to promote a contrary interest; and this building should fall; the ruin of it would be wide and great. It might fall like a mill-stone upon some who least expect any evil, and grind them to powder. Or if they survived this sad catastrophe, instead of finding easier times, might be caught under such a yoke of bondage that would be insupportably grievous to them and their children; from which, no release or deliverance could be obtained. We are at present (blessed be God), a free people in this land; and might be as happy as any in the known world, did we duly attend to our public interest and welfare; and unite in all suitable ways for the security and advancement of it. Had we union and good agreement among ourselves in the management of our civil and religious affairs; our burdens would grow lighter and easier; and the poor of the people find comfortable relief in most of their difficulties.

Considering our present critical situation, it would, no doubt, be our wisdom and prudence to make up, unite, and gather into one common interest, all the good protestants in this land; notwithstanding lesser differences among them; that we may stand or fall together: and not be devoured one of another; nor become an easy prey to foreign enemies who may seek our ruin. What are those things worth, that alienate people’s affections, and cause divisions; in comparison to our dear liberties and privileges that are endangered hereby? It may be the policy of some in power, to encourage such a party-spirit, that we may be weakened and distressed among ourselves; Edition: current; Page: [406] that the way may be prepared without resistance or opposition, to bring us into bondage, and fasten the chains of slavery upon us. And shall we be so infatuated and blind to our own interest, and that of our children’s, as to pursue measures that are destructive of it? Measures that will rejoice the hearts of our enemies, and forward their schemes, to be put into execution against us to complete our ruin? Let us lay by passion and prejudice, and seriously and soberly consider this important subject of our common welfare; meddle with nothing that is inconsistent therewith, any sooner than with the rankest poison. Let our country’s interest, glory and prosperity be uppermost in our hearts, and use our best endeavours for the advancement of it. Let all our strength center and unite in this grand point. Let us remember, this is the common interest of all the colonies; and that each particular inhabitant is concerned herein; and must expect to share the fate, in some degree, of the body he is connected with. If the foundation of our public liberties and privileges be overturned, all will be affected, and must expect to suffer in the said ruin. Let the melancholy prospect hereof, serve to unite our hearts and hands with all lovers of the rights of humanity, in upholding and defending this more valuable and important interest. Let us love as brethren and dear countrymen, that have but one common interest to pursue. Let us act on principles of moderation, candor and charity; and endeavour in meekness of wisdom to instruct those that oppose themselves, and their country’s good; and recover them to the paths of truth. Let us prize and well improve our privileges, and use our influence to promote the public good. We should be especially careful that we engage in no measures or counsels, that we attend to no reasonings or pretences, how plausible and specious soever, which are inconsistent with the common interest and public good. So far as any of us have influence on our public affairs, let us use it for the promotion and advancement of the true friends to their country. We want wise, steady, judicious rulers in such a day as this; men of sterling integrity and real religion. It is of importance that all orders of men be faithful in their several departments, for defending and promoting the public good. Let us keep stedfastly fixed in the good old principles of our fathers, and cheerfully take our lot and portion one with another; saying as Ruth to Naomi, Whither thou goest, I will go; thy people shall be my people, and thy God my God. The Lord’s hand Edition: current; Page: [407] has been very conspicuous in the first settlement, and past preservation of these plantations: He will take care of the generation of the righteous; and break the yoke of their oppressors; and give them peace and happiness. Blessed are the people that are under his care and conduct; yea, blessed are the people whose God is the Lord. Amen.

A pamphlet, to which you have affixed your name, has been lately distributed with uncommon diligence. You call it A Calm Address to our American Colonies. This title is a deception; you know that the colonies are determined: your design is, to deceive undetermined Englishmen, into approbation of the measures of administration.

You present your book to the world, as your own; but the greatest part of it is taken, verbatim, from Taxation No Tyranny, written by the pensioned Dr. Johnson, a declared enemy of civil and religious liberty! This is another deception, equally mean and obvious.

Your first section contains Johnson’s definition of an English colony. It gives the idea of

But the colonists were a number of persons, who fled from tyranny at home, to conquer and cultivate new countries at their own expence. From the parent state, for above a century, they received little or no assistance: their monopolized commerce was, at last, thought worth protection; their increased property is, now, thought worth taxation.

You say,

Do you mean, by the supreme power, the collective body of king, lords, and commons? If you do, you must be ignorant, that the Commons only have the power of taxing the people; that money is not taken, but given; that the concurrence of the lords, in money bills, is only to tax themselves; and that the concurrence of the king, in such bills, is only to give them the force of law.

You say,

This is false: the acts of legislation, and taxation, are distinct operations; the first is exercised by the three estates of king, lords, and commons, the last by the commons only. If the reception of a law is an acknowledgment of sovereignty, it is not an acknowledgment that such sovereignty may be maintained in an unconstitutional manner. Penal and œconomical laws are received and obeyed in England; the reception of them may be deemed an acknowledgment of the sovereignty of government; but does not prove, that government has a right to abrogate Magna Charta, abolish trial by jury, or vest in the king an arbitrary power of levying money on the subject: such acts, though sanctified by consent of the three estates, would be violations of the constitution, and, consequently, void in themselves, and “to be holden for nought.” 42 Ed. III. Lord Coke, Lord Somers, &c.

You next attempt to prove, that the colonies are as much represented in the English Parliament, as the majority of the people of England: “All public business,” you say,

That most publick business must be done by delegation, is true; but the choice of delegates, or representatives in England, was originally in the people at large; the vesting it, afterwards, in a select number, was a variation made by consent of the people for the sake of convenience. The non-electors, and electors of England, are so blended together, that the former must often influence the conduct of the latter; and having, thereby, a share in the power of election, cannot be said, “to stand by idle and helpless spectators.”

“The case of electors,” you say, “is little better; when they are near equally divided, almost half of them must be governed, not only with, but against their consent.”

This is a fallacy. The minority of electors cannot be said to be governed without their consent: they, in common with others, have previously consented, that it should be law to issue the dispute by the voice of the majority; they have, therefore, consented to be governed by him, on whom the choice of that majority shall fall.

You endeavour, by general positions boldly asserted, to represent government and slavery as inseparable. “How has any man,” you say,

This is false: The English constitution has better provided for the preservation of liberty. Our consent to the laws by which we are ruled, is so far active, that we may in a manner be said to make them: “The commons may be said to make law,” says Johnson himself, in his False Alarm; it then suited his purpose to say so. The people at large may, indeed, be said to make law. They desire to have some penal or œconomical law for general benefit; they instruct their delegates; a bill is brought into the House of Commons; the king may refuse the royal assent, but then the House may refuse supplies. Suppose the opinions of the constituents, and the delegates, are opposite; the latter reject the bill: their office is not perpetual, nor irresponsible; at seven years end they may be discarded, and their places filled with more compliant or more faithfull successors. Vice versa: suppose a law, proposed by any of the three estates of government, is thought oppressive, or otherwise offensive, by the people: the measure is talked of; they petition, they remonstrate; perhaps they succeed; perhaps they do not: in the latter case, the grievance is not eternal; a new parliament may repeal what the old one enacted. If the measure be not a favourite court measure, and the royal assent, as before, be denied; then supplies, as before, may be withholden, till that assent is granted. If the people have less influence over the second estate, the House of Lords; still that house may be supposed to consist of men, guided by reason, and wishing to act in consonance with the rest of their countrymen.

Such are the advantages of our excellent constitution! Blush, if ye can, ye Johnsons and ye Wesleys, who are endeavouring to destroy the idea of them, in the minds of unwary readers; endeavouring to perswade men, that they are inevitably born slaves! If Englishmen Edition: current; Page: [428] are slaves, whose consent to the laws they are ruled by, is merely passive; it is not the fault of their political system, but of their own corruption of morals, and supineness of spirit.

It is the usual art of the court writers of the day, to aim at sinking all ideas of natural equity, and of general popular franchises founded thereon, in the idea of absolute unconditional government, pretending such government indispensible to the subsistence of civil society.

You say,

This is both false and absurd. No Englishman ever ceded, to any king, absolute power over his life or liberty. That precious remain of ancient freedom, trial by jury, ever stood and now stands an insuperable bar against the power of sovereign over subject.

No Englishman ever ceded, to any king, any power over his property: the right of taxation, as has been shewn, is exclusively vested in the people. No Englishman ever ceded, to the parliament, a power over his life, liberty, and property: he could not cede it to the lords, for the lords, without the commons, cannot make law; he could not cede it to the commons, for ceding it to the commons, would, properly speaking, be ceding it to himself. The force of truth is often too strong, for every effort that can be made to conceal it. You talk of “the people ceding power to the king and Parliament”: if they ceded power, they must have possessed it. Nemo dat quod non habet: what a man has not, he cannot give to another; what is given, if abused, may surely be resumed. If the doctrine of resumable power is not admitted, the doctrine of divine hereditary right must be maintained. The first king of every country, must have reigned by divine appointment; and all his successors, be their conduct what it will, must reign by the same title; their subjects must be hereditary slaves, whose lives Edition: current; Page: [429] and properties may be sported with, as men shoot birds, and catch fish, for diversion. Englishmen! beware of these insidious reasoners; these Johnsons and Wesleys, who would persuade you that ye are born slaves!

You admit (as above), that there are original rights of humanity. You tell us, that when the colonists say they are intitled, by nature, to life, liberty and property, they speak true; that when they claim a title to the rights of natural born subjects within the realm of England, they speak true also—but you assert, that “they must resign either one or the other.” This is no consequence.

The rights of nature, and of civil society, are not incompatible; the former are mostly guarantied by the latter. A man has a natural right to the possessions of his parents, or to those which he has obtained by his own labour; and the laws of society, which prohibit fraud and rapine, instead of destroying that right, contribute to secure it. A man has a natural right to life and liberty: on entering civil society, he does not cede this right, only in certain stipulated circumstances, for the good of that whole whereof he becomes a part; while he is innocent, he is safe and free.

A man has a natural right to his own property: this, on entering civil society, he does not cede at all: he, indeed, by a kind of tacit compact, agrees to subscribe his share to the expence of public security and public œconomy, as the necessity of times may require; but, as no rational being would lavish his wealth without equivalent, he has reserved to himself the sole determination of the existence or degree of that necessity.*

If he does not properly regard the publick welfare, it is at his own risque; he is more or less a gainer, as it is more or less consulted. Of this general principle, an English House of Commons, in its primarily intended incorrupt state, is a visible modification; money, there, is granted, not taken; granting, not taking, is the language of the constitution in all ages.

Such are the simple principles of free government, in contradistinction to tyranny! Principles, alas, too little known, too much obscured by the glare of adventitious pomp and purchased power!

You say, that “the colonists, by emigration, did not forfeit the right of voting for representatives in the English Parliament; but lost it by natural effects.” But the privilege of voting for, or chusing a deputy or proxy, to execute the office of a taxer; can be considered as a personal advantage, only in counterpoise to the personal burden of taxation: now, if the good be lost by natural effects, the evil should not be retained by unnatural political ones. There are things called right reason, equity, and justice, though they may not happen to exist in the ideas of Dr. Johnson and Mr. Wesley.

When a man removes to a distance, from the part of civil society with which he was connected, he can no longer enjoy the benefits of its political system; and, therefore, cannot justly be assessed to its maintenance.

If the colonists have hitherto supported the administration of justice, and other branches of internal polity, among themselves; what rational plea can be made, for requiring them to support them among us? Can a person be expected to pay for the same thing, in two places?

You say,

But if such a man was still liable to be taxed by the English Parliament, he reduced himself to a much worse condition.

Non-electors (as has been hinted) have, in England, much influence in elections: persuasion and information, have their weight; the man of superior opulence or knowledge, without a vote himself, can direct the voices of a number.

But an American can have no possible influence in the choice of an English senator; and an English senator, when he taxes an American, cannot tax himself also, because he has no property in America to be taxed: yet self-taxation is the sole pledge of the taxer, for security of the taxed. He, who does not tax himself, taxes others without feeling: he may, therefore, tax without propriety, and without measure; may take, not only a fifth, or a fourth, but the half, or even the whole of property; and make the wealthy subject an impoverished slave. The Edition: current; Page: [431] wisest forms of government, adverting to the imperfection of human nature, have, as much as possible, avoided leaving one man at the mercy of another; they have ever contrived some rational restraint on action, some bond of reciprocal safety.

You allow, that “the colonists inherit all the privileges of Englishmen, all the privileges that their ancestors had.” They then inherit the grand privilege of Englishmen, free government; but this privilege they do not enjoy, if they are taxed without being represented. It is an axiom which cannot be too forcibly impressed on the mind “Government cannot be free, where property is taken not given.”

You say,

You before said, “they had lost their right in the English legislature, by natural effects.” There is difference between abandoning, and losing by natural effects; one is a voluntary, one an involuntary matter: you have not proved that they either abandoned this right, or lost it; if they have either abandoned, or lost it, and have no right to constitute another system, they must be slaves, or revert to a state of anarchy. Were the body of electors, in England, to become so corrupt or servile, as constantly to rechuse men, who had betrayed the cause of liberty; and were such men to subvert the constitution; would not the non-electors have a right to chuse a number of honester delegates, to restore their abolished freedom, to save their country?

You say,

The first part of your assertion is undoubtedly true; but it is couched in terms, that might better become the despot of some barbarous region, whose ignorant natives had imbibed.

“The enormous faith of many made for one,” than the advocate of a government that calls itself free. What right has any king to any Edition: current; Page: [432] thing (saving his own private property) which is not given him by the people? If the king is the fountain of honours and riches, whence is that fountain supplied? Whence does he derive the prerogative of conferring honours, the ability of bestowing richesbut from the people?

If the colonists are the naked sons of nature, they have a right to independence, and the enaction of their own laws; if they are subjects of the free English state, they have a right to the grand privilege of other Englishmen, a privilege which no king could confer—legislation, and taxation by representation only. The assertion, that “they are virtually represented,” has been proved an absurdity; a sophism, which even you could scarcely repeat, with a serious countenance.

Your comparison of “a colonial legislature to the vestry of an English parish,” proves nothing to the great point in question, the legality of taxation without representation. The parish assesses itself, in its parochial capacity, for local private uses; in its national capacity, by its representatives, for general publick ones.

The colonies have no representatives; therefore, cannot be liable to parliamentary taxation.

You say, “the charter of Pensylvania has a clause admitting, in express terms, taxation by Parliament.” Why did you not then produce this clause, that your readers might have judged of its meaning and import for themselves? You do not even tell us the nature of the taxation; whether it was internal or external; whether levied by themselves, or by others. You add, “the first settlers in Massachusett’s were promised an exemption from taxes for seven years.” But promised by whom? If the charter contains such a promise, it must be made by the king who granted the charter; but the king could not legally promise an exemption from that which he had not legally a right to impose. I have not time nor opportunity to examine fully the truth of your assertions: but though I give you credit for them so far, as to admit that there are some such clauses as you mention; yet your disengenuous conduct, in retailing Johnson’s book without acknowledgment, makes me justly doubt the truth of your representations. Those clauses could relate, not to taxation, but to requisition only: the right of taxation did not subsist with the king; it did not subsist with the Parliament; it subsisted solely and exclusively with the representatives of the Massachusett’s people; and all the exemption promised that people could amount to no more than this, that the Edition: current; Page: [433] king would not require any subsidies from them for seven years. To serve your own purpose, you say, indeed, afterwards, that “the seven years exemption granted to the Massachusett settlers, was from paying taxes to the king.” Then it may be justly inferred, that they were subsidies demanded by the king in way of requisition, not taxes imposed by Parliament: had the case been otherwise, it would have been produced, before now, as a precedent for external taxation. What opinion the provincials had of external taxation above a hundred years ago, appears from an article in the agreement made by the Virginians with the commonwealth of England, before they would permit a governor sent by that commonwealth to land in their province: “Virginia shall be free from all taxes, customs, and impositions whatsoever; and none shall be imposed upon them, without consent of the general assembly.”*

“All countries,” you say, “which are subject to laws, are liable to taxes.” Perhaps so; but, perhaps, they are only liable to taxes, raised in a constitutional manner; perhaps it has not been usual, for the government of one country to tax the inhabitants of another, many thousand miles distant. If such taxation were founded on reason, might not the German princes think of taxing the Germans settled in Pensylvania and New-York? If the tie of birth, between sovereign and subject, is indissoluble by distance and time, they have a pretence for doing it.

You say,

Your argument here has been answered; I only quote it to demur once more to your mode of expression: the Parliament, collectively considered, has no right to tax any Englishman; it is the Commons, and the Commons only, who possess the peculiar incommunicable power of granting taxes for the people. This is not quibbling about mere insignificant expressions: Taking and giving (I repeat it) are terms affixed to ideas, which constitute the important difference between tyranny and freedom.

I have now gone through the sum total of your arguments, which are every one, without exception, borrowed from Johnson: the remainder of your book is assertion, and declamation; it merits little notice.

An argument, which operates more in favour of the colonists, than any that Johnson has advanced operates against them, is this: That the English government, under the wisest administrations, and in the most necessitous circumstances, never, till lately, attempted to tax them. If government had that right of taxation, why did they not exert it? Perhaps, we are wiser than our fathers; wiser than those great statesmen, who planned and perfected the glorious revolution, and gave the crown to the Brunswick family. Our fathers made England the dread of Europe; Heaven grant their sons may not make it the contempt of its meanest enemy! If we are wiser than our fathers, I wish we were honester: our fathers did not plunder the East; we have plundered the East; let us not attempt to plunder the West also! Let not Englishman be a word of disgrace among all nations, a word synonymous with robber!

It has been said, “The longer the colonists have been spared paying taxes, the better able they are, and the greater reason they have to pay.” Till the justice of taxing them at all, is clearly demonstrated, this argument is futile; it is the morality of those, who deem it less criminal to plunder him who has not been plundered before, than to plunder again him who has suffered previous depredation. It were to be wished, that we were less interested; at least, that we did not suffer our interest to outrun our virtue. “If America is taxed,” it is said, “England will be eased of taxes.” Ease from taxes, is an alluring object to an Englishman—but, during a thirteen years profound peace, what ease from taxes have Englishmen experienced? What we have not had in the past, can we have reason to expect in the future? We have not been eased in peace, but we are to be eased in war; eased by the taxes of a conquered country, which, in the act of conquering, we have laid desolate! Can we be the dupes of such self-contradictory pretences? Supposing it possible we could obtain, by conquest, a small accession to our property; could we enjoy it with the reflection, that it was obtained by the miseries of our own species? Could we revel in luxuries, bought with the price of blood, the blood of our Edition: current; Page: [435] countrymen? It is said, “We have protected the colonists, and that they ought to pay for our protection.” Have they not paid for it by the benefits of their commerce? Have not two of our own Parliaments acknowledged, that they paid more than their quota of the expence of last war? A war, not commenced, as has been pretended, out of disinterested regard for them; but to secure the profits of their trade; a trade, which, had they become subjects to France, must have been lost to England—to secure the balance of European power—to prevent the aggrandizement of our natural enemies.

In page [416], you have stated the case, perhaps you think, fairly. Give me leave to draw a parallel—parallels have, probably, been often of use to you, at the foundry. We feel best for another, when we put ourselves in his place; the transposition is, argumentum ad hominem.

Suppose popery established in England. Popery, you know, is intolerant—burn, or conform, are its alternatives. You, and your disciples, profess to approve of neither. A certain number of you embark for the coast of New Zealand—you find part of the country uninhabited; your fire arms give you advantage over the savages of the rest. You form a settlement; you cultivate the ground; establish manufactures, and grow rich: you might export some of your commodities to Batavia, on very advantageous terms. Capt. Cook, in the course of his voyage, happens to touch on this same coast of New Zealand: the English government, and, indeed, every Englishman (who had heard that there was such a place) take it, therefore, into their heads to think it their own: they send a ship, to inform you that they think so; and to tell you, that you must not traffick with Batavia, but only with them; and that they will accept the profits of the trade, as a ground rent, an acknow[ledge]ment of their sovereignty. The Dutch grow jealous of your rising state; they send a fleet, and army, to attack and dispossess you. War is maintained with various success: you apply to England for assistance; England assists you: you not only continue your exclusive commerce with her, but contribute to the expence she has sustained by assisting you. After all, when you expect no such matter, comes a peremptory mandate from England,

Lay your hand upon your heart, Mr. Wesley, and say, would you then defend the measures of government, as lenient and equitable? Or would you hesitate (if able) to act the modern American?

You assert, that

I cannot think that you believe your own assertion. It is well known, that the republican form does not suit the genius of the nation; still less would it suit the character of the age. Commonwealths are not prolifick in honours and emoluments, nor propitious to grandeur and profusion—commonwealths must be founded by men of severe virtue, and strict self-denial. A much more probable supposition is, that some of the opponents of administration wish only to fill the seats of those whom they oppose; but the number, even of these, it is to be hoped is but small.

I know of no Englishman, who hates either the kingly office, or the prince by whom it is now exercised. I believe there are some millions of honest Englishmen, who perceive, with inexpressible grief and terror, our excellent constitution, planned by the best and wisest of our ancestors, and maintained with their blood, gradually deviating from its primitive purity: they see the regal estate, like Aaron’s serpent, swallowing up the democratical; they see the influence of the crown over the Commons becoming so unlimited, that the dictates of the human will are not more implicitly obeyed by the members of the human body, than the former is by the latter; they see part of the elective body become so corrupt, that the intent of one principal security of English liberty, the circumstance of a senator vacating his seat on acceptance of a place, is now entirely frustrated; they see this corruption is an evil, which nothing can prevent the effects of, but such an absolute incapacitation of placemen, that they cannot be re-chosen—but those who perceive these, and many other flagrant perversions of our glorious constitution, far from wishing to subvert that constitution, wish only to restore it to its pristine integrity.

There are also, I believe, many thousand of honest Englishmen, who wish well to their country and its liberties, but are ignorant what its constitution is, and, consequently, cannot know when it is violated: these are the men, who cannot fear danger, till they feel evil; Edition: current; Page: [437] these are the men, whom the Johnsons and the Wesleys seek to deceive out of their birthright, and persuade them they are slaves.

You boast of our present liberty, civil and religious: “Every man,” you say, “sits under his own vine, and under his own fig-tree.” It is not my business, nor desire, to point out every minute step, by which I think liberty is losing ground. Nobody denies, that we do enjoy a reasonable share of liberty, at present—but is no regard due to the future? There is, surely, some difference in the tenure, by which we hold a possession: the lessee in perpetuum, is, surely, in a better situation, than the tenant at will.

Some have said, arbitrary government, well administered, is the best mode of government; but how many chances are there against its good administration?

We have now a good prince upon the throne; but who can ensure the character of his successors? Should the crown obtain plenary possession of the Parliament, leaving it only a form without a spirit; where will be the difference between the inhabitants of France and Spain, and our posterity? where will be the difference between those who are ruled by the command of one man, issued immediately from his own mouth; and those, who are ruled by the command of one man, issued mediately through the mouths of many?

I shall now, sir, take my leave of you and your performance. I have no attachment to, or connection of any kind with the colonists; I have no concern in the matter. I may say, as you say, and perhaps with more sincerity, “I shall get nothing by either party.”—But, I am a friend, on principle, to the original universal rights of man.

As I have formerly seen you, with pleasure, in the character of a Christian minister, doing some good in the moral world; so it is, with regret, I now see you in the character of a court sycophant, doing much more mischief in the political world, injuring, perhaps irreparably injuring your country.

postscript

You ask, “Did the people give William the Conqueror the power?”

An able writer and eminent statesman (Lord Somers) positively asserts, that the people did give William the power:

This is a striking instance of the high sense the people of England once had of their own importance.

You assert, “that the people never gave the supreme power to any, but Massaniello of Naples.” If you mean the supreme executive power, the English history repeatedly contradicts your assertion. Give me leave to ask you—Who gave that power to Charles II. at the Restoration? to William III. at the Revolution? and, afterwards, to the house of Hanover?

At a time when we are called upon to surrender our liberties, our religion, and country; or defend them at the point of the sword, against those, that were our friends, our brethren, and allies (whose swords, and ours, till lately were never drawn but for mutual defence; and in joint battalions, cemented in love, affinity, and valour, have wrought wonders, vanquished armies, and triumphed over the power of mighty potentates), nothing will inspire our councils with unanimity, our resolves with firmness, and render the exertions, the noble struggles of a brave, free and injured people, bold, rapid and irresistable, like a right understanding of the necessity and rectitude of the defence, we are compelled to make, in this unnatural contention.

To write upon a subject that hath been so often and ably handled—a subject so important in its nature, so extensive in its consequences, in which the fate of America, the rights and liberties of millions, nay more, of mankind, are involved; and to trace those rights to their native original source, develope the fountain from whence derived; define their nature and immutability, and shew wherefore the arbitrary institutions of civil government (originally ordained to connect the strength of each, for the security of all) cannot destroy or alter them, requires a fund of abilities far beyond mine; yet, to attempt it, may serve to awaken and stimulate some masterly pen, to execute a task so arduous, and beneficial to the world. And should these imperfect considerations, on a subject so important, call forth the prolific fire of some great intuitive genius, to lighten upon the subject, on which I have only glimmered, and like a skilful physician, comprehending the disease and the remedy, point out the one, and prescribe the other, or some mighty deliverer, while others lop here and there a scattered branch, with unerring aim, to give a blow at the root, my end would be answered, my pains compensated, and my country rescued from the darkness that invelops, and from the misery and slavery that impend it. With these views, the following pages are humbly dedicated to the candour and patronage of the impartial world; to whom (under God), we make our appeal, with fervent Edition: current; Page: [444] desires, that he, who hath the hearts of king’s in his hands suspends the fate of empires on his nod, and whom, even angry, conflicting elements instantly obey, would hush the civil tumults, still and dispel the thundering tempest, that darkens and disquiets our hemisphere.

I shall consider the subject under the following divisions.

• I. The natural rights of the Americans, considered as men.
• II. The rights of Americans antecedent to any charters, or colony constitutions under the crown.
• III. Their rights subsequent to such charters, or colony constitutions.
• IV. The equity of the demand made on the colonies, and of the manner in which it is made.

Free agency, or a rational existence, with its powers and faculties, and freedom of enjoying and exercising them, is the gift of God to man. The right of the donor, and the authenticity of the donation, are both incontestable; hence man hath an absolute property in, and right of dominion over himself, his powers and faculties; with self-love to stimulate, and reason to guide him, in the free use and exercise of them, independent of, and uncontrolable by any but him, who created and gave them. And whatever is acquired by the use, and application of a man’s faculties, is equally the property of that man, as the faculties by which the acquisitions are made; and that which is absolutely the property of a man, he cannot be divested of, but by his own voluntary act, or consent, either expressed, or implied. Expressed, by actual gift, sale, or exchange, by himself, or his lawful substitute: implied, as where a man enters into, and takes the benefits of a government, he implicitly consents to be subject to it’s laws; so, when he transgresses the laws, there is an implied consent to submit to it’s penalties. And from this principle, all the civil* exousiai, or rightful authorities, that are ordained of God, and exist in the world, are derived as from their native source. From whence are authorities, dominions and powers? from God, the sovereign ruler, as the fountain, through the voice and consent of the people. For what purpose are Edition: current; Page: [445] they erected? for the good of the people. Wherefore the sovereign ruler, condescends to cloath, with authority, the man who by the general voice, is exalted, from among the people, to bear rule; and to pronounce him his minister for their good. Hence, it is evident, that man hath the clearest right, by the most indefeasible title, to personal security, liberty, and private property. And whatever is a man’s own, he hath, most clearly, a right to enjoy and defend; to repel force by force; to recover what is injuriously pillaged or plundered from him, and to make reasonable reprisals for the unjust vexation.* And, upon this principle, an offensive war may sometimes be justifiable, viz. when it is necessary for preservation and defence.

II. I am now to consider the rights of the Americans, antecedent to any charters or colony constitutions under the crown.

When our ancestors left the kingdom of England, they were subjects of that kingdom, and entitled to equal privileges with the rest of its subjects; when they came into America, where no civil constitutions were existing, they joined themselves to none: the lands which they entered and possessed, they acquired by purchase, or by conquest of the natives: they came over of themselves, viz. were not colonies sent out, to make settlements by government; not to mention the intolerable oppressions, by which they were driven out, crossed the Atlantick, and availed themselves of possessions, at their own risque and expence, and by their own sword and prowess. Now, in America, they were still subjects of the kingdom of England, or they were not; if the former, then they were entitled to enjoy, in America, the same or equal privileges, with those enjoyed by the subjects residing in England—if the latter, then that kingdom had no right of jurisdiction over them, and they were in a state of nature, at liberty to erect such a constitution of civil government as they should chuse. Upon the supposition that they were still subjects of that kingdom, let us consider what rights and privileges they were entitled to enjoy:

• 1st. In regard to legislation.
• 2d. Taxation. And,
• 3d. The mode of trial.

By nature, every man (under God) is his own legislator, judge, and avenger, and absolute lord of his property. In civil government, rightly constituted, every one retains a share in the legislative, taxative, judicial, and the vindictive powers, by having a voice in the supreme legislature, which enacts the laws, and imposes the taxes, and by having a right, in all cases wherein he is injured, to resort to, and demand redress, in a course of law, from the tribunal of the public, and the sword of state. And the English nation, early impressed, with these first great principles of natures dictates, erected a system of civil government, correspondent thereto; invested the parliament, which consisted of all the estates, that composed the nation, in epitome, with the supreme sovereignty of the kingdom; and in which, each estate made a part, and had a share, either personally or by actual representation, to advise, resolve, consent, or dissent, and in which, the concurrence of all three, viz. the King, Lords and Commons, was necessary, to every act of legislation. Thus the English government was constituted upon the foundation of reason; and the natural rights of the subjects, instead of being given up, or impaired, were confirmed, improved and strengthened, although the mode of exercising them was altered: Wherefore it is a maxim in the English laws, that to an act of parliament, every man, in judgment of law is party. The English constitution, like other imitations of nature, was a system of consummate wisdom, and policy, the balance of power, being so judiciously placed, as to connect the force, and to preserve the rights of all; each estate, armed with a power of self defence, against the encroachments of the other two, by being enabled to put a negative upon any or all of their resolves, neither the King, Lords or Commons, could be deprived of their rights or properties but by their own consent in parliament, and no laws could be made, or taxes imposed, but such as were necessary, and in the judgment of the three estates in parliament, for the common good, and interest of the realm. Most justly then did a celebrated French writer, treating of the English, and the excellence of their constitution, say, that England could never lose its freedom, until parliament lost its virtue.

The English, animated with the spirit of freedom, to their immortal honor, anciently claimed these privileges, as their unalienable rights, and anxious to preserve and transmit them unimpaired to posterity; caused them to be reduced to writing, and in the most solemn manner to be recognized, ratified and confirmed, first by King John, then by his son Henry the IIId. in the 3d and 37th years of his reign, at Westminster-Hall, where Magna Charta was read in the presence of the nobility and bishops, with lighted candles in their hands; the king, all the while laying his hand on his breast, at last, solemnly swearing faithfully and inviolably to observe all things therein contained, as he was a man, a christian, a soldier and a king; then the bishops extinguished the candles and threw them on the ground, and every one said, thus let him be extinguished and stink in hell, who violates this charter: Upon which there was universal festivity and joy, ringing of bells, &c. and again by Edward the 1st. in the 25th year of his reign, by the statute called Confirmatio Cartarum. Afterwards by a multitude of corroborating acts, reckoned in all, by Lord Cook, to be thirty-two, from Edw. 1st. to Hen. 4th. and since, in a great variety of instances, by the bills of right and acts of settlement; whereby Magna Charta, that great charter of liberties, hath been established as the standard of right throughout the realm, and all judgments contrary thereto declared void; it was ordered to be read twice a year in all the cathedral churches, and sentence of excommunication to be denounced against all, who by word or deed, acted contrary to, or infringed it.

2d. With regard to taxation.

As the rights of private property are sacred, and no one can be divested thereof without his free consent: The English constitution, in this also religiously follows the dictates of reason: No subject of England can be constrained to pay any aids or taxes, even for the defence of the realm, or the support of government, but such as are imposed by his own consent, or that of his representative in parliament. By the stat. 25 Edw. 1st. c. 5 and 6, it is provided, that the king shall not take any aids or taxes, but by the common assent of the realm: And what that common assent is, is more fully explained, by the 34th of Edw. 1st. stat. 4, c. 1, which enacts, that no talliage or aid shall be taken, without assent of archbishops, bishops, earls, barons, Edition: current; Page: [448] knights, burgesses, and other freemen of the land; and by the 14th Edw. 3. stat. 2. it is provided, that the prelates, earls, barons, commons, and citizens, burgesses and merchants, shall not be charged to make any aid, if it be not by the common assent of the great men, and Commons in Parliament: And as this fundamental principle had been shamefully violated by succeeding princes, it was made an article in the petition of right, third of King Cha. I. that no man shall be compelled to yield any gift, loan, or benevolence tax, or any such charge, without common consent, by act of Parliament; and again by the 1st of William and Mary, stat. 2, it is declared, that levying money for, or to the use of the crown, by pretence of prerogative, without grant of parliament, or for longer time, or in other manner, then the same is or shall be granted, is illegal; and that the subjects do claim, demand, and insist upon all and singular the premises, as their antient undoubted rights and liberties. Lastly, these rights and liberties were asserted and confirmed, in the act of settlement which limited the crown, to the illustrious house of his present majesty, in the beginning of this century. Talliage from the French taille to cut, signifies a part cut or carved out of the whole estate, and in a law sense includes all subsidies, taxes, impositions, and duties whatsoever, none of which might be taken without common consent in parliament. Hence, it is the antient and unalienable right of the House of Commons, to originate all money bills, they being the free donations of the people, and not the exactions of the prince; upon the principle that civil government is constituted for the good of the people, and not the people for government: And there is no difference in the reason and nature of the thing, between the king’s levying money in England without consent of parliament, and the parliament’s levying money in America without the consent of the Americans.

3d. In regard to the mode of trial.

As it is not the laws merely, that are made, considered in themselves, but the construction and sense put upon them, by the judges and triers, that falls upon the subject and affects him in his person and property; it was necessary that the constitution should guard the rights of the subject, in the executive as well as the legislative part of government: And no mode of trial would so effectually do this, be so unexceptionable, by reason of their equality, and the impartial Edition: current; Page: [449] manner in which they are taken and impanelled; so advantageous, on account of their knowledge of the parties, the credibility of the witnesses, and what weight ought to be given to their testimony, as that by our peers, a jury of the vicinity: For very good and wholsome laws may be perniciously executed. Wherefore it is expresly provided and ordained, in the Great Charter, chap. 29, “That no freeman shall be taken or disseised of his freehold, or liberties, or free customs, or be outlawed, or exiled, or any otherwise destroyed; and we will not pass sentence upon him, nor condemn him, but by lawful judgment of his peers; or by the laws of the land.” By this no freeman might be molested in his person, liberty or estate, but according to the laws of the land, by lawful warrant, granted by lawful authority, expressing the cause for which, the time when, and place where he is to answer or be imprisoned, with the terms of his enlargement; nor have sentence passed upon him in any case, but by lawful judgment of his peers; who, in the instance of giving their verdict, do unanimously declare and announce the law, with respect to themselves, in like circumstances. It is, says Dr. Blackstone, the most transcendant privilege which

English subjects, therefore, could be bound by no laws, be liable to no taxes, but what were made and imposed by their own consent; nor have any sentence passed upon them but by the judgment of their equals. Glorious constitution! worthy to be engraved in capitals of gold, on pillars of marble; to be perpetuated through all time, a barrier, to circumscribe and bound the restless ambition of aspiring Edition: current; Page: [450] monarchs, and the palladium of civil liberty; especially, when in addition to these, we consider the habeas corpus act, passed in 31 Car. II. that second Magna Charta and stable bulwark of the subjects liberties, which provides a remedy for the immediate relief of such as are unjustly imprisoned, under colour of law. And enacts, that no subject of this our realm, who is an inhabitant of England, Wales, or Berwick, shall be sent a prisoner to Scotland, Ireland, Jersey, Guernsey, or places beyond the seas, and all such imprisonments are declared illegal, the party causing them disabled to bear any office, incurs the penalty of a premunire, becomes incapable of the king’s pardon, and also is to answer damages to the party aggrieved. “Of great importance, says the above cited author, to the public, is the preservation of personal liberty, for if once it was left in the power of any, the highest magistrate, to imprison arbitrarily, whomsoever he or his officers thought proper (as in France is daily practised by the crown) there would soon be an end to all other rights and immunities.” How consistent with these principles, the present mode of administring government is, the impartial world may judge, by the late revenue and other acts of parliament, relative to America, directing its inhabitants to be imprisoned, and transported beyond sea for trial; erecting courts of admiralty, and other arbitrary tribunals, to decide in matters most interesting, without the intervention of a jury.

These privileges, important and inestimable as they are, every subject of the realm of England hath right to possess and enjoy. And the Americans, antecedent to their charters, &c. if they were still subjects of that realm, had right to have and enjoy in America. Now, if it was impossible for the Americans, in their situation, to enjoy the rights and privileges of the English government, it follows, that they were not amenable to its power, nor taxable for its support; nam qui sentit onus, sentire debet commodum, he that bears the burden ought to enjoy the blessing, and vice versa. Can any thing be more absurd, than that a man should be tied to a government, bound to yield subjection, and contribute support, wherever he is, on the face of the earth, without having any part or voice in its administration, or power to enjoy its immunities. And that it was impossible for the Americans to enjoy the privileges of the English government, is evident, there being no provision in the constitution for summoning members to parliament from the American world; and if there was, the local Edition: current; Page: [451] distance, the risk and uncertainty of crossing the atlantic, the disparity between the two countries, in respect of situation, numbers, age, abilities and other circumstances, would render any representation of America in the parliament of England, utterly impracticable and vain. So that our ancestors, in America, were unable to exercise and enjoy that capital right of all English subjects, viz. the having a voice in the supreme legislature, without which, as the causa sine qua non, the parliament of England could not bind them in any respect. Hence the right of subjectship, on the part of the Americans, and of jurisdiction over them by parliament, became dormant, ineffectual rights, incapable of being exercised; for the whole ground of the parliament’s right to bind the Americans, consisted in their being subjects; and for that very reason, if they were subjects, the parliament could have no right to bind them, or exercise jurisdiction over them, without their consent.

[II.] I will now enquire, whether the Americans, antecedent to their charters, &c. are to be considered as being subjects of the kingdom of England, or not.

From what hath been already said, it is evident, that they either were not subjects of that kingdom, or as though they were not: But this will be further illustrated, by considering, in what subjectship consists: Compleat subjectship,* consists in being under allegiance to the king, inhabiting territories within the kingdom, in having, or at least in being capable of having a voice in the supreme legislature, and enjoying, or in being able to enjoy the benefits and immunities of the government.

Allegiance, from lige, to bind, is the bond that connects the subjects with their sovereign, and their sovereign with them: Hence the king is called their liege lord, and they his liege subjects; because he is bound to protect and they to obey. And there are three kinds of allegiance, natural, acquired, and local, every one born within the realm, is by birth, inheritable to the laws, intitled to the immunities of the government, and to the protection of the king; wherefore his allegiance, like St. Pauls, is natural: Every alien friend that comes into the realm, who by the king’s letters patent is made a denizen, or Edition: current; Page: [452] by act of parliament is naturalized, hath an acquired allegiance; every alien friend that comes into the realm to reside for a time, oweth a local temporary allegiance, during his residence there. And the obligation to obedience in all these cases, arises from the reason and fitness of things, and is comprehensively expressed in this short law maxim, protectio trabit subjectionem, & subjectio protectionem, protection mutually entitles to subjection, and subjection to protection. Hence it follows (as mankind by joining to society do not mean, nor doth allegiance intend to confine them perpetually to dwell in one country) that when a person, under a natural, acquired, or local allegiance removes out of the realm to some distant climate, goes out of the protection of the king, and loses all benefit of the laws and government of the kingdom; his allegiance, which is mutual or not at all, ceaseth, for cessante causa cesset effectus, the cause or reason ceasing, which in this case is protection and the benefits of government, the effect, viz. the obligation of obedience also ceaseth. There is also what is called a legal allegiance, ex provisione legis, that is by positive institution, as the oath of allegiance taken by the subjects, wherein they swear to bear all true and faithful allegiance to the king; which is a counter part to the king’s coronation oath, whereby he swears to protect his subjects in all their just rights, to abjure popery, and maintain the protestant religion, to govern the kingdom and administer justice according to the laws of the realm. Both which are only confirmations of the mutual obligations resulting from the relation, that subsists between them as king and subjects, and do attend upon and follow it, in its extent and duration. I am not insensible that it is a doctrine of antiquity, patronized by many, that natural allegiance is universal and perpetual; cannot be lost or forfeited, but by the commission of crimes, &c. but notwithstanding, I beg leave to suggest a few considerations on this point. The place of a man’s birth, in respect to himself, is a matter of accident and necessity, and not of choice; and is a man so bound by accident and necessity, as to the place of his birth, that when he arrives to the age of discretion, he cannot remove into another kingdom and country, and become the subject of another prince? Doth not the obligation of subjection and obedience to parents, cease with our childhood and state of dependance, although that of respect and reverence ever remains? Should the king of Great-Britain voluntarily resign his crown, or abdicate the Edition: current; Page: [453] government, remove and reside in Italy, or enter into religion, whereby he would be civilly dead, would he, notwithstanding, be king, de jure & de facto, and would the subjects be under obligation of allegiance to him, as their liege lord? incapable of placing another on the throne, without incurring the crime of treason, or being involved in the dilemma of owing subjection to two rightful sovereigns, at one time? If so, then he that is once king, can never be divested of royal authority, the principles of the revolution are false; and no new subjects can ever be acquired, for all are born under allegiance to some prince or state; where, upon these principles, they must ever remain, fixed as fate; and acquired allegiance, by act of parliament in England, is all a farce.

But be this as it may, yet should a number of the subjects of Great-Britain, under a natural allegiance to the king, by his licence remove voluntarily, or by accident be carried to some distant, uncivilized, or uninhabited country, where they should find it convenient and beneficial to settle; would they be incapable of erecting civil government, and making laws, for the well ordering of their affairs, independent of the king and kingdom? If so, they would be of all men most miserable, and their boasted subjectship would be their greatest calamity, because they have the rights of British subjects, they are rendered incapable of enjoying the rights of men. Upon this contracted principle, no new countries could be peopled, or new empires founded; but all things must remain as they were. And is the world and its empires so fixed and concluded by an unalterable fate? Are men, who were created in the image of their maker, to contemplate the heavens and soar above the stars, whose first great law was to increase, multiply and replenish the earth, and by experiencing the boundless profusion of divine goodness, learn to be profusely bounteous and good, to be so restrained? Is this becoming the dignity of their rational nature, and suited to the selfish* social passions, implanted in the human soul? Whose motives are our own good and the good of mankind: To attempt to eradicate or alter these, by the arbitrary restraints of civil government, is to impeach the wisdom of the Creator, for not suiting man’s passions and faculties, to his station Edition: current; Page: [454] here, and offering violence to human nature. Let civil government then be suited to man’s nature and passions (I mean not the depraved, ungodly desires and cravings of tyranny, which grasps for universal despotic sway; or of licentiousness, that is ever impatient of all legal restraints, how ever reasonable and righteous), for if it is not, there will be a perpetual conflict between the regulations and restraints of government, and the reasonable desires and passions of the subjects.

It may be said, that the reason why natural allegiance is perpetual, is not merely on account of our being born, &c. but the protection and support of the government, afforded us where born; this is an obligation of debt. Much, most undoubtedly, we owe to our parents and to the government that supported and protected our infantile state: But is it true, that because we were once dependant, we must ever be so? Because we were once obliged, we can never be disengaged from the obligation? If it is, then all mankind are insolvents, servants of servants, the curse of Canaan is the portion of all: And every alien born is utterly incapable of ever becoming a subject of the kingdom of Great-Britain.

But to return, allegiance is due to the king in his natural and political capacity; and doth not necessarily superinduce an obligation of obedience to the power of parliament; for a person may be a subject of the king of England and not of the realm; be under allegiance to the king, yet owe no obedience to parliament; as was the case of Scotland, upon the accession of King James the 1st. to the throne of England, before the act of union; and as the case is at present with Hanover; and as was the case of Normandy, when William the Conqueror wore the crown of England.

The rights of a subject may be suspended for a time, with respect to the enjoyment and exercise of them, by some temporary impediment, which when removed they revive: But when the obstacle that suspends and impedes the exercise and enjoyment of them, is universal, permanent and perpetual, it is an extinguishment of those rights. Thus much I thought necessary to observe, before I gave a relation of the cause and manner of our ancestors first coming and settling in America.

North-America was first discovered by Sebastian Cabot, in the reign of Henry the 7th, A. D. 1498, and was at that time inhabited by the Indian natives, who lived principally by hunting: In A. D. 1606 Edition: current; Page: [455] King James, by letters patent, erected two companies called the Virginia Companies, with power to make settlements in America. Though none were made in New-England by virtue of that authority. About the close of the sixteenth century, several attempts were made for settling Virginia, before any proved successful: The three first companies that came all perished, by hunger, diseases or Indian cruelty: The fourth was reduced to almost the same situation, when Lord Delaware came to their relief. Thus Virginia, being the first province that was settled in America, to her honour be it remembered, hath likewise been foremost in maintaining and vindicating the rights of the Americans.

In A. D. 1620, England, torn with religious dissentions, the friends of the reformation, persecuted with unrelenting cruelty, by the intolerant spirit that influenced government, were forced to renounce their religion and liberties, or assert them with their lives. The protestants, to the number of one hundred and fifty, who before had fled to Holland for safety, having made a purchase under the Plymouth Company, and obtained the royal licence, quitted their native country, preferring the enjoyment of their religion and liberty, in a howling desert, to the pomp and pleasures of luxury and sin in England; crossed the Atlantic and arrived at Plymouth in America in A. D. 1620, and by their own valour, industry, risk and expence (under the smiles of heaven) acquired plantations, subdued savage enemies, built cities, turned the wilderness into fruitful fields, and rendered it vocal with the praises of their Saviour, and from small beginnings, in process of time, became great in number, and in extent of territory; great numbers, not long after, from religious considerations, emigrating from England, came and settled the other colonies in America; for, says an English historian, “it seems that all the provinces of North-America were planted from motives of religion.” Thus was gradually unfolded the rudiments of a future empire, before in embryo.

Upon what principles then, could England have jurisdiction over the persons and properties of those brave and free adventurers who settled the colonies? Because England was most powerful? This would be founding right in might, an argument too absurd to need refutation, applied to any but the supreme Being; who, though almighty, yet can do no wrong. Or because they were once subjects of that kingdom? This, if it proves any thing, proves too much, as hath Edition: current; Page: [456] been shown. Or was it because the country was discovered by the king of England? Whatever rights accrue by first discovering a vacant country, accrue to the prince, under whom it is made; and they are jura coronæ, rights of the crown, belonging to the king and not to the kingdom. But America, had long before been discovered and inhabited by numerous tribes of Indians, the original proprietors of the country; subjects capable of property, and who made a part of the human species, when the Almighty gave the earth to the children of men; and why black squalid hair, a tawny complexion, a particular manner of living, and ignorance of divine revelation, should be absolute disqualifications, to have and hold property, any more than a black skin, curled head, flat nose and bandy legs, should be the infallible criterion of slavery, I cant devise.

III. Let us consider the rights of the Americans subsequent to their charters and colony constitutions.

As there are certain rights of men, which are unalienable even by themselves; and others which they do not mean to alienate, when they enter into civil society. And as power is naturally restless, aspiring and insatiable; it therefore becomes necessary in all civil communities (either at their first formation or by degrees) that certain great first principles be settled and established, determining and bounding the power and prerogative of the ruler, ascertaining and securing the rights and liberties of the subjects, as the foundation stamina of the government; which in all civil states is called the constitution, on the certainty and permanency of which, the rights of both the ruler and the subjects depend; nor may they be altered or changed by ruler or people, but by the whole collective body, or a major part at least, nor may they be touched by the legislator; for the moment that alters essentially the constitution, it annihilates its own existence, its constitutional authority. Not only so, but on supposition the legislator might alter it; such a stretch of power would be dangerous beyond conception; for could the British parliament alter the original principles of the constitution, the people might be deprived of their liberties and properties, and the parliament become absolute and perpetual; and for redress in such case, should it ever happen, they must resort to their native rights, and be justified in making insurrection. For when the constitution is violated, they have no other remedy; but Edition: current; Page: [457] for all other wrongs and abuses that may possibly happen, the constitution remaining inviolate, the people have a remedy thereby.

The Americans antecedent to their colony constitutions, must be considered either as the subjects of the kingdom of England, or as subjects of the king and not of the kingdom, or as subjects of neither; and their territory as belonging either to that kingdom, the king, or to neither. In which of these lights they should be considered, I leave the impartial world to judge. If the first, then the grants and patents from the crown conveyed nothing, nam ex nibilo nibil gignitur, for what the king had not he could not grant, and the colonies, besides their rights as English subjects, have acquired an indefeasable title by prescription, to the lands they have possessed, to the privileges, immunities and exemptions they have enjoyed, and to all the powers of government, rights of jurisdiction, regalities, &c. which they have had and exercised, beyond which, the memory of man runneth not to the contrary. If the second, then by the royal grants, patents, &c. all the powers of government, rights of jurisdiction, liberties and privileges, with the property of the lands in fee, are passed from the crown, and vested in the colonies, absolutely and indefeasably, according to the tenor of their several grants and constitutions. If the last, then all these rights of jurisdiction, of property and liberty, were underived and self-originated. If, therefore, they were to be considered as English subjects, by the constitution of that kingdom, they had right to enjoy all these privileges; if not as English subjects, then they were theirs without being beholden therefor. In either view, therefore, they were entitled to have and enjoy all the rights, liberties and privileges, which, by their several constitutions, were granted and confirmed to them, antecedent thereto. And their constitutions are the original compacts, containing the first great principles, or stamina of their governments; combining the members, connecting and subordinating them to the king as their supreme head and liege lord; also prescribing the forms of their several governments, determining and bounding the power of the crown over them, within proper limits, and ascertaining and securing their rights, jurisdictions and liberties; and are not to be compared to the charters of corporations in England (although they are to be deemed sacred) which are royal favours granted to particular corporations, beyond what are enjoyed by the subjects in common; if they should be forfeited and taken Edition: current; Page: [458] away the members will still retain the great essential rights of British subjects, and these original compacts were made and entered into by the king, not only for himself, but expressly for his heirs and successors on the one part, and the colonies, their successors and assigns on the other; whereby the connection was formed, not only between the parties then in being, but between the crown and the colonies, through all successions of each; and those compacts are permanent and perpetual, as unalterable as Magna Charta, or the primary principles of the English constitution: nor can they be vacated or changed by the king, any more than by the colonies, nor be forfeited by one more than the other; for they are mutually obligatory on both, and are the ligaments and bonds that connect the colonies with the king of Great-Britain, and the king with them: cut, therefore, and dissolve them, and the colonies will become immediately disunited from the crown, and the crown from them. Should the original parties to these constitutions awake in their tombs, and come forth (on a controversy that would awake the dead, could the dead be waked) and with united voice testify, that this was their original, true intent and meaning, would it not be awfully striking and convincing? But we have greater evidence; we have their original declaration, made in that day, deliberately reduced to writing, and solemnly ratified and confirmed, which is as follows:

And the reasons for erecting these constitutions, are recited in the preamble of some of them, as follows, viz.

Through this portal, majesty itself, like the meridian sun, lightens upon the subject, and makes plain and clear a matter, which the wits and disputers of a venal age, would envelope in midnight obscurity. In consideration that these discoveries, settlements, &c. were obtained for great and valuable considerations, &c. and at their, viz. the colonist’s only endeavours and expence of blood and treasure, and in regard that they are remote, so that they cannot otherwise enjoy the benefits of civil government, &c. therefore, it is most reasonable and necessary, that they should have a government of their own. These constitutions are in some respects various in different colonies; all have their assemblies, or parliaments, consisting of the governor, council, and the representatives of the people; invested with the supreme power of legislation and taxation; though in some, their laws are subject to be negativ’d by the royal dissent, within a limited time: in some, the governor and council are chosen by the people, in others, the council; and in some, both governor and council are appointed by the crown. All have their courts of judicature, to take cognizance of all causes, arising within their territorial limits, and the power of judging in the last resort, though this right hath been infringed in sundry instances, by appeals to the king and council. But how a judgment in England can be executed in America, according to the course of law, is to me a paradox.

Further, it is ordained and declared,

This doth not bring the Americans within the realm of England; but it proves them to be out of it: For were it not so, the granting to them and to their children privileges equal to natural subjects, born within the realm, would have been idle and unnecessary, being no more than they would have been entitled to without it, after setling the foundation principles, and enumerating a variety of capital articles in the constitution of their governments; to avoid prolixity and all mistake and omissions in a recital of their rights and priviledges; they are in short, summed up and declared to be similar and as ample in every respect, as those of the natural born subjects of the realm, to which the colonists are referred, to learn the full extent of their own; which demonstrates the similarity and likeness that subsists between the civil constitutions of the two countries; although several and distinct; and the lands are granted to be holden, not in capite, or by knight service, but in free and common soccage, as of the manor of East-Greenwich; paying there for a certain proportion of the gold and silver ore, that should from time to time be found, &c. in lieu of all services, duties and demands whatsoever. Thus, whether the Americans, antecedent to their constitutions, were subjects of the kingdom of England or not, they have now the clearest right to enjoy the liberties and privileges of English subjects: and to hold their lands discharged of all duties and demands of every kind, except as above. And nothing is plainer, than that the colonists cannot enjoy such privileges, unless they have parliaments and assemblies of their own, invested with the supreme power of legislation and taxation, in which they may be represented, and for this I have a very great and antient authority, viz. the case of the Virginians, determined by one of the kings of England, near a century and a half ago, which, to use the words of the English historian, is as follows:

Now, if the parliament hath right to bind the colonists in any instance of legislation and taxation, it hath in all: Wherein, then, will consist the similarity of the colony constitutions to that of Great-Britain? Wherein the power of their assemblies to guard the rights of the people? In fine, where is the boasted English liberties of the subjects? All laid in the dust, and the colonies subjected to be governed and taxed by the parliament, who are, and their constituents both, interested in augmenting their taxes and burdens.

Realm signifies kingdom; and kingdom signifies the country or countries, that are subject to one sovereign prince. And should a school boy be asked, whether America, which is three thousand miles distant, was within the kingdom of Great-Britain, both being subject to one prince, he must answer that it was not; but that it was within the kingdom of the king of Great-Britain and America. Nor are the following questions more difficult, viz. whether the House of Commons, who have only a representative authority, have right to bind those whom they do not represent? Or whether, in virtue of their being the representatives of the people in Great-Britain, they are the representatives of the people in America? viz. whether the Britons and the Americans are identically the same persons, or whether the Britons are, have, or ought to have, every thing, and the Americans nothing? If the colonies, when they were first constituted, were not subject to the jurisdiction of parliament, they are not become so, by any thing since: and that they were not is evident, not only from the declaration of the king in the constitutions, but by the royal conduct towards them from time to time, treating them as though they were not.

Upon the remonstrance of the Virginians against the imposition of duties on their trade, King Charles the second issued a declaration under his privy seal, dated 19th of April, A. D. 1676, “affirming, that Edition: current; Page: [462] taxes ought not to be laid upon the proprietors and inhabitants of the colony, but by the common consent of the General Assembly.” And when a revenue was wanted for the support of civil government in Virginia, in A. D. 1679, an act was framed and sent over to be passed by their assembly in these words, “Enacted by the king’s most excellent majesty, by and with the consent of the General Assembly of the colony of Virginia, that a duty of, &c.” which was accordingly passed into a law.

And it was declared by James the first and Charles first, when a bill was proposed in the House of Commons, and repeatedly and strenuously urged, to give liberty to the subjects of England to fish on the coast of America; “that it was unnecessary, that the colonies were without the realm and jurisdiction of parliament, and that the privy council would take orders in matters relating to them.” And liberty of fishing in America, is reserved in some of the charters that were afterwards made; which shews that without such reservation, they would not have had right to fish on the coast of the colonies. And upon complaint of piracies, &c. committed off the coast of Connecticut, King Charles the second, in A. D. 1683–4, instead of causing an act of Parliament to be made to restrain and punish them, writes this letter to the General Assembly in Connecticut, which letter, is now extant in the hands of the secretary.

And accordingly the bill was passed into a law by the general assembly of Connecticut. Can it be supposed, that this bill would have been sent to Connecticut to be passed into a law, if the parliament had had jurisdiction thereof? Further, Great-Britain sending their Edition: current; Page: [463] culprits into banishment in America, demonstrates, that America is out of the jurisdiction of that kingdom, for banishment consists in putting a subject out of the limits and jurisdiction of the government. It is in the memory of every one, that the king sent his requisitions to the colonies to raise men and money in the last war, which were readily complied with, by his most dutiful and loyal subjects, in the provinces: Wherefore was this, if the Parliament hath supreme legislative and taxative jurisdiction over them? And to put this matter beyond all doubt, and to shew that the colonies have right, not only to enjoy, but to defend themselves, and their liberties, against any and all (the parliament not excepted) that should be so stupid, or vile, as to invade them; hear the solemn declaration and warrant of their king, in their original constitutions:

Thus, these liberties and priviledges are not only granted and confirmed, but a power is expressly given to the colonies to defend them to the utmost, against those who should invade or attempt to destroy them. And are the Americans chargeable with treason and rebellion, for yielding to the irresistable impulses of self-preservation and acting under and in pursuance of the royal licence and authority of their Edition: current; Page: [464] king? It is certain that the colonies, in all their constitutions, were considered as being out of the jurisdiction of parliament, from the provisions made in every one, to supply the want of such jurisdiction, by investing their several assemblies with supreme power of legislation; and that their kings ever considered and treated them as being so, until that fatal period when George Grenville, that monster of ministers, came into administration; and that the colonies so understood themselves to be.

From all which I think we may infer, with great clearness and certainty, that he that is king of Great-Britain, is, by the constitutions of the colonies, also king of the American colonies, bound to protect and govern them according to their several constitutions, and not to destroy them: and that the parliament hath no jurisdiction or power with respect to them; for the parliament consists of the three estates, the king, lords and commons, and was constituted for the government of that realm; and the king sustains a three-fold capacity, as king of Great-Britain, the first of the three estates in parliament, and as king of the American colonies, and according to the maxim of the English laws, Quando duo jura concurrent in una & eadem persona, idem est, ac si essent in diversis; when several rights or capacities meet and are vested in one and the same person, they remain entire, and as distinct as though they were vested in different persons. This right of sovereignty over the Americans, is derived from a different source from that of Great-Britain, viz. the constitutions of the colonies, extends to different objects, viz. the colonies; and is exercisable in a different manner, viz. according to their several constitutions. And what the king doth as king of Great-Britain, or as one of the estates in parliament, he doth not as king of the colonies; for if so, then all the judges and officers appointed in the realm of England, would be judges and officers in America; all the laws and taxes that receive the royal assent in parliament, would immediately be binding upon the Americans, unless expresly excepted; contrary to the united voice of all their princes, politicians and lawyers, which is, that even Ireland, which they hold as a conquered country, is not bound by acts of parliament, unless specially named. The lords being the noble peers of that realm, set in parliament in right of their estates and dignity, their authority cannot extend beyond the limits of the kingdom of which they are peers. The House of Commons, act by a delegated authority, Edition: current; Page: [465] and can have no greater power than their constituents can give, and their constituents can give no greater than they have; and from whence, in the name of common sense, have the people of Great-Britain right of dominion over the persons, properties and liberties of the good people in America?

But some may object, that upon these principles, the colonies have an unlimited power of legislation, &c. within themselves, contrary to an express clause in their constitutions, which restrains them from making laws, &c. contrary to the laws of the realm of England.

These constitutions are to be considered, not only as the stipulations of the sovereign and the particular colonies with whom they are made, but also of the colonists among themselves; although they are conceived wholly in the style and language of grants from the crown. And the language of the clause referred to in the objection, is after this manner, “and we do further of, &c. give and grant unto the said governor and company, &c. that it shall and may be lawful for them, &c. to erect and make all necessary and proper judicatories; to hear and decide all matters and causes, &c. and to make, ordain and establish all manner of wholsome and reasonable laws, statutes, ordinances, directions and instructions, not contrary to the laws of this our realm of England.”

This restraint to colony legislation, cannot be construed to extend the jurisdiction of parliament; for if it could, it would be repugnant to the grant, & void; for parliament might make laws contrary to all the laws the colonies have or could make; in this sense, it would be reserving a power that would devour and destroy all the powers constituted and granted in the patents, &c.

Nor is it to be understood, that the colonies may not make laws respecting their own people, which are contrary to laws in England, concerning a similar matter; for instance, in England the laws permit persons of certain rank and estate to play at games; in the colonies all persons without distinction are prohibited playing at games. By the laws of this our realm, then is not meant, any particular rules and regulations of law; but the grounds, principles and spirit of the laws and constitution, then existing in the realm of England, on which the whole system of their laws were founded, by which dictated, and to which they were conformed. As the constitutions of the colonies were founded on the same principles with that of England, and the colonists Edition: current; Page: [466] entitled to like privileges with the natural subjects of that realm, and referred to the great charter of English liberties, to learn the full extent and nature of their own: Therefore it is stipulated and granted, that they may make all reasonable laws, &c. not contrary, to what? To the genius of the laws and civil constitution of this our realm of England; for such would likewise be contrary to the genius of their own governments. Between which and the English constitution there is such a similarity, that you cannot thwart the principles of one, without contradicting the spirit of the other; and the sword that pierces the sides of one, penetrates the bowels of the other. This restriction is limited to the laws or system of government then in being in and over that realm: and doth not extend to any civil constitutions that might afterwards be made; nor to any laws made, or that should be made there, to extend to the colonies, out of that realm; for this would, as hath been shewn, be repugnant to the grant; and further, such would not be the laws of that realm, but of the colonies. This clause therefore, instead of restraining the colonies under the power of parliament, doth demonstrate them to be distinct states, without and independent of the jurisdiction of parliament.

I am not insensible, that by act of parliament 7 and 8 Will. III. cap. 22. it is declared, that all laws, by laws, usages and customs which shall be in practice in any of the plantations, repugnant to any law made, or to be made in England relative to the said plantations, shall be utterly void and of none effect. And by stat. 6 of Geo. III. cap. 12. It is further declared, that all his majesties colonies and plantations in America, have been, are, and of right ought to be, subordinate to and dependant on the imperial crown and parliament of Great-Britain, who have full power and authority to make laws and statutes of sufficient validity, to bind the colonies and people of America, subjects of the crown of Great-Britain, in all cases whatsoever, with a number of other statutes of the present reign, founded on the same principles and of the same fatal tendency. By these statutes, the Americans are deprived of all authority, even to make a by-law; and of all their liberties and properties; by subjecting both to the arbitrary power and disposal of parliament, in all cases whatsoever. Let these statutes be executed upon the Americans; and what, in the name of wonder, I ask, what will they have left, that has even the shadow of power or privilege, natural, civil, or religious; that they Edition: current; Page: [467] will be able to exercise and enjoy? But let us examine the ground and authority of these acts that sound such a peal, the knell of American freedom.

It is not the parliament’s declaring a thing to be so, that makes it so, nor their enjoining a thing to be done, that makes it a duty to do it. Should the parliament, in the plenitude of their power, pass an act, that the four elements have been, are, and ought to be subordinate to, and dependant on the jurisdiction of parliament; and that they have full power, &c. to make laws of sufficient validity to bind them, in all cases whatsoever. And that there should be neither rain nor sunshine, seed time nor harvest, in all the continent of America, for three years and seven months; would the elements and the heavens be guilty of treason and rebellion, if they pursued their antient course: And are not the liberties of men, who are appointed lords of this lower creation, of more importance than those of the elements, and are they not equally sacred and inviolable?

The obligation of obedience to a law, arises wholly from the authority of the makers, over those on whom it is enjoined; so that if the Americans are naturally independant of the power of parliament, and by no concessions and civil constitutions of their own have submitted thereto, and put themselves under it; no acts of parliament can make them dependant. And if the parliament hath no right of dominion over the Americans; it follows that the Americans are under no obligation of obedience to its laws.

I cannot but remark upon the singular phraseology of this declaratory act of parliament, viz. that all his majesty’s colonies (not our colonies) have been, are, and of right ought to be subordinate to, and dependant on the imperial crown and parliament of Great-Britain, who have full power and authority to make laws and statutes of sufficient validity to bind the colonies and people in America, subjects of the crown of Great-Britain, in all cases whatsoever. What strange circumlocution of law language is used to express what they meant to conceal! What is the amount of this declaratory act? That the parliament has full power and authority to make laws, &c. to bind the colonies and people of America in all cases whatsoever? No, but to bind the colonies and people of America subjects of the crown of Great-Britain, viz. they have power to bind the subjects of the crown of Great Britain in America. Now if the colonies are not subjects of Edition: current; Page: [468] the crown of Great-Britain, viz. are not subjects of the king in virtue of his crown of that kingdom, then by their own declaration the parliament hath no right to bind them. And it is very evident from what has been said, that the king’s right of sovereignty over the colonies is not derived from, or holden in virtue of his crown, as king of Great-Britain; but from the particular stipulations entered into with the colonies by their several constitutions; otherwise their constitutions would have been idle and unnecessary. Nor will it help the matter, should we for argument’s sake, yield to them that the colonies were subjects of the crown of Great-Britain; then they would be entitled to the privileges of subjects, which is an exemption from legislation or taxation without their voice or consent. So that whether the colonies are or are not subjects of the crown of Great-Britain, the act is altogether unfounded.

But it may be objected to the colonies claim of exemption from the jurisdiction of parliament on account of their not being represented; that there are many persons of property, and large towns in England who do not vote in the election of representatives to parliament, yet are bound by its laws, &c. There is no borough, city, town, or shire in England, nor any man of competent estate and a subject of the kingdom, but what may have a voice in the election of representatives to parliament; if, therefore, some do wave a privilege which they might enjoy, their stupidity ought to be a warning, and not an example for the Americans to imitate: Nor doth it by any means follow, that because some are bound, who might and will not send representatives; that therefore, the parliament hath right to bind all, even those who cannot, if they would, be represented. Besides, every member of parliament, though chosen by one particular district, when elected and returned, serves for the whole realm; and no laws or taxes are made and imposed on such, but what equally affect those that make them, and their constituents. The case of the unrepresented Americans is directly the reverse; they cannot be represented, and the burthens laid on them proportionably alleviate the burthens of those that impose them, and their constituents.

Again, it may be objected, that several acts of parliament respecting America, have been acquiesced in, &c. Neither the parliament’s making laws, nor the American’s acquiescing therein, can create an authority to make them on one hand, nor an obligation to obey them Edition: current; Page: [469] on the other, though they may be considered as some evidence thereof. From the first settlement of the colonies, to the conclusion of the last war, no taxes, or duties have been claimed, or imposed by act of parliament in America, for the purpose of raising a revenue, unless the act respecting the post-office is considered as such. The first act that was made to extend to America, equally extended to Asia and Africa; and was made in the 12th of Charles II merely for the regulation of trade; requiring all English goods to be shipped in English vessels, and navigated by English mariners. The 25th of the same reign produced the first act that imposed duties for any purpose in America, and the preamble declares it to be for the regulation of trade only; nor are the avails appropriated to any part of the revenue: Yet this produced an insurrection in Virginia, agents were sent to England on the account; and a declaration obtained from the king under his privy seal, dated April 19th, A. D. 1676 “That taxes ought not to be laid upon the proprietors and inhabitants of the colony, but by the common consent of the general assembly.” The other acts that respected the colonies, except the 7 and 8 of Will. III. antea, were for the regulation of trade only, until of late; the duties were never acquiesced in, were always murmered at, protested against, as being oppressive and unjust, and eluded as far as possible. And as the trade of the colonies was, of choice, principally with Great-Britain and the British Islands, many of those acts did not much affect them in their interest or inclination. If such an acquiescence may be construed a submission to acts of parliament; the nonuser of such power by parliament, for so long a time, may, with greater reason, be construed a relinquishment thereof. For the non user of a power, by those that are able to exercise such power, is greater evidence against the existence of it, than the non-resistence of thousands is for it, who are incapable of making resistance.

But it will be said that the post-office in America was by act of parliament and is for the express purpose of raising a revenue.

The post-office is a convenient and useful institution, and on that account, it hath been received and used in America, and not on account of the act of parliament; and derives all its authority, in America, from its being received and adopted there: As many of the rules of the Roman civil law, are received and adopted by universal consent in England, and are obligatory upon the people, not from the Edition: current; Page: [470] authority of the Roman emperors that ordained them, but from their own act in receiving and adopting them. Further, the act of parliament forbids all persons to carry or transport any letters, &c. by land or water, on pain of severe penalties, except the post-master or his deputies: And it is well known, that this part of the act was daily violated; yet no person was ever prosecuted: Which shews that the post-office in America was not such, as the parliament had enacted; but such as the universal consent and practice of the people there had made it; and also, how little deference is paid to acts of parliament in America.

From all the cases of pretended acquiescence to acts of parliament, nothing can be inferred favourable to the jurisdiction of parliament, for either it was for the interest of the Americans to comply with them, or it was not; if the former, then they complied, not from a principle of obedience to them; but from motives of interest and inclination; if the latter, then they demonstrate the incompetency of parliament to make laws for the Americans; who thro’ ignorance, or some other principle, hath enjoined what is prejudicial. And no wise constitution would vest a power in any body of men, who, from their situation and circumstances, are and must be, necessarily incompetent for the proper exercise of it.

It may be objected, that all these charters and colony constitutions were made by and with the king, in his political capacity, as the supreme head of the kingdom; and that whatever he doth as such, is in virtue of authority derived from the kingdom; and for the use and benefit thereof, and not with and for the king only.

These constitutions, are either the compacts of both the king and kingdom of Great-Britain with the colonies; entered into by the king for himself, and in behalf of his kingdom, or they are the compacts of the king only.

If the former, then the kingdom of Great-Britain, as well as the king, is a party to them, bound and concluded by them; and can have no greater authority over the colonies, than is therein expressly stipulated, and in no other manner than is therein provided. For if the kingdom will take the benefit of the king’s acts, it must in those respects, be likewise bound by them. And there is not the least colour of legislative authority in the colony constitutions, stipulated or reserved to the parliament, over the persons or properties of the Americans, Edition: current; Page: [471] except in one or two instances, which are altogether singular, and as absurd as singular, but full and compleat power of legislation is vested in the general assemblies of the several colonies—subject only in some, to the royal dissent within a limited time; and to have the colony assemblies, subject at the same time to the legislative power of Parliament, would be constituting an imperium in imperio, one supreme power within another, the height of political absurdity.

But if these constitutions, are the compacts of the king, only with the colonies, then the kingdom and parliament of Great-Britain have no power over them, more than they and their assemblies have over the kingdom and parliament, for they are distinct sister states, neither having any power or authority over the other. And that these constitutions, were entered into and granted by the king for himself only, is evident, in that, no mention is made in them of the parliament, except as above, and in them the reservation is void, being against Magna Charta: Or of their being made by the king, in behalf of himself and kingdom; and this most certainly the king is capable of doing; for the king considered in his natural capacity as a man, is subject to all the frailties of human nature, hath sensations of pleasure and pain, which are his own, and may make contracts and be bound by them, although in his political capacity he is by way of eminence stiled perfect, &c.

In his political capacity he also hath certain prerogatives, royal rights and interests, which are his own, and not the kingdom’s; and these he may alienate by gift or sale, &c.

Should France offer the king of Great-Britain the crown of that kingdom, and he accept it; could not France be subject to the king, without being subject to the kingdom of Great-Britain, and subordinate to the power of parliament? Upon these principles, should the king of England be elected emperor of Germany, the British parliament, would legislate for the whole Germanic body. And the case would not be otherwise, with a people in a state of nature, that should make choice of the king of Great-Britain for their king, and he accept thereof, they would not thereby, elect the kingdom for their masters nor be subjected to its parliament. Thus, whether these constitutions are considered as the compacts of the king and kingdom of Great Britain, or only of the king, the colonies are clearly out of the reach of the jurisdiction of parliament, and it is evident that they Edition: current; Page: [472] were originally intended so to be, and all the advantages expected from them by Great-Britain, were their trade, which has far exceeded their most sanguine expectations. For these constitutions were not entered into and granted by the king in virtue of his being the king of Great-Britain; the king of France or Prussia might have done the same; or any individual, the Americans should have elected for their king. The force and authority of these constitutions, is not derived from any antecedent right in the crown of Great-Britain to grant them; but from the mutual agreements and stipulations contained in them, between the crown of Great-Britain and the colonies.

Further, it is objected, that the settlement of the crown is by act of parliament; and the colonies do acknowledge him to be their king, on whom the crown is thus settled, consequently in this they do recognize the power of parliament.

The colonies do and ever did acknowledge the power of parliament to settle and determine who hath right, and who shall wear the crown of Great-Britain; but it is by force of the constitutions of the colonies only, that he, who is thus crowned king of Great-Britain, becomes king of the colonies. One designates the king of the colonies, and the other makes him so.

Lastly it is objected, that in all civil states it is necessary, there should some where be lodged a supreme power over the whole.

The truth of this objection will not be contested; but its application in the present argument is to be considered. If Great-Britain and America both constitute but one civil state, then it is necessary that there should be one supreme power, lodged either in Great-Britain or America, in such manner as is consistent with the liberties of the subjects. But if they are distinct states, then it is necessary, that there should be a supreme power lodged in each. The only thing then to be done is to prove, that Great-Britain and America are distinct states. And this point hath been already considered; so that little new can be said upon it. However it may be observed, that a civil state, is a country or body of people that are connected and united under one and the same constitution of civil government; by this the kingdoms and states in Germany and other parts of Europe are distinguished and known. Now there is no such civil constitution existing, as that of Great-Britain and America.

Great-Britain hath its civil constitution; the colonies have their’s; Edition: current; Page: [473] and though, the spirit and principles of them are similar, yet the constitutions of the two countries are entirely distinct and several: The constitution of Great-Britain is not the constitution of the colonies, nor vice versa. They are two countries, three thousand miles distant from each other, inhabited by different people, under distinct constitutions of government, with different customs, laws and interests, both having one king. Now, if any can believe that Great-Britain and America are but one civil state, they must overthrow the doctrine of identity and diversity, confound all distinctions in nature, and believe that two is one and one is two. Further, they are and must be distinct states from the nature of their situation, and in order to their enjoying the privileges of their respective governments. And the constitutions of civil government ought to be erected on the foundation of reason and be conformable to the nature of things; nor is it difficult to conceive of two distinct countries, independent of each other, each having its own civil constitutions, laws, parliaments, courts, commerce and interest, united under one sovereign prince. And would it be necessary that there should be in one of these states, a supreme power over the persons and properties of the other? If it would, then it follows, that it would be necessary in such case that the subjects of one should be slaves to the other, incapable of liberty or property. Are not Hanover and Saxony distinct states, both within the empire, and subordinate to the imperial crown of Germany? They are. And is not this the case of Great-Britain and America? Two distinct states, or countries under one sovereign prince, both equally his subjects and incapable of being slaves? Each invested with plenary powers of government, in their several countries? This is really the situation of the colonies; and not to admit of a system of civil government, adapted to their situation, or to insist on the exercise of such powers over them, as are inconsistent with, and subversive of their natural and constitutional rights and liberties, is really pointing the controversy, not merely at the Americans, but at the great former and ruler of the universe, for making and situating them as they are. From all which it follows that the colonies are distinct states from that of Great-Britain; have and ought to have a supreme power of government lodged in them.

Thus, the question is reduced to a single point, either the parliament hath no such power over the persons and properties of the Edition: current; Page: [474] Americans as is claimed, or the Americans are all slaves. Slavery consists in being wholly under the power and controul of another, as to our actions and properties: And he that hath authority to restrain and controul my conduct in any instance, without my consent, hath in all. And he that hath right to take one penny of my property, without my consent, hath right to take all. For, deprive us of this barrier of our liberties and properties, our own consent; and there remains no security against tyranny and absolute despotism on one hand, and total abject, miserable slavery on the other. For power is entire and indivisible; and property is single and pointed as an atom. All is our’s, and nothing can be taken from us, but by our consent; or nothing is our’s, and all may be taken, without our consent. The right of dominion over the persons and properties of others, is not natural, but derived; and there are but two sources from whence it can be derived; from the almighty, who is the absolute proprietor of all, and from our own free consent. Why then wrangle we so long about a question so short and easy of decision? Why this mighty din of war, and garments roll’d in blood; the seas covered with fleets, the land with armies, and the nation rushing on swift destruction? Let the parliament shew their warrant, the diploma and patent of their power to rule over America, derived from either of the above fountains, and we will not contend; but if they cannot, wherefore do they contend with us? For even a culprit has right to challenge of the executioner, the warrant of his power, or refuse submission.

The question is not whether the king is to be obeyed or not; for the Americans, have ever recognized his authority as their rightful sovereign, and liege lord; have ever been ready, with their lives and fortunes, to support his crown and government, according to the constitutions of the nation, and now call upon him as their liege lord (whom he is bound to protect) for protection, on pain of their allegiance, against the army, levied by the British parliament, against his loyal and dutiful subjects in America.

Nor is the question Whether the Americans would be independent or not, unless the state they have ever enjoyed hath been such; for they ever have acknowledged themselves to be subjects of the king, subordinate to, and dependent on the crown, but not on the parliament of Great-Britain, unless any should think there is no medium between submission to parliament, and perfect independance. But the Edition: current; Page: [475] question is, Whether the parliament of Great-Britain hath power over the persons and properties of the Americans, to bind the one, and dispose of the other at their pleasure? Hear the language of parliament in their acts disposing of the property of the Americans: “We, your majesty’s dutiful subjects, the Commons of Great-Britain, in parliament assembled, have therefore resolved to give and grant unto your majesty, the several rates and duties hereinafter mentioned, &c. in America.” Here the Commons in England are pluming themselves on their great liberality to their sovereign, with the property of the Americans, as though it was all their own. If the parliament have no such power as is claimed, their invading our rights, and in them the rights of the constitution, under pretence of authority; besieging and desolating our sea ports, employing dirty tools, whose sordid souls, like vermin, delight to riot on filth; to practice every artifice to seduce, that they may the easier destroy; with money tempting, with arms terrifying the inhabitants, to induce and compel a servile submission; is treason against the kingdom, of the deepest die, and blackest complexion: whereby the constitution, that firm foundation of the nation’s peace, and pillar of government that supports the throne, is shaken to its very basis; the kingdom rent, and devided against itself; and those sons of thunder that should be the protectors of its rights, are become its destroyers. Nor will American freedom fall alone; Great-Britain’s shakes, totters, and must tumble likewise, nor long survive the catastrophe: And the Americans resisting the measures, and defending against the force used to accomplish these dreadful events, and precipitate the nation into total, irreparable ruin and destruction, are deeds of the greatest loyalty to their king, and the constitution that supports him on the throne, and of fidelity to his government. For subjects to levy war against their king, is treason, but the king’s levying war against his subjects, is a crime of royal magnitude, and wants a name. Should the king of France join with the enemies of his kingdom, and levy war against his subjects, would he notwithstanding, retain his royal authority over them, and they be incapable of defence against such an unnatural attack, without incurring the crime of treason and rebellion? If so, wo! to the inhabitants of kingdoms, for, by reason of their kings, the earth would be made desolate.

Let none be dismayed at the strength and power of our oppressors; nor at the horrors of war into which we are compelled, for the necessary Edition: current; Page: [476] defence of our rights. Can we expect the laurels, without entering the list? To be crowned without being tried? The fairest fruits are always most obnoxious to the birds of prey: English liberties, the boast and glory of the nation, the admiration of its friends, and envy of its foes; were obtained, sword in hand, from king John, by his free and spirited barons; and what rivers of blood have been shed, to maintain and defend them, against the encroachments of succeeding kings, to the time of the glorious revolution, is well known to all, acquainted with the English history. Such is the state of the world, that the way to freedom and glory, is a way of danger and conflict. The road to Canaan was through the desert and the deep; and the grave is the subterranean path to celestial bliss. And let it not be forgotten that those of Israel whose hearts failed them through fear of being destroyed by their enemies, and discouraged their brethren, were destroyed of their maker. Nor ought any to think, by joining themselves to the enemies of their country, they shall escape, however fair the promises, or great the reward; and though they should not meet with their deserts, from the hands of their injured countrymen: for the minister, wants your assistance to destroy your fellows, only, that yourselves may be the easier destroyed; and when you have done his drudgery, you will become his prey. Divide & impera, divide & distrue, divide & command, divide and destroy, are maxims of deep policy, fabricated in a very old cabinet.

IV. I shall now proceed in the last place to consider this question in another light, viz. the equity of the demand made upon the colonies, and of the manner in which it is made. The ill policy of such measures, having in a most inimitable manner, been considered and exposed by those illustrious patriots, the earl of Chatham, Burke, Barre, the bishop of Asaph, &c. (whose names and memories no distance of place or time, will be able to obliterate from the grateful minds of the Americans) with such dignity of sentiment, energy and perspecuity of reason, such rectitude of intention, uncorruptness and candor of disposition, and with such force of elocution, as must have rendered them irresistable, only by the omnipotence of parliament.

Great-Britain can have no demands upon the old colonies, except for assistance afforded them against their enemies in war, and protection Edition: current; Page: [477] to their trade at sea; for the lands were neither acquired or settled at the expence of the crown. New-York, indeed, was obtained by conquest from the Dutch, without much risk or loss; and was afterwards in the treaty at Breda, A. D. 1667, confirmed to the English in exchange for Surinam. Nor have those colonies since, been any expence to the crown, either for support of their governments, or inhabitants: And the Americans have had no enemies but what were equally the enemies of Great-Britain; nor been engaged in any wars, but what the nation was equally engaged in, except the wars with the Indians; which they carried on and maintained themselves. It will be necessary to state the advantages the Americans have been to Great-Britain, as well as those they have derived from thence, by assistance afforded in the wars, and by comparing, strike the ballance.

From the first settlement of the colonies, they have been almost continually engaged in a bloody and expensive, tho’ successful war with the French and Indians, on their frontiers, until the reduction of Canada; whereby their settlements were extended; and by a rapid population, the number of inhabitants have been greatly encreased; and the trade to England proportionably augmented. In A. D. 1690, Sir William Phips raised an army in New-England, took Port Royal, or Annapolis, in Nova-Scotia, from the French; and reduced another settlement of considerable consequence, at the mouth of the river St. John’s, on the Bay of Fundy, both which, king William ceded to the French at the peace of Riswick, A. D. 1697; and received an equivalent for them. In A. D. 1703, the beginning of Queen Ann’s war, Annapolis was retaken, by the New-England people. Afterwards Sir William Phips, with the New-England people, attempted the reduction of Canada, and was obliged to return, not by the arms of the enemy, but by the severity of the season coming on earlier than usual: However, he built a fort on the mouth of Pemaquid on the frontiers of the country, which reduced all the Indians, north west of Merimac river, under the crown of England. By these successes, Great-Britain was induced to engage in an expedition against Quebec. In A. D. 1711, Admiral Walker was sent to Boston, with a fleet, and some land forces; New-England furnished their quota of troops for the expedition; but by reason of the great fogs, and some mistake of the pilot’s, part of the fleet was stove upon the rocks; eight hundred of the men lost, Edition: current; Page: [478] and the expedition rendered abortive. Annapolis, and all Nova-Scotia was confirmed to Great-Britain, at the peace of Utrecht, A. D. 1713; whereby all that country, its valuable fisheries, and trade, were added to the crown of Great-Britain. Not to mention the ineffectual, but costly expedition, formed by the New-England people against Canada, in A. D. 1740; and that against the island of Cuba, at another time. On the 16th of June, A. D. 1745, the important fortress of Louisbourgh surrendered to Commodore Warren, and Mr. Pepperel; reduced by a long and perilous siege of forty-nine days (through the smiles of heaven) by the valour and intrepidity of American troops, assisted by Commodore Warren, with a small squadron in the harbour; by which, the command of the Newfoundland fishery, the gulph of St. Lawrence, the only pass by sea to Quebec, the capital of the French settlements in America, fell into the hands of the English, and which afterwards purchased the peace of Europe, and procured to the crown of England, in the peace of Aix Chappelle, sundry important places that had been taken. Thus, the Americans laboured, fought and toiled; and the Britons reaped the advantage. The noble exertions of the Americans, and the part they took in the last war; their laudable emulation to be foremost, in complying with the requisitions of their sovereign; their troops contending for stations of danger, as posts of distinction; esteeming their lives and their properties, an inconsiderable sacrifice, for the glory of their king, and the renown of his arms; and the large levies of men and money made by them, are fresh in every one’s memory. The amazing advantages derived from the war in America, to the crown and kingdom of Great-Britain, is also well known. The whole eastern and northern country, the New-foundland fishery, trade, and navigation, a source of boundless wealth; the island of Cape-Breton, the extensive country of Canada and Louisiana, from the arctic pole, to the tropic of Cancer, with their train of fortresses, lakes, &c. the peltry and furr trade of that whole country, with the almost inexhaustable treasures of the Havanna; a harvest in which the Americans, with the Britons, bore the heat and burthen of the day; yet the Americans shared little or none of the fruit, except being delivered from troublesome neighbours, on their frontiers, and some individuals drawing a share in the plunder, at the Havanna. And what a mighty accession of weight and importance was this, to the crown of Great-Britain, in the scale of power, among Edition: current; Page: [479] the European states and princes! But why need I dwell upon these? At the conclusion of the last war, justice swayed the sceptre; and a righteous minister had the royal ear; the Americans were considered as creditors to the nation; and thousands of pounds were sent over to reimburse them. But Oh! the sad reverse of times, ministers and of measures!

In the next place, let me enquire, in respect to the protection afforded our trade at sea. Our trade, from inclination and choice, hath been principally with Great-Britain and the British isles, and like the trade in all cases, carried on between an infant country, in want of all kinds of manufactures, and an old, wealthy, manufacturing kingdom. Our’s was of necessity and for consumption; their’s for profit and advantage. They purchased of us our raw materials, and sold to us their wrought manufactures; both at their own price, and at their own ports. In this view of the matter, must it not be supposed, that the advantages of this trade to that kingdom, amply paid for its protection; and their motives to protect it were their own emolument and profit? But this will be more fully illustrated, when we consider, that the amount of the trade between Great-Britain, and the colonies, at a medium for three years, before it was interrupted by these unhappy disputes, is computed at about three millions, three hundred and eighty-five thousand pounds per annum: From which deduct a certain proportion, for raw materials, that are imported into England, which is comparatively inconsiderable; the remainder is a clear profit and gain to Great-Britain; and is divided between the public exchequer, and private coffers—for the whole cost of the raw materials, the duties on the importation of them, the manufacturer’s labour, his living and his family’s, his taxes upon his house, windows, salt, soap, candles, coal, &c. &c. &c. upon his eatables, his drinkables, and cloathing; those of his family, his apprentices and journeymen; and not only so, but also the taxes his shoemaker, weaver, and taylor paid, when working for him; the merchants profits, the charges of bailage, truckage, freight, insurance; and the duties upon the articles themselves, all go in to make up the price, and are paid by the American consumer. In this view of the matter, I believe I am within bounds to suppose, that the direct trade (leaving out of the question the cercuitous trade by way of the West-Indies and other parts), neats a profit of three millions to Great-Britain: And near one half of that sum, is Edition: current; Page: [480] made up of taxes and duties, which are paid in England; whereby the public revenue is so much increased & eventually is actually paid by the Americans.

Can any suppose, that this is not an ample compensation, for all the protection afforded our trade at sea? What nation in Europe would not rejoice to receive our trade on these terms, and give us thousands for its purchase? But, upon supposition it is not sufficient, and that the colonies are indebted to them; ought they not to state the account, that the balance might be seen; and to make a demand of payment? And not without doing either, thrust their hands into our pockets; and rend from thence, not only what we owe them, but what they please: Not only what we ought to pay, but our whole property; nor that only, but our liberties too. And if asked wherefore this? the answer is, that the nation is in debt, and that we owe them. If we owe them, let them make it appear, and the colonies will pay them; that the nation is in debt, needs no proof; but for what? For expence in war, and for charges of government in time of peace? Could these have accumulated—the enormous sum of 145,000,000, the national debt in A. D. 1766? Bribery and corruption, luxury and exorbitant pensions multiplied, might.

But it is time to close these enquiries; and what may we not expect, from what is threatened and already done, that is in the power of parliament to do?

Is not the king of Great-Britain, the visible head of the christian church in England? and by the Quebec bill, is he not, as amply constituted the head of the romish church in Canada? Have not the Americans, by the constitution of nature, as men, by the constitution of England, as Englishmen, and by the constitutions in America, as colonists, a right of exemption from all laws, that are made, and taxes that are imposed, without their voice and consent? and from other mode[s] of trial, than by their peers of the vicinity?

And by the late acts of parliament, are not taxes and duties imposed, and laws enacted to bind them, not only without, but in which, they neither had nor could have any voice? And is not the whole government, of that ancient province of the Massachusetts, demolished at a blow, by an engine of tyranny, without being summoned, heard or tried? Are not strange and unusual methods for imprisonment, transportation and trial, introduced? arbitrary tribunals Edition: current; Page: [481] erected, to decide in matters most interesting, without the intervention of a jury? In a word, are not all our rights and liberties, natural, religious and civil, made a mark for their arrows, and threatened to be laid in the dust? And to compleat our ruin, are not our harbours blocked up? our coasts lined with fleets? our country filled with armed troops? our towns sacked? inhabitants plundered? friends slaughtered? our pleasant places desolated with fire and sword? all announced rebels? our estates declared forfeit, and our blood eagerly panted for? When I think of Boston, that unhappy capital; what she once was, and the miserable captive state, to which she is now reduced, I am almost ready to adopt the plaintive strains of captive Israel concerning her:

What shall we say, is there any force in sacred compacts and national constitutions? any honour in crowned heads? any faith to be put in ministers, the nobles and great men of the nation? In a word, is there any such thing as truth and justice? Is there not a power above us? and that there is all nature declares; the vindicator of right and avenger of wrong. To him therefore we make our last appeal; and to the impartial world, to judge between Great-Britain and America.

These unheard of intolerable calamities, spring not of the dust, come not causeless, nor will they end fruitless. They call on the Americans for repentance towards their maker, and vengeance on their adversaries. And can it be a crime to resist? Is it not a duty we owe to our maker, to our country, to ourselves and to posterity? Does not the principle of self-preservation, which is implanted by the author of nature in the human breast (to operate instantaneous as the lightning, resistless as the shafts of war, to ward off impending danger), urge us to the conflict; add wings to our feet, firmness and unanimity Edition: current; Page: [482] to our hearts, impenatrability to our battalions, and under the influence of its mighty author, will it not render successful and glorious American arms? But it may be said that the Americans have destroyed the tea of the East-India company, at Boston, which was a violation of private property, & ought to be paid for. That tea was sent on the same errand that Gage and his troops are; to effect by artifice what they are now attempting by force. I mention not Thomas Hutchinson, for his crimes here, and condign punishment hereafter, without repentance, must exceed all conception or description. Should the British parliament cause cargoes of wine, impregnated with poison, to be sent to America, with orders to have them dispersed amongst the inhabitants: and their servants, the miscreants of their power, should obstinately insist on doing it, the Americans must destroy the wines, which, by their baneful mixture would be justly obnoxious to destruction, or be destroyed by their poison.

My countrymen, we have every thing to fear, from the malignity, power and cunning of our adversaries. Yet, from the justness of our cause, the greatness of our numbers and resources, the unanimity of our hearts, cemented by interest and by perils; the bravery, and what’s more, the desperateness of our spirits; who think not life worth saving, when all that is dear in life is gone, we have reason to be afraid of nothing. For your animation, hear the advice and lamentation of a French gentleman, Monsieur Mezeray, over the lost liberties of his country, to an English subject:

And for your encouragement, turn your eyes to the free states of Holland and Switzerland; and in them, as in a glass, see America struggling under intolerable oppressions; and with an intrepid, unconquerable spirit, overlooking all danger, bursting the bonds, and Edition: current; Page: [483] demolishing the engines of tyranny, emerging from a sea of calamities, rising superior to every obstacle; and overlooking in time the power and towering heights of their haughty oppressors.

Since then we are compelled to take up the sword, in the necessary defence of our country, our liberties and properties, ourselves and posterity: Let us gird on the harness, having our bosoms mailed, with firm defiance of every danger; and with fixed determined purpose, to part with our liberty only with our lives, engage in the conflict; and nobly play the man for our country, the cities and churches of him that transplanted and hitherto sustained them; thereby prove the truth of our descent, and demonstrate to the world, that the free irrepressable spirit, that inspired the breasts and animated the conduct of our brave fore-fathers; is not degenerated in us, their offspring. With fair pretences, they invite us to submit our necks to their yoke; but with unheard of cruelties and oppressions, they determine us, to prefer death to submission. Let none be disheartened from a prospect of the expence; though it should be to the half, or even the whole of our estates. Compared with the prize at stake, our liberty, the liberty of our country, of mankind, and of millions yet unborn, it would be lighter than the dust on the balance: For if we submit, adieu for ever; adieu to property, for liberty will be lost, our only capacity of acquiring and holding property.

And what shall I say, of the officers and soldiers of the British army, who are the appointed ministers of this vengeance on the Americans? against whom are they come forth, in hostile array? Strangers and foes to them and their nation? No, it is against their brethren, their fellows and companions, of their flesh and of their bone; members of the same nation, subjects of the same king; and entitled to the same or equal privileges; with kindred blood in their veins, and a pulse beating high for English liberties. And can their hearts be courageous, and their hands strong, when they level the shaft, or lift up the spear against those, with whom of late, side by side and shoulder to shoulder, in compacted battalions, they fought, bled, and conquered, in defence of the country, and the liberties, they are now sent to lay waste and destroy. I appeal to their sense of honour, their sentiments of justice, to their bowels of humanity, those tender feelings of sympathy, these social passions, that possess Edition: current; Page: [484] and warm the human heart, and are the spring of all social and public virtues, and let their tongues utter the sentiments of their souls, and America will be justified, they being the judges.

Methinks I hear the king, retired with his hand upon his breast, in pensive solliloquy, saying to himself, who, and what am I? A king, that wears the crown, and sways the scepter of Great-Britain and America; and though a king, robed in royalty, yet I am a man, my power finite, my body mortal, and myself accountable to him, who raised me to this dignity, that I might be his minister for the people’s good. But Oh! what tragic scenes do I behold? One part of my dominions aiming destruction against the other, plunging their swords in the bosoms, and imbruing their hands in the blood of their fellows and brethren. Is it possible, that Britons should become the foes and assassins of Britons, or their descendants? My throne totters, my loins tremble, my kingdom is divided and torn, my heart ready to fail, for the glory of my reign is departing. What can be the cause of these tremenduous convulsions, that threaten the dissolution of my kingdom? Do my subjects in America, refuse to resign their liberties and properties, to the disposal of my subjects in Great-Britain? And insist on holding and enjoying them as their unalienable rights? Well, what will be the mighty injury to my crown, or to the nation, in its wealth, strength, or honour, if America should enjoy its former freedom? What will be gained by reducing them to submission and slavery? lifeless carcases, a desolated country, millions in wealth, and millions in strength dashed at a blow. Mighty acquisition of loss. Should the attempt be pursued and fail, America will be lost, nay more, she will become Great-Britain’s determined enemy. Have not my subjects in Great-Britain rights that are sacred and inviolable, and which they would not resign but with their lives? They have. Have not my subjects in America rights equally sacred, and of which they are and ought to be equally tenacious? They have. And are not those rights, for which they now so earnestly contend, of that kind? Certainly there is much in favour of their claim. What if they are mistaken? Ought they to atone for their mistake by rivers of blood, and the sacrifice of themselves, their country and their posterity? but what, my mind shudders and recoils at the thought, what, if the Americans are right? Oh heaven forgive! And all this ghastly ruin, is owing to the blunder of a minister, and the fatal errors adopted by parliament. Edition: current; Page: [485] Of whom will these rivers of blood be required? What can expiate such accumulated wrongs? and atone for such amazing devastations? I am sorely distressed, civil war rages within, foreign enemies threaten without, the commerce of my kingdom languisheth, manufacturers famish and fail, and discontentment is almost universal. What shall I do for the dignity of my crown, the peace of my dominions, and the safety of the nation? All is at risk. I have been deceived by my informers, misguided by my ministers, and by my own inattention to the sufferings, and dutiful petitions of my subjects, reduced all to the most dreadful hazard. For British troops cease to be glorious, in so inglorious a cause. Should their sea-ports, from Georgia to Nova-Scotia, be desolated with fire and sword, it would only consolidate their union, and render more impregnable their resistance in the interior country. Could we dry up their harbours, and bar every out-let to the sea, unless we had power to restrain the showers and the shines of heaven; and the fertility of the earth, they will possess inexhaustable resources. America must and will be free, their ancestors acquired it for them, my royal predecessors guaranteed it to them; it is theirs by purchase, it is theirs by the plighted faith of kings; they are deserving of it; and with them it flourisheth, like a plant of generous kind, in its native soil, and the heavens are propitious to liberty. My legions must be recalled, the sword must be sheathed, the olive branch, the symbol of peace be held out; for it was never designed that Britons, invinsible by others, should contend with Britons or their descendants, in battle; and royal munificence be exerted, to alleviate the distresses, console the miseries, and repair the injuries, caused by the unhappy error, which let eternal darkness veil. Oh! may the future make reparation for the past, my crown flourish in the prosperity, liberty, and the happiness of all my dominions. Thus will my reign become glorious, my demise tranquil. But alas! where am I transported on the wings of groundless fancy? Repentance I fear is too late, for crimes so enormous; the injuries are irreparable, and America is irretrievably lost: the thunders I prepared, to lay her breathless at my feet, have discharged her of her allegiance, and driven her forever from my power.

appendix

The preceeding pamphlet was wrote some time past, and not published sooner for want of paper: The author hath subjoined an appendix, containing some thoughts on government, and American independance.

To consider things rightly, is to consider them truly as they are, with all their relations and attending circumstances; to investigate truth, is the highest atchievement of reason; and to follow nature, the perfection of art. That which is conformable to axioms of immutable truth, founded in reason, and productive of general security and happiness to mankind, must in every sense, be denominated good.

Civil society, is allowed by all to be the greatest temporal blessing; and civil government is absolutely necessary to its subsistence; it is a temporary remedy, against the ill effects of general depravity; and because the introduction of moral evil has made it necessary; it is not therefore a necessary evil.

Liberty consists in a power of acting under the guidance and controul of reason: Licentiousness in acting under the influence of sensual passions, contrary to the dictates of reason; whilst we contend for the former, we ought to bear testimony against the latter: And whilst we point out arguments against the errors and abuses of government, we ought cautiously to distinguish between government and its abuses; to amputate the latter, without injuring the former, and not indifferently charge both; lest we raise an army of rebel spirits more dangerous and difficult to reduce, than all the legions of Britain.

Government originates (under God) from the people; as from its native source; centers in them, their good is its ultimate object; and operates by securing to them, the enjoyment of their natural rights and civil privileges; and as the mode of doing this, hath no prescribed form in nature, or revelation; mankind, at their option, have endeavoured it variously; and thereby given rise to the various forms of government subsisting in the world, as monarchy, aristocracy, democracy, &c. each of these have failed in their turns, through want of integrity, or discernment, or both in the administration; and have been alternately preferred or discarded by writers, not so much on account of their own excellence or defects, as of those who administered them. That form of goverment that is adapted to the genius and Edition: current; Page: [487] circumstances of the governed, affords them the greatest security, and places the authority of the governing most out of the reach of the former, to violate and contemn, their corruptions and abuses most within, to prevent and redress, is the best. A perfect model of civil government perfectly administered and obeyed, cannot be expected, but in a state of perfection, where it would be perfectly unnecessary. That government in ordinary is the best that is best administered.

Some begin their government with their political existence; it grows up with them; the great first principles thereof, are never altered while they continue a people, & become so incorporated with their being, that they have the force of natural, rather than political institutions. Others, after a century or two have occasion to alter and new model their old governments, or frame new ones: This is usually attended with much difficulty and great danger, requires an extensive knowledge of the genius, tempers, circumstances, situation, ancient customs, habits, laws and manners of the people; and great judgment and skill, to adapt new regulations to old usuages, so as to form a happy coalition. The British nation, at the time of forming their great charter (no matter how they became so) consisted of a king, nobility and commons: To connect the strength and wisdom of these, for the public weal, without infringing or endangering the rights of either, was their great object: And this was done in the constitution of parliament, so far as it concerned legislation and taxation. Its object therefore, was directly, political and civil liberty. All offices were in the gift of the crown; and the payment of them in the option of the people; the powers of government were so balanced, as to render all mutual restraints upon, and mutually restrained by each other. If the people have lost their liberties, suffered themselves to be bought and sold, like beasts of burden, the fault is theirs and their corrupters, and not the constitution’s, which put in their power to have preserved them.

Thus, the principles were excellent, altho’ the practice hath been most perverse. Amongst all the forms of civil government, none can be pronounced absolutely best, and only relatively so: For that which best suits one people would badly suit another, or the same, at a different period.

The strength and spring of every free government, is the virtue of the people; virtue grows on knowledge, and knowledge on education.

Most nations have established a falshood for their first principle, viz. that their kings are perfect; and the consequence of this, is a second, that gives them a licence to serve the devil with impunity, viz. that they can do no wrong: Then follows the most impious ascriptions of divine qualities and titles to him; and to compleat the image, the riches of the nation are lavished in the magnificence, costly equipage and dazzling splendors of their prince; thereby to build power on show; and like the formido avium, or scare crow, derive respect and obedience only from the passion of fear: A multitude of criminal laws, with severe penalties are necessary to support the authority of the rulers, and secure the obedience of the subjects; whilst the sovereign himself, is wholly insecure in the midst of his subjects, without a life guard. This is inverting the order of nature and civil government; and leaving the necessary means of rendering mankind wise, virtuous and good. Rulers ought to know, and be known to their subjects, to be but men; and the punishment of their crimes, to be in proportion to their elevation in power. Half the sum, employed to diffuse general knowledge; by erecting public seminaries, with masters well furnished to teach children, not only common learning, but to instruct and impress on their young and tender minds, the principles of virtue and the rudiments of government, which would grow up with their growth, and derive strength from age; would be more effectual than all the brilliancy of a crown, or tortures of a rack; this is the only permanent foundation of a free government; this is laying the foundation in a constitution, not without or over, but within the subjects; love and not fear will become the spring of their obedience: the ruler be distinguished, only by his distinguished virtues, and know no good, separate from that of his subjects; and his authority be supported, more by the virtue of the people, than by the terror of his power. The only way to make men good subjects of a rational and free government, is to make them wise and virtuous; but such a government as this is utterly incompatible with the idea of slavery, because incompatible with a state of ignorance.

of independance

It is with states as it is with men, they have their infancy, their manhood and their decline: Nature hath its course in all, and never works Edition: current; Page: [489] in vain; when a people are ripe for any mighty change, means wont be wanting to effect it. From what providence hath done and is doing for us, we must learn, what is our duty to do; for we may only follow, where nature leads, and in this is infinite safety; from small, we are become great, from a few, many, from feeble, powerful, from poor, rich; nature has stored our country with all necessaries for subsistence in peace, and for defence in war; it has united our hearts, our interests, and our councils, in the common cause.

Independance consists in being under obligation to acknowledge no superior power on earth: The king by withdrawing his protection and levying war upon us, has discharged us of our allegiance, and of all obligations to obedience: For protection and subjection are mutual, and cannot subsist apart: He having violated the compact on his part, we of course are released from ours; and on the same principles, if we owed any obedience to parliament (which we did not) we are wholly discharged of it. We are compelled to provide, not only for our own subsistence, but for defence against a powerful enemy: Our affections are weaned from Great-Britain, by similar means and almost as miraculously as the Israelites were from Egypt: These are facts, a surprising concurrence of incidents, equally out of our knowledge to have foreseen, or our power to have prevented, point us to some great event. Providence has furnished us with the means; the king, contrary to his design, hath discharged us of our allegiance and forced us from our dependance, and we are become necessarily independant, in order to preservation and subsistence, and this without our act or choice. And is it a crime to be, what we cant help but be? It is not from a rebellious spirit in the Americans, but unavoidable necessity, that we are become so: Like a timorous child that is able to walk but disinclined to attempt it, placed in the middle of a floor, must use his legs or fall; while the tender parent that placed him there, stands ready to save him, if likely to fall, nam qui transtulit sustinet, He that transplanted, upholds and sustains. All Europe, must gaze with wonder, approbation and applause; Great-Britain join in acquitting us; while the tyrant minister (Lord North) in his own bosom reads the sentence of his condemnation, for condemning us: to be where nature and providence hath placed us, is to be right, and to do what such a state points out and requires to be done, is duty. In this situation two objects of the greatest importance demand our attention, viz. defence Edition: current; Page: [490] and government; these we ought diligently to attend to and leave the event; and let those who begun the war, be first in the proposals of peace; those who have refused to hear others, when they prayed, pray without being heard. And since parliament will have our trade, only on terms incompatible with our liberty, permit them to have neither; welcome all nations to our ports and to a participation of our trade, and enter into alliance with none; thus, we may enjoy the commerce of all, without being concerned in the quarrels of any. Providence has furnished us with resources for defence; numbers to constitute armies, materials for constructing a navy, for making of powder, ball, cannon, mortars, arms, &c. and all kinds of ordnance and military stores. Our threatened situation demands, that we immediately take every precaution, and use all the means in our power for our preservation & defence, and with noble and valiant exertions, withstand and repel the attacks of tyranny. Nature hath placed the island of Great-Britain, and the continent of America so distant from each other, that it is impossible for them to be represented in one legislative body: The consequence is, that their distant situations are incompatible with their being subjects to one supreme legislature. Representation is the feet on which a free government stands, it ought therefore to be equal and full; maim and render partial the former, and it will infallibly mutilate the latter. The measures of government necessary to be adopted, at present, are the same, either for a temporary or a perpetual expedient.

The colonies have so long subsisted separate and independant of each other, enjoyed their particular forms of government, laws, customs and manners and particular rules for the regulation and distribution of property; that it will, doubtless, be thought expedient for each to retain its antient form of government, laws, &c. as far as possible; to have supreme legislative and executive powers of government over all causes, matters and things within its territorial limits, and to regulate its own internal police. Those whose governors, or other officers, are taken off by the crown, to have them elected by the freemen, or appointed by their several assemblies; for which purpose particular constitutions to be framed, as they shall elect. That a certain number of delegates be annually elected by the freemen in each colony, to form a general council or congress, whose power to extend over all matters of common and general concernment: Such as making Edition: current; Page: [491] war and peace, sending and receiving ambassadors, general regulations respecting trade and maritime affairs; to decide all matters of controversy between colony and colony, relative to bounds and limits, &c. &c. of whom one to be chosen president, and to continue in office until another be chosen and sworn. And in matters so interesting, as that of making war and peace, to be a majority of at least two thirds, computed by colonies; and for carrying on a war to have power to levy troops and provide for their subsistence, &c. to have an explicit constitution, ascertaining the number of members the congress shall consist of, and that each colony shall send; containing regulations for convening, proroguing and adjourning; also granting, defining, and limiting the powers they are to have, exercise, &c. which constitution to be laid before the several assemblies, and by them acceded to and confirmed. By some such method the colonies may retain their independance of each other; and all their former usuages, laws, &c. and the wisdom and strength of each, be connected in general congress, for the security and defence of the whole.

To be reconciled to Great-Britain upon unjust terms, is to be reconciled to injustice, ruin and slavery; until they shall have condemned the measures that have been pursued against America, recalled their fleets and armies, exposed to the public eye, and condign punishment, the authors and advisers of the present unjust and cruel war; and have repaired the damage and expence caused thereby in America, and given up the claim of power in parliament, to dominion over us, they cannot expect that we will treat with them, about future connections. They have endeavoured, by all the arts of seduction, and of power, to destroy and enslave us; and now they have sent commissioners, under pretence of treating with the Americans. Accomodation is their ostensible, but we have reason to fear that to divide, corrupt and destroy is their real object: For with whom are they to treat? With the general Congress? No; it is said, with the several governors; all of whom, except one or two, live, and breath, and have their being, in the minister, and are mov’d by him like the puppets in the show, by the hand that pulls the wire, to which they are hung. They might as well have stayed at home, and treated with the minister. But it is said they are to treat with the several colonies. But how is this? unless they acknowledge their independence of parliament? The supreme legislature of a country only, hath power to treat and be Edition: current; Page: [492] treated with respecting war and peace. The act, 6th Geo. III. declares that the parliament of Great-Britain hath supreme power of legislation over the colonies; and to establish such power, the parliament is in war with America: The commissioners therefore, cannot, consistent with their ideas of power, treat with any but the British parliament. By sending commissioners to treat with us, they would acknowledge our power to make a treaty; which is predicable only of independence. Query then whether those commissioners are coming to treat for peace, with a mighty armament for war? In fine, that government, in which the people are subject to no laws, or taxes, but by their voice or consent; condemned by no sentence but by the verdict of their equals; where property is near equally distributed; crimes clearly defined and distinguished; & punishments duly proportioned to their nature and magnitude; and where the rising generation are universally instructed in the principles of virtue, and the rudiments of government, there civil liberty & general public felicity, will flourish in the greatest perfection.

introduction

The author declares his abhorrence of a bigotted attachment to the low singularities of a party, and professes to act on the benevolent and catholic principles of the gospel; therefore hopes his readers will not conceive any obnoxious idea from the word church, as he uses it in this discourse, nor indulge or give way to jealousy and prejudice so far, as once to suspect, that he means by this term, to point out any one denomination of Christians, exclusive of all others—as distinguished by their location and other peculiarities. The church, in his sense of it, includes all the worthy professors of christianity, who conduct themselves on their probation here, as those that expect to be judged hereafter, by the great evangelical law of liberty. He fully believes the Apostle, when he says, “where the spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty”; and doubts not, but this spirit has been plentifully poured out, not only in the New-England colonies, but likewise on his Episcopalian brethren in the Southern provinces, for whom he has the highest esteem and affection, and would not for his right hand, speak or write any thing that might give umbrage or just cause of offence to such worthy patriots, so ardently engaged in the common cause, and using such vigorous, spirited exertions for the defence and preservation of American liberty. He is fully convinced of the absolute importance of uniting in the most cordial friendship, as christian brethren and fellow-countrymen, in this glorious contest and struggle, and fully sensible, that to give the ark a wrong touch in this critical moment, might be of unspeakably dangerous consequence. But, however, apprehends no hazard or danger of being misguided by the scriptures of truth, which consideration, amidst all his diffidence, has prevailed with him to comply with the importunity of some of his friends, in consenting to this publication. His earnest wish and daily prayer is, that all differences and disputes may terminate in the firmest union and harmony of those colonies, and that liberty inviolate, may be secured to every individual of every denomination, so long as sun and moon shall endure.

This prophetic book is entitled, The Revelation of Jesus Christ, which he sent and signified to his servant John, by his angel; and which he received when in a state of banishment, in the isle called Patmos, for the word of God, and the testimony of Jesus Christ. It pleased the all-wise and omniscient God, to give to this his faithful servant, a very full and glorious vision of the things which then were, or of the state of the church at that time; and of the things which should be hereafter, or the then future state and condition of the church, the seasons of its flourishing and prosperity, and of its declension; its trials and sufferings to the end of the world. Which vision he was ordered to write, for the instruction, support, and consolation of God’s saints, in the wars and conflicts they might have with their enemies, in every age and period of time, till the old serpent, the great dragon should be entirely overcome, and his kingdom compleatly destroyed. “And blessed is he that readeth, and they that hear the words of this prophecy, and keep those things which are written therein; for the time,” that is, of their accomplishment, “is at hand.” The diligent and serious study of this sacred book ought not to be neglected and despised, nor the things it contains be viewed as idle speculations, and vain empty amusements; but every man is bound in duty, to attend to the things contained herein, as to matters of great importance, with all the wisdom, sobriety and reverence he is capable of. It may with propriety be stiled, “The sure word of prophecy.” The apostle John was so highly favoured, as to behold a door opened in heaven; so near to which he was brought as to look Edition: current; Page: [498] in, and see the glorious things transacted there, to confirm his faith as to the truth of these wonderful predictions and prophecies to be accomplished on earth. Chap. iv. 1[:] and the first voice which he heard, was as of a trumpet talking with him, which said, “Come up hither, and I will shew thee things which must be hereafter.” Accordingly God discovered to him all the most remarkable events that should befal his church, and the nations and kingdoms of the world, even to the closing period when the angel should stand up and swear, that time should be no more: Which things he was ordered to pen down in dark, emblematical, and figurative language, the meaning of which, tho’ it cannot be fully comprehended in the present dark state of the church; yet may be so far understood as to afford much support and encouragement to God’s people in times of their greatest distress and suffering, and tend to establish their belief of the truth of this part of divine revelation, and of the ruling providence of God which is constantly at work to fulfil and accomplish the events herein predicted and foretold.

With a view to assist us in forming just conceptions of the nature and design of these prophecies and predictions, and to lead us to a right improvement of such providences of God by which they are fulfilled, I shall make two or three observations, before I proceed directly to explain the passages that have been read.

1. I would observe with all judicious commentators and expositors that have wrote on the subject, that popery, or the reign and kingdom of the man of sin, the old serpent, the dragon, its rise and progress, and its downfal and overthrow, is the greatest, the most essential, and the most striking part of this revelation of St. John. There has been a mortal enmity between the seed of the woman, and the seed of the serpent, ever since the fall of man, and the promise of a saviour for his recovery. The old serpent, who seduced man by his temptations, to fall, has ever been using his subtility and malice to defeat the purposes of divine grace, and to destroy Christ’s kingdom on earth; and has, in all ages of the world, been successful in stirring up agents and instruments to accomplish this diabolical and hellish design. Among all his crafty and subtle inventions, popery, which exalts the principal leaders and abettors of it, high in the honours and emoluments of this world, seems most cunningly devised, and best adapted to answer his purpose; and has proved the most formidable Edition: current; Page: [499] engine of terror and cruelty to the true members of Christ’s church. And this has been the chief subject of prophecy since the coming of Christ; and was foretold by some of the prophets under the Jewish dispensation. And whatever difficulty and perplexity there may be in many of these dark, mysterious passages, yet in this view, the application of most of them is rendered easy and obvious. As popery has been the greatest enemy, and the greatest corrupter of christianity, we may rationally conclude that more prophecies relate to that, than to any other distant event.

By carefully reading and studying the prophecies given forth by Daniel, by St. Paul, and more fully by St. John, it will appear to be clearly and evidently foretold, that such a power as that of the pope of Rome should be exercised in the Christian church, and should authorize and establish such doctrines and practices as are publicly taught and embraced by the wicked, corrupt members of that mother of harlots and abomination. The time also is signified when, and how long it should prevail; and that at last, upon the expiration of this term, it should be destroyed forevermore.

2. This popish mysterious leaven of iniquity and absurdity, by which the Christian religion has been so awfully adulterated and corrupted, has not been confined to the boundaries of the Roman empire, nor strictly to the territory of the pope’s usurped authority and jurisdiction; but has spread in a greater or less degree, among almost all the nations of the earth; especially amongst the chief rulers, the princes and noblemen thereof. When this great whore of Babylon, or papal Rome is described, Rev. xvii. 1[:] her bewitching, infatuating enchantments are said to be such, that the kings of the earth have been enticed, and inflamed in their wicked lusts, to that degree as to have committed fornication with her; and the inhabitants of the earth have been made drunk with the wine of her fornication or whoredom. They have been so far corrupted and debauched by this mother of harlots, as to sacrifice every dictate of religion and reason, and even common sense, to those alluring arts with which she has been tempting them. The prophet Isaiah had long before this, foretold, “That she should turn to her hire, and commit fornication with all the kingdoms of the world, upon the face of the earth.” Isaiah xxiii. 17.

When the great red dragon, described, Revel. xii. having seven Edition: current; Page: [500] heads, and ten horns, and seven crowns upon his heads, made his first public appearance, his tail drew a third part of the stars of heaven, and did cast them to the earth. The apostle, under these symbolical characters and attributes of the great red dragon, undoubtedly meant to point out Satan or the Devil with his agents and instruments, who are acting the part of avowed enemies to the church of Christ; and his drawing the stars of heaven with his tail, must mean his subjecting the princes and potentates of the earth, with great numbers of the clergy, to his tyrannical influence and oppressive scheme of government. The prophets often describe the persecuting enemies of the church, under this emblem and figure. Psalm lxxiv. 13[:] “Thou breakest the heads of the dragons in the waters, &c.” And when God comes to destroy these enemies, he is said “to cut Rahab, and to wound the dragon,” Isaiah li. 9[;] see also Ezekiel xxix. 3[:] “Thus saith the Lord God, behold, I am against thee Pharaoh, king of Egypt, the great dragon that lieth in the midst of his rivers, which hath said, my river is mine own, and I have made it for myself.” When the frightful monster of a beast, in such terrible array, is described, Rev. xiii. the dragon is said to give him his power, and his seat, and great authority; and all the world wondered after the beast; and said, “Who is like unto the beast? Who is able to make war with the beast?” Which expressions denote the great extent of his power and dominion, as well as the blind infatuation of his deluded subjects who made their boast of it. It is added, “And power was given him over all kindreds, and tongues, and nations, and all that dwell upon the earth, shall worship him, whose names are not written in the book of life, of the Lamb slain from the foundation of the world.” Now, it can admit of no doubt, but that there are multitudes of this character in other nations and kingdoms, besides papal Rome. This is further evident from chap. xiv. 8. when the angel comes to proclaim the fall of Babylon, the reason given why God thus proceeded in righteous vengeance and wrath, is this, viz. “Because she made all nations drink of the wine of the wrath of her fornication.” Her’s was a kind of Circean cup, as one observes, with poisoned liquor, to intoxicate and inflame mankind to spiritual fornication. The prophet Jeremiah hath assigned much the same reason for her destruction, chap. li. 7[:] “Babylon hath been a golden cup in the Lord’s hand, that made all the earth drunk; the nations hath drunken of her wine, Edition: current; Page: [501] therefore the nations are mad.” When the sixth angel poured out his vial, Rev. xvi. Three unclean spirits like frogs, are said to come out of the mouth of the dragon, and out of the mouth of the beast, and out of the mouth of the false prophet, which are said to be spirits of devils, working miracles, which go forth unto the kings of the earth, and of the whole world, to gather them to the battle of the great day of God Almighty. These unclean spirits here compared to frogs, a very low-lived, inferior kind of animals, who are peeping and croaking in the dark holes and corners of the earth, most probably represent popish, jesuitical missioners, or the tools and emissaries in general, of anti-christian, tyrannical power, who are the spirits of devils, and have free access to the kings of the earth, and are said to be gone forth through the whole world, and are industriously using all their most artful stratagems, and diabolical craft and subtility, to impose upon mankind, and to engage them in the support and defence of the kingdom of Satan, in opposition to the mighty host marshalled up by the Lord Almighty, for the overthrow and destruction thereof. These scripture prophecies and predictions that have now been cited, to which more might be added, were it necessary, make it abundantly evident and manifest that the anti-christian, tyrannical scheme of popery, in one shape and form, and another, was to have a very extensive spread and influence, not only thro’ the territories of papal Rome, but thro’ all the nations and kingdoms of the world in general, and that the kings and princes of the earth, as well as their subjects, were to be much intoxicated and infatuated therewith; to the great distress and perplexity of the true church of Christ, which, so far as I have been able to observe, has not been suitably noticed and attended to by expositors and divines that have wrote on the subject; the want of which has occasioned much perplexity and obscurity in their comments on some passages, which, in the right view of them, are full of significance and importance. For instance, that passage in the xiii. chap[ter] of this mysterious book, where the image of the beast is spoken of, “I confess,” says a great expositor, “I know not what the image of the beast is, distinct from the beast itself.” The reason of which was, no doubt, his limiting and confining these prophecies to so narrow a circle, as papal Rome. Every man of common sense, knows that the image of a thing is something different from the thing itself. Therefore, to make sense of the Edition: current; Page: [502] language here used, we must suppose that the apostle intended to describe another persecuting tyrannical power, in some nation or kingdom of the world, which was a lively figure and resemblance of that exercised at Rome, the head-quarters of tyranny and persecution.* Whether that persecuting power be intended, that has in years past, been so cruelly and barbarously exercised in France, and other popish countries, against the humble followers of Christ, to the massacre and destruction of so many thousands of protestants;† or whether there be a reference to the corrupt system of tyranny and oppression, that has of late been fabricated and adopted by the ministry and parliament of Great-Britain, which appears so favourable to popery and the Roman catholic interest, aiming at the extension and establishment of it, and so awfully threatens the civil and religious liberties of all sound protestants; I cannot positively determine. But since the prophecies represent this wicked scheme of anti-christian tyranny, as having such an extensive and universal spread over the earth, like Nebuchadnezzar’s tree which reached unto heaven, and the light thereof to all the ends of the earth, it need not appear strange or shocking to us, to find that our own nation has been, in some degree, infected and corrupted therewith, and that some of our princes and chief rulers have had a criminal converse and familiarity with the old mother of harlots; and been sipping of the golden cup of her fornication, so as to be intoxicated, if not wholly drunk with her poisonous liquors. “Before what is called the reformation, the man of sin reigned triumphant in our mother-country, without much check or controul; which reformation was not set on foot on the purest principles of genuine christianity, nor carried to perfection by King Henry Edition: current; Page: [503] the Eighth, who is so celebrated as the author of it. In the reign of Queen Mary, the doctrine and ceremonies of the catholic religion were re-established, and the pope’s authority and jurisdiction acknowledged in full; and a very cruel, severe persecution rigorously carried on against the innocent, conscientious professors of the protestant religion; and a most tragical scene of bloodshed and slaughter exhibited, as ever England beheld.

If we pass from this dark and bloody period of English history, and come down to the reign of the Stuart family, we shall find three or four of our kings successively, seduced and infatuated by the enticing and bewitching inchantments of the old whore of Babylon, to that degree, as to drink deep of the intoxicating wine of her fornication, to the entire destruction of two of them; and to the great distress of the nation in general. How far the present ministry have walked in this enchanting road, and how fond they are of the kind embraces of this old filthy harlot, the world will judge from their open attempts to propagate and establish popery, that exotic plant, in these northern regions; which is not a native of our benign soil, nor of our heavenly Father’s planting; and their gathering up of armies professedly Roman catholics to dragoon us into slavery and bondage, or massacre and butcher us and our families, and lay our pleasant country in desolation and ruin.

3. Since these prophecies and predictions, relating to the trials and sufferings, the wars and conflicts of the church with her anti-christian enemies and adversaries, may be justly taken in such a large, extensive sense and latitude; we may rationally conclude that many of them have reference to the state of Christ’s church, in this American quarter of the globe; and will sooner or later, have their fulfilment and accomplishment among us. The providences of God in first planting his church in this, then howling wilderness, and in delivering and preserving of it to this day, are in a manner unequalled, and marvelous; and are reckoned among the most glorious events that are to be found in history, in these latter ages of the world. And there are doubtless yet more glorious events in the womb of providence, which the present commotion thro’ the nation and land may (however unlikely in the view of some) be the means of bringing to pass. There is no part of this terraqueous globe better fitted and furnished in all essential articles and advantages, to make a great and flourishing empire; Edition: current; Page: [504] no part of the earth, where learning, religion, and liberty have flourished more for the time. And as to the rapid increase of its inhabitants, and swift population, it cannot be paralleled in all history. There is no part of the world where its inhabitants, through such a large extent of territory, are under such bonds and obligations, from self-interest, to keep in the strictest union and harmony together. They have every motive and inducement to this, that can well be conceived of. And this union, by the blessing of heaven, is become as general, perfect and complete, as could well be expected in such a corrupt disordered world as this in which we live.

These united colonies have arisen to such a height as to become the object of public attention thro’ all Europe, and of envy to the mother from whence they derived; whose unprovoked attack upon them in such a furious hostile manner, threatening their entire ruin, is an event that will make such a black and dark period in history, and does so deeply affect, not only the liberty of the church here in the wilderness, but the protestant cause in general, thro’ the christian world, and is big with such consequences of glory or terror, that we may conjecture at least, without a spirit of vanity and enthusiasm, that some of those prophecies of St. John may, not unaptly, be applied to our case, and receive their fulfilment in such providences as are passing over us.

I do not mean to undertake a nice, exact calculation of the periods pointed out in this prophetic book; nor to range thro’ the history of the world for events to find their accomplishment. I am of opinion, that the church of Christ in every age, may find something in this book applicable to her case and circumstances; and all such passages that are so, may lawfully be applied and improved by us accordingly. There are many cases which happen, that bear a near likeness and resemblance to each other, and which the same prophecy may well suit, in the most material parts of it. It has pleased that God who exercises a universal providence over all things, so to dispose and order events, that the calamities and afflictions of the church, in some measure, run parallel one to another; and all the former efforts of that tyrannical persecuting power, called the beast, may be the types and figures, as it were, of his last and general effort against the faithful witnesses of Christ, and the true members of his church.

These preliminary observations may assist us in explaining and improving Edition: current; Page: [505] these prophecies of St. John; particularly the passages that have been read, to the consideration of which I now proceed.

Verse 14. “And to the woman were given two wings of a great eagle, that she might fly into the wilderness, into her place, where she is nourished for a time, and times, and half a time, from the face of the serpent.”

The woman in this passage, is represented in verse 2. as in a pregnant state, travailing in birth, and in violent pangs to be delivered, which is doubtless designed as an emblem of the true church of Christ. She is elsewhere spoken of as the spouse of Christ, who owns himself to be her head and husband. A woman, we know, is the weaker sex, and looks to her husband for support and protection. So the church has always been the weakest part of the world, in herself considered, and had her dependence on Christ her head, for preservation and safety in times of peril and danger. This woman, the church, being in such a near relation to Christ, the brightness of the Father’s glory, and express image of his person, amidst all her own natural weakness and infirmity, has never appeared contemptible; but the most glorious society that ever existed in our world. She is the king’s daughter, all glorious within. She is spoken of, verse 1. as being cloathed with the sun, and having the moon under her feet, and upon her head a crown of twelve stars; which is a magnificent description of her comeliness, beauty and lustre. She is enlightened, invested and adorned with the rays of Jesus Christ, the great sun of righteousness, which makes her form illustriously bright and majestic. She is in such a state of dignity and triumph, as to have the moon, with all sublunary enjoyments and terrors, under her feet. And on her head, to compleat her glory, a crown of twelve stars, an emblem of her being under the light and guidance of the twelve inspired apostles, who had been improved as master-builders under Christ, in laying the foundation of this honourable society, and were such useful and distinguishing ornaments to it. One would think that such a society as this, would have nothing to fear from all the combined powers of earth and hell; and indeed, they have not in reality, since stronger is he that is for them, than those that are against them. However, they are not exempted from trials and sufferings in this world. We find, when the great red dragon appeared with his seven heads and ten horns, that frightful monster the devil Edition: current; Page: [506] instigated the tyrannical persecuting powers of the earth, against this harmless and innocent woman, the amiable spouse of Christ. He had impudence and boldness enough to make an unprovoked attack upon her, which occasioned her to leave the imperial and wealthy abodes of earthly grandeur and magnificence, the courts and palaces of emperors and princes, and retired to some obscure, solitary condition, for the sweets of liberty and peace. This furious attack of the great dragon on the woman, was an event of such importance, as to produce war in heaven between the angels of light, and the angels of darkness. See verse 7. “Michael and his angels fought against the dragon; and the dragon fought, and his angels.” This Michael was the tutelar angel and protector of the Jewish church. Daniel x. 12. And he performs here the same office of champion for the Christian church.

He, and the good angels who are sent forth to minister to the heirs of salvation, were the invisible agents on one side, as the devil and his evil angels were on the other. The visible actors in the cause of christianity, were believers, whether in a civil or ecclesiastical character, with the glorious martyrs and confessors. And in support of the opposite side, were the persecuting powers of the world, with the whole dark train of the artillery of hell. In this great conflict and war, let it relate to what period of the church it will, which I am not anxious to determine with mathematical certainty; we find that those on the side of God and true religion, overcame their formidable enemy, with all his confederate powers, by the blood of the Lamb, and by the word of their testimony; and they loved not their lives unto the death. They were of such a brave, heroic spirit, as to chearfully expose themselves to the greatest dangers in this glorious cause; and many of them actually met death in the terrible conflict. But they fell, as one observes, to rise, and triumph, and reign. The dragon being thus defeated and vanquished at his head-quarters, pagan or papal Rome: He takes a wider scope and range, thro’ the other nations and kingdoms of the earth. He was doubtless greatly enraged at the ill success of his first encounter, and marshals up all his forces abroad, and proceeds with violence, to persecute the woman which brought forth the man-child. Upon this the woman has a second flight into a more distant and solitary wilderness, “unto her place”; to prepare her for which, two wings of a great eagle were given her, which is not mentioned in Edition: current; Page: [507] her first flight; and probably she did not then need them. There seems an evident allusion here, to what God said to the children of Israel, Exod. xix. 4. after their deliverance from cruel oppressive slavery in Egypt, when encamp’d before Sinai, and on their way to the good land of Canaan, “Ye have seen what I did unto the Egyptians, and how I bore you on eagles wings, and brought you unto myself.” He was not conducting them from a land of liberty, peace, and tranquility, into a state of bondage, persecution and distress; but on the contrary, had wrought out a very glorious deliverance for them, and set them free from the cruel hand of tyranny and oppression, by executing his judgments in a most terrible and awful manner, on the Egyptians, their enemies; and was now, by his kind providence, leading them to the good land of Canaan, which he gave them by promise, for an everlasting inheritance. Hence, as the trials and sufferings of the Christian church were parallel in some measure, with those of the Jewish, and there is a great similarity and likeness in the manner of God’s dealings with the one to the other; it must be evident, that expositors have been mistaken, when they represent this flight of the woman into and the wilderness, as denoting the church’s going into greater peril, danger and affliction, where she was to be more violently distressed and persecuted, for a long time. The word wilderness might possibly suggest to their delicate, but inattentive minds, this frightful and shocking idea. It is true, our fathers had the difficulties of an uncultivated wilderness to encounter; but it soon, by the blessing of heaven on their labour and industry, became a pleasant field or garden, and has been made to blossom like the rose. The passage, in its most natural, genuine construction, contains as full and absolute a promise of this land, to the Christian church, as ever was made to the Jewish, of the land of Canaan. It is, in an appropriated sense, “her place”; where she is nourished, from the face of the serpent. And the dealings of God in his providence, in bringing his church from a state of oppression and persecution, into this good land, are very parallel and similar to his dealings with the Israelites, in delivering them from the tyrannical power of the haughty, cruel monarch of Egypt, and conducting them to the good land of promise in Canaan. Thus, they that wait on the Lord, shall renew their strength; they shall mount up with wings, as eagles; they shall run, and not be weary, they shall walk and not faint.

Thus the church, in this difficult, distressed season, whenever it happened, was supported and carried, as it were, on eagles wings, to a distant remote wilderness, for safety and protection. And what period or event is there in all the history of her trials and persecutions, which these expressions more exactly describe, and to which they can be applied with more truth and propriety, than to the flight of our fore-fathers into this then howling wilderness, which was a land not sown nor occupied by any ruling power on earth, except by savages and wild beasts? It is an indisputable fact, that the cruel hand of oppression, tyranny and persecution drove them out from their pleasant seats and habitations, in the land of their nativity; and that the purest principles of religion and liberty, led them to make the bold adventure across the wide Atlantic ocean; for which they surely needed the two wings of the great eagle, to speed their flight, and to shelter and cover them from danger, while seeking a safe retreat from the relentless fury and shocking cruelty of the persecuting dragon; and a secure abode for unadulterated christianity, liberty and peace. It is remarked by the inspired penman of this prophecy, and is worthy of notice, that when the woman fled into the wilderness, she came into her place. This American quarter of the globe seemed to be reserved in providence, as a fixed and settled habitation for God’s church, where she might have property of her own, and the right of rule and government, so as not to be controul’d and oppress’d in her civil and religious liberties, by the tyrannical and persecuting powers of the earth, represented by the great red dragon. The church never before this, had prime occupancy, or first possession of any part of this terraqueous globe, in any great extent of territory. In all countries and kingdoms wherever Christianity had been planted, before its introduction into this American wilderness, the ruling powers in possession of the property, and right of jurisdiction and dominion, were in opposition to this benevolent institution; and the church had to make her way through the greatest possible difficulties and dangers. While thus in an enemy’s land, her persecutions and oppressions, her bloody trials and sufferings furnish out the chief subject of her history from her beginning to the present day, in other parts of the world, from which she is not wholly exempted in this. However, her degree of peace and quiet rest has been greater than she has ever known since she has had existance and being. When that God, to whom the Edition: current; Page: [509] earth belongs, and the fulness thereof, brought his church into this wilderness, as on eagles wings, by his kind, protecting providence, he gave this good land to her, to be her own lot and inheritance for ever. He planted her as a pleasant and choice vine; and drove out the heathen before her. He has tenderly nourished and cherished her in her infant state, and protected and preserved her amidst innumerable dangers. He has done wonders in his providence for our fathers, and for us their sinful posterity: “They, and we have many a time, stood still, and seen the salvation of the Lord.[”] The woman, the church of Christ, has such a gift and grant from heaven, of this part of God’s world, for the quiet enjoyment of her liberties and privileges, civil and religious, that no power on earth can have any right to invade, much less to dispossess her of them. And every attempt of this kind to oppress and enslave her, must be absolutely unrighteous, and a gross violation of justice and truth. He that has all power in heaven and on earth, who will soon destroy the man of sin, and all his confederate powers, by the spirit of his mouth, and brightness of his coming, declares in this prophecy, that the “woman” shall be nourished and preserved in her place here described, “from the face of the serpent.” The serpent spoken of, is the great dragon, called the Devil and Satan; the chief directing agent in all the dark plots of tyranny, persecution and oppression; from whose malignant rage, the church has a promise of future protection. This old serpent shall never be permitted to shew his deformed face, much less to lift up his monstrous head, and frightful horns in this place here given to the woman for a safe retreat and secure abode, “for a time, and times, and half a time”; which probably means, “to the end of the world,” or till all the times and periods spoken of in this prophetic book are fulfilled and accomplished. I know that expositors take these expressions, “for a time, and times, and half a time,” to include only the period of one thousand two hundred and sixty days, mentioned verse 6, and so understood the phrase “for a time,” to mean one prophetical year, and “times,” to mean two years, and “half a time,” an half year; in the whole, three years and a half: But it seems more natural, and more agreeable to the phraseology of scripture, as well as the connection of these prophecies, in the events foretold, to interpret this passage as signifying all future time indefinitely. Or, if we apply it to distinct periods, the first expression, “for a time,” I should think, might, with Edition: current; Page: [510] great propriety, be taken for the time or period, that hath already been mentioned. This construction appears natural, and not in the least forced or strained. Then the “times” will mean such times or periods as follow after the fulfilment of the above; and the “half time,” must signify the closing period, when time is near run out, and just come to an end. Taking the passage in its proper connection, and plainest and most obvious sense, we may well understand it as containing a prophetic promise to the church, of safety and preservation, during the period that had been described above, and thro’ all succeeding times, even to the end of the world. Not but what the old dragon, with his black train of tyrannical persecuting powers, might greatly afflict and distress her. Yet, with all his cunning, art, policy and power, shall never be able to establish his enslaving doctrines, nor to erect his head and horns, to exercise his usurped authority and uncontrouled dominion, as in papal Rome. We may expect, however, that he will be putting forth most violent struggles and efforts for this base, malignant purpose.

One objection of weight, I have against the current opinion of expositors, who interpret the passage, “a time, and times, and half a time,” to signify the same period as the thousand two hundred and three-score days, is, that this is dishonourable to the sacred writer, and shews that he rather meant to puzzle and perplex his readers, than to enlighten and instruct them. I believe that all will allow, that the language used in the 6th verse, is more plain and intelligible, and has a more fixed and determinate meaning, than that in the 14th verse. Now, to suppose the same period of time, is described in the one, as in the other, is to suppose, that the apostle, after he had described a thing in a plain, easy way to be understood, proceeds on to involve the same subject in a cloud of mysticism, darkness and obscurity, which could not tend, very much, to the improvement and edification of Christ’s church. It is usual with all good writers, as they advance on their subject, to elucidate and illustrate their meaning more and more, to set it in a plainer and more intelligible point of light. And this is, especially, the tone of all inspired writers, and of St. John in particular. The light of revelation is like the path of the just, shining brighter and brighter in every page, till we come to the close of it.

But, should my explanation of this passage, after all, be disputed, Edition: current; Page: [511] and the time, times, and half time, allowed to include no more, altogether, than the period of twelve hundred and sixty years, which I have taken to be included in that expression only, “a time,” yet it will not materially affect my scheme. For, on the old plan of exposition, it is supposed, that after the expiration of these twelve hundred and sixty years, the trials and sufferings of the church will be chiefly over; and that a scene of great peace, prosperity and happiness will open and commence. Hence, if the prophetic promise in the text, extends no further than to that happy and blessed period, the church will safely get through the long storm and tempest, raised by the dragon; and so, be ready for a share in the blessings of that glorious and happy period to succeed; during which, we need not be very anxious about her safety, considering other precious promises that are made in her favour.

The serpent is said, verse 15, “to cast out of his mouth, water, as a flood, after the woman, that he might cause her to be carried away of the flood.” This, perhaps, is one of the artifices, says a learned expositor, which these enormous creatures make use of, “to beat down their prey,” when flying from them. The common signification of a flood is an inundation of water, &c. The psalmist sets forth extreme dangers, under the notion of a flood. Psalm lxix. 15[:] “Let not the water-flood overflow me.” And the violent assaults, and subtle temptations, and sudden incursions of the Devil and his instruments against the church, are compared to a flood, Isaiah lix. 19[:] “When the enemy shall come in like a flood, the spirit of the Lord shall lift up a standard against him.” Which prophecy may refer to, and have its accomplishments in the present state of the church, about which we are treating. The oppressive and persecuting power here figuratively described, under the emblem of the serpent, which occasioned the flight of the woman, the church, into this wilderness, whenever it has prevailed, has been full of the most inveterate malice and envy against her; and used every art and stratagem to extirpate and destroy her from the earth. Hence, the flood which the serpent cast out of his mouth after the woman, may very naturally and properly be interpreted to signify all the subtle temptations, artful schemes, and machinations of our enemies and adversaries, to ensnare and corrupt us, and to destroy our liberties and privileges, that we might be embarrassed again under the old tyrant, the dragon, and patiently submit to Edition: current; Page: [512] the iron yoke, and galling chains of cruel oppression and bondage; which machinations and contrivances have been too many to be enumerated in a short, concise discourse. Every one acquainted with the history of our country, of the New-England colonies in particular, must know, that there have been floods issued from the mouth of the old serpent, after the woman, to effect her destruction and overthrow. Whenever a spirit of despotism has run high, and a lusting ambition after arbitrary power and lawless dominion has prevailed; when the dragon dare venture to put on and wear his long horns; the woman in the wilderness has felt the grievous distressing effects. At such seasons, jesuitical emissaries, the tools of tyrannical power, have been employed to corrupt her doctrines, and lead her into the belief of the darling doctrines of arbitrary power, passive obedience and nonresistance; who, like the frogs that issued out of the mouth of the false prophet, who are said to have the spirit of devils, have been slyly creeping into all the holes and corners of the land, and using their enchanting art and bewitching policy, to lead aside, the simple and unwary, from the truth, to prepare them for the shackles of slavery and bondage. Thousands and millions of money, have, at one time and another, been expended for the purposes of bribery and corruption, to accomplish this malignant design. Evil, wicked men have been entrusted with the chief command in one province and another, where the door has been open, to act as tools of a corrupt administration and tyrannical power, in forwarding and ripening their deep-laid schemes, for the destruction of the woman. The colonies in America will not soon forget the cruel and tyrannical administration of Sir Edmond Andross, at Boston, and his evil designs against them in general; and Lord Cornbury, at New-York; the late insidious and traiterous conduct of Bernard and Hutchinson, is still more fresh in every one’s mind; and like-wise of Gage, Carlton, and Dunmore, who, by their base, perfidious and cruel behaviour, have rendered themselves universally odious and detestable to the American colonies. In these and such like ways, not to mention the unrighteous statutes restricting and interdicting our trade and commerce, the stamp-act, &c. we have had floods poured forth from the mouth of the serpent, which at length, have brought on a civil war. The dragon finding his artful temptations on the one hand, and his cruel menaces and threatenings on the other, ineffectual to gain the woman Edition: current; Page: [513] to a compliance with his terms, has at length become wroth with her, and brought over his troops and armies to make war with the remnant of her seed. But, blessed be God! all his efforts and struggles have hitherto been unsuccessful; for the earth helped the woman. Verse 16[:] “And the earth opened her mouth, and swallowed up the flood which the dragon cast out of his mouth.”

If this is taken in the literal sense, to signify that gross terrestrial element which sustains and nourishes us, it is strictly true; in which sense some of the prophecies have been, and yet will, no doubt, be accomplished. The earth has ever helped the woman since her arrival to these shores, with every article necessary to her comfortable support. She has never wanted for nourishing food, and good raiment; has never known the distresses arising from scarcity of bread, pinching hunger and famine; has always, from the first settlement and cultivation of the country, had things convenient for her, and, as I trust, been contented with her lot and condition. The earth has, in a very remarkable manner, thro’ the blessing of heaven, been profuse and liberal in her precious fruits and productions, the year past, when the dragon has been wroth with the woman, and using all possible schemes and contrivances to distress her, and starve her into a compliance to his despotic and arbitrary rule, by shutting up her ports and harbours, and interdicting her trade and commerce, and cutting her off from all supplies from her fishery, a very useful and necessary branch of her trade and livelihood, by which thousands were maintained. I say, when the woman has, in these, and in such like ways, been distressed, she has been helped in a very extraordinary way, by the earth. Our crops of all kinds have been plentiful. Our fruit-trees loaded with fruit, and pressed down with their burdens. Our granaries are full. There is such an uncommon plenty of all kinds of good provisions for man and beast, that some inconsiderate persons are ready to esteem it rather a curse, than a blessing; as we know not how to dispense with, or dispose of it. But not to enlarge here.

Should we take the expression in a figurative sense, to mean the men of the earth, and earthly powers, it may still, with truth and propriety be applied to our present case. For as the oppressive measures pursued by the British parliament, strike at our temporal interest and property, as well as our civil and religious privileges, it will engage those of an earthly temper to exert themselves in the present Edition: current; Page: [514] struggles; by which means the earth helpeth the woman. And besides, the vast advantage of these American plantations, in point of traffic and merchandise, to all such as trade in ships, will doubtless, if the present system is pursued, engage the kingdoms of the world, and the merchants of the earth, to espouse the cause of the colonies, to such purposes as will, in their operation, greatly help the woman against the flood cast out of the dragon’s mouth.

And not only the earth, but the God that made it, nourisheth the woman in the wilderness, amidst the most violent and cruel attempts of a tyrannical and persecuting power, and has raised up persons of a martial, heroic spirit, and endowed them with skill, courage and fortitude, to defend and protect his church. The flood of the dragon that has been poured forth to the northward, in the Quebec bill, for the establishment of popery, and other engines and instruments that have been set to work, to bring the savages down upon us, to our utter destruction, have been chiefly swallowed up by our late successful enterprizes against them; and the woman has received a great addition of strength from this quarter, as a door is opened for breaking up the seat of the dragon in Canada; and for bringing in the heathen tribes, perhaps, the fulness of the gentiles, into firm league and friendship with her, for her future defence and protection. So that instead of being carried away with this flood, she stands on more firm ground, and is better established than ever. Should we extend the meaning of the phrase, so as to take in other neighbouring powers of the earth, they have likewise helped the woman in her distresses and troubles, by affording a competent supply of military instruments and warlike stores for her defence and protection; when all possible precaution had been used by her enemies, to deprive her of these useful articles, so necessary for self-preservation; and these other powers seem so friendly disposed, that it is highly probable, should the serpent continue to persecute and distress the woman, that they will soon open their mouth, and swallow up the whole flood, even all the fleets and armies which the dragon may cast out of his mouth.

The probability or conjecture of neighbouring nations continuing to help the woman, the church, to that degree, as to swallow up all the floods, the serpent may cast out of his mouth after her, is founded, not only on their present friendly appearance, and the part which their interested views may lead them to take in the present controversy, Edition: current; Page: [515] but on the sure word of prophecy. See Rev. xvii. 16, 17[:] “And the ten horns which thou sawest upon the beast, these shall hate the whore; and shall make her desolate and naked; and shall eat her flesh, and burn her with fire. For God hath put in their hearts to fulfil his will.” These ten horns, doubtless mean some of the kingdoms and princes of the earth, that have, for a long time, been under the influence of the beast, the great whore of Babylon, and had a great share with her, in the cruel and bloody work of tyranny, persecution and oppression. But the time is coming, and perhaps near at hand, when their league and friendship with her, will be dissolved and broken; and their love turned into hatred and a spirit of revenge. They will turn with warm zeal and violence against her; and use all their strength and power for her destruction and overthrow. These shall hate the whore to a degree beyond what they ever loved her, and shall make her desolate and naked. They shall strip her of all her costly ornaments which they have lavished away upon her, and effectually humble her insolence and pride, and expose her to public shame and disgrace; in the heat of their indignation and zeal, shall eat her very flesh, and burn her with fire. They will do the most thorough execution upon this old harlot, by whom they had been so long infatuated and deceived; and wholly break up the stupid schemes of idolatry, with all the monuments of it, and bring the abettors and instruments of tyranny and persecution to their condign punishment. This God will put into their hearts, by a strong and powerful impression, to fulfil his will; and they shall agree in it, to perform his purpose and design. This prediction or prophecy, it is thought by judicious expositors, refers to the destruction of papal Rome, or to the demolishing of the popish hierarchy in general; and that the kings of France are pointed out, as the principal instruments to effect it. They have, in years past, contributed greatly to her growth and advancement; and done much at the cruel work of persecution. It is not impossible, nor improbable, that the time is coming, when their hearts will be turned against her, and be improved by heaven, as the principal authors of her overthrow and ruin. France has been satiated with the blood of Protestants, and ’tis to be hoped, will never thirst after it any more. She has already shewn some tendency towards a reformation; and therefore may be judged very likely to effect such a revolution. It appears from verse 17, that the infatuation of popish Edition: current; Page: [516] princes will be permitted by divine providence, only for a certain limited period, till the words of God be fulfilled. And then their minds shall be turned and their eyes opened; and they shall ruin and destroy all oppressive, tyrannical combinations, more eagerly than they established them. Should our honourable Continental Congress, see fit, in their great wisdom, at this difficult juncture, to open a free trade, and correspond with that nation, in a way in which our threatened rights and liberties might have such security and indemnification, as to be in no hazard or danger of any future encroachment on them, the spirit of liberty might spread and circulate with commerce; and from small sparks, kindle up into a bright and inextinguishable flame, in that, and in other kingdoms of the earth; and so hasten the fulfilment of this prophecy, in the entire destruction of the beast, or man of sin, and in the complete and glorious salvation of God’s afflicted church.

The dragon, in this situation, is represented as much embarrassed in his black system of politics, in a state of great perplexity, and high paroxism of passion. Verse 17[:] “He was wroth with the woman, and went to make war with the remnant of her seed, which keep the commandments of God, and have the testimony of Jesus Christ.” Which may refer to the present war that is carrying on with such heat and fury against us; which seems chiefly levelled against those who most strictly and conscientiously adhere to the pure, uncorrupted doctrine and worship of our pious forefathers; and have not been seduced nor perverted from the right ways of the Lord, but still keep God’s commandments, and have the testimony of Jesus Christ, in his pure gospel. Amidst all our declensions and back-slidings, our divisions and heresies, our contentions and separations, there remain yet in the land a godly remnant of the true seed of the woman, who have not been enticed away to worship the beast, nor prevailed upon to receive his mark; who have never apostatised nor departed from the faith and practice of the church, as first planted in the wilderness; but have continued stedfast and immoveable amidst all the storms of temptation, and violent assaults of the adversary. And these seem the principal objects which excite the wrath and resentment of the dragon, and against which, the whole artillery of his indignation and vengeance has been pointed and aimed. Who, tho’ few in number, yet with such other helps and advantages as they are furnished with, will Edition: current; Page: [517] overcome by the blood of the Lamb, and by the word of their testimony. Their fidelity, courage and zeal is such, that should it come to a case of extremity, they will not love their lives unto the death. But this part of the prophecy will admit of a different interpretation, and as well suit the present times.

By the “remnant of her seed,” we may understand those worthy, true members of the church, staunch friends to liberty and the protestant religion, who remained still in the mother-country, and did not come over with her when she took her flight into this wilderness. There has, ever since the settlement of these colonies, been numbers of pious, godly persons, on the other side of the water, who have been friendly and well-disposed towards us, and have used all their power and influence to promote our growth, our wealth and prosperity. This remnant of the seed of the woman, since our troubles have begun in America, have exerted themselves to their utmost in our favour, to divert the impending storm of vengeance from lighting on us; have made most moving and affecting speeches in parliament, on the subject; have published many useful pieces in vindication of the colonies; and have been, to the last degree, faithful in corresponding with their friends on this side of the Atlantic, to inform of the intrigues and dark plots that were contriving against us. These things, together with the disappointment, shame and disgrace that have attended the enterprizes of the dragon against us, have roused his wrath against them likewise, which appears by a very severe and extraordinary proclamation, published to forbid this correspondence between them and us, on the highest penalty. And from the commotions that began to be raised among them therefor, should this civil war continue, it is highly probable, that within the term of another year, it may flame forth from the very bowels of the kingdom, where it seems to be already kindling up, and where our brethren, which keep the commandments of God, will unavoidably be distressed. But in the issue hereof, it is to be hoped, that the dragon will be wholly consumed and destroyed; that the seat and foundation of all tyranny, persecution and oppression, may be for ever demolished; that the horns, whether civil or ecclesiastical, may be knocked off from the beast, and his head receive a deadly wound, and his jaws be effectually broken; that peace, liberty and righteousness might universally prevail; that salvation and strength might come to Zion; and Edition: current; Page: [518] the kingdom of our God, and the power of his Christ might be established to all the ends of the earth.

improvement

1. We learn from what has been said, the true cause, as well as the deplorable efffects of all dissentions and violent commotions amidst the Christian states and kingdoms of the world; which, like terrible earthquakes, to which they are compared, often shake them from the centre, and convulse them to death and ruin. If we trace them up to their time, source, and origin, we shall presently find, by the help of scripture-light, they all proceed from the inveterate envy and malice which the dragon has against the woman, and the war and contest he is carrying on against her, and her seed. This is plainly held forth in these prophecies of St. John, and is the grand subject of them. It has, from the beginning, been the constant aim and design of the dragon, sometimes called the beast, and the serpent, satan, and the devil, to erect a scheme of absolute despotism and tyranny on earth, and involve all mankind in slavery and bondage; and so prevent their having that liberty and freedom which the Son of God came from heaven to procure for, and bestow on them; that he might keep them in a state of servile subjection to himself. He has been, and still is the chief counsellor and directing agent in all the dark plots of oppression and persecution against God’s church, to effect her destruction; that his own wicked scheme of tyranny might have a full establishment on earth, and bear down all before it. And it is truly marvellous what success he has been permitted to have in accomplishing this malignant design: How, not only men of lower abilities and less discernment have been deluded and infatuated by him; but many kings and chief rulers in church and state, of whom better things might have been expected. Such, after they have been made drunk with the intoxicating wine of his fornication and whoredom, have been his chief instruments in this cruel and bloody work. They are of such dark complexion in their counsels, and pursuing such black designs, that they are represented as “ascending out of the bottomless pit, to make war against the faithful witnesses and servants of Jesus Christ, and to kill them.” And who can count up the numbers that have been Edition: current; Page: [519] slain by them? Rivers of blood have been shed, at one time and another, in this terrible war and conflict which the tyrannical, persecuting powers of the earth have been instigated by Satan, to carry on against the church of Christ. In the first beginning of the Christian dispensation, ten persecutions followed successively one after another, while the government of Rome was in the hands of pagan emperors.

In this struggle between paganism and Christianity, thousands of martyrs and confessors were most cruelly and barbarously tormented, and put to death. These horrid massacres of the saints may be emblematically, or figuratively represented in the 6th chapter of this prophetic book, in the 9th verse of which, the apostle is said to have seen under the altar, the souls of them that were slain for the word of God, and for the testimony which they held. And after Rome became Christian, or rather papal, and the man of sin made his public appearance, the woman and her seed, the humble followers of Christ, fared yet worse, and were more hardly and cruelly dealt with than ever, by their persecuting enemies, who are inwardly galled in their consciences, and said to be tormented at their pure doctrines, plain faithful remonstrances, and exemplary lives. See chap. xi. 10. When this great red dragon was mounted on high, with his seven heads and ten horns, the first object on which he exercised his tyrannical and persecuting power, was the church, represented in these prophecies by the woman and her seed. Hence, when she appeared pregnant, ready to bring forth children, when the gospel began to have success, and new converts were born, and added to the church, this dragon stood ready to seize and devour them, like a hungry lion, eagerly waiting for his prey; and has persecuted her with rage and fierceness, not only thro’ the imperial populous cities of Italy and Bohemia, France, Spain, and England, and thro’ their colonies and plantations, even to the uttermost ends of the earth. When she took the wings of the great eagle, and, under the protecting providence of God fled into the wilderness, he continued wroth with her, and poured forth floods of his indignation and vengeance against her. “Wo to the inhabitants of the earth, and of the sea,” says the apostle, “for the devil is come down to them, having great wrath, because he knoweth that he hath but a short time.” This dragon, the great enemy of God, and of his church, whatever shape or form he has assumed, whether Edition: current; Page: [520] that of the spotted leopard, with the feet of a bear, and the mouth of a lion; whether his horns have been ten, or only two, like a lamb or goat, giving life unto the image of the beast; yet he has in every appearance, when he had opportunity, discovered the like fierceness and cruelty of temper, thirsting for the blood of the saints. When his shape and form has wore a milder aspect, he has yet spoke as a dragon; and when times would allow of it, exercised all the power of the first beast, causing the earth, and them that dwell therein, to worship him; giving forth tyrannical mandates and decrees, that as many as would not worship the image of the beast, should be killed: Gathering all into his service, both small and great, rich and poor, free and bond, slaves and savages, catholics and barbarians, to accomplish at any rate, his black and dark designs; passing the most vigorous acts, and severe edicts against those who refused compliance; enacting by his omnipotent power, that they should not buy nor sell, nor carry on any trade or commerce by land or sea. Now, the administration seems here described, that has for a number of years, been so grievous and distressing to these colonies in America, claiming an absolute power and authority to make laws, binding in all cases whatever, without check or controul from any; which has proceeded in the exercise of this despotic, arbitrary power, to deprive one of them, of their most essential and chartered privileges; sent over fleets and armies to enforce their cruel, tyrannical edicts, which have involved us in all the calamities and horrors of a civil war; which have destroyed many useful lives, burnt two of our flourishing towns, captured many of our vessels that fell in their way, prohibited and destroyed our fishery and trade, forbidding us to buy or sell, and taken in a hostile manner, in a way of piracy and robbery, our interest and property, and threaten us with general destruction, for no other reason than that we will not surrender our liberties, properties and privileges, and become abject vassals and slaves to despotic and arbitrary power. I say, the administration seems described, and appears to have many of the features, and much of the temper and character of the image of the beast which the apostle represents, which had two horns like a lamb, and spoke as a dragon. And the language of our pusillanimous foes, and even their adherents amongst us, seems plainly predicted, Rev. xiii. 4[:] “Who is like unto the beast? Who is able to make war with him[?]”

2. From what has been said, we see reason gratefully to acknowledge and adore the kind, watchful providence of God, in preserving his church, the woman and her seed, amidst the storms and tempests, the commotions and convulsions that have been occasioned by the oppressive tyrannical powers of the earth. The great dragon, her formidable enemy, notwithstanding his mighty strength and power, cruelty and rage, has always been overcome by the blood of the Lamb, and by the word of their testimony, in all her wars and conflicts with him; which, instead of answering his design to crush and destroy her, have ever been over-ruled by her all-wise benevolent king, to promote her growth and advancement in the world. The church, though often surrounded by the flames of persecution, like the burning bush which Moses beheld as a type and emblem of it, yet has never been consumed. The gates of death and hell have never prevailed against her. Christ has been with her from the beginning, agreeable to his divine promise; and will so continue to the end of the world. The blood of the saints and martyrs that has been shed, and flowed down like rivers and seas, has been like seed planted for the church, and made it spread thro’ a wider compass, and grow faster in the world. All the combined policy of earth and hell has not been able to overthrow and demolish this building of God, who has established it, and will preserve it by his almighty power, till all the purposes of his redeeming love and grace are accomplished in the complete salvation of his chosen ones. It must be confessed, that the trials, afflictions and distresses of the church have been very great; but these have been as a purifying furnace, to cleanse her from dross and corruption, and to make her shine brighter in all the graces and virtues of Christianity. Her enemies and adversaries, in all their furious attacks and malicious encounters, have never gained any considerable and lasting advantage to themselves; but generally have come off with loss, disappointment and shame; and had their own weapons, and the blows they have struck, retorted back on them, with redoubled force and vengeance. God promises to give power to his faithful witnesses and servants, “And if any man will hurt them, fire proceedeth out of their mouth, and devoureth their enemies. And if any man will hurt them, he must in this manner be killed.” Rev. xi. 3, 5. If the enemies of the church, in the wars they set on foot, take any of her members captive, they themselves shall go into captivity; and he that killeth them Edition: current; Page: [522] with the sword, must be killed with the sword. Agreeable to the great law of retaliation, which is wisely adopted at this day, by the honourable Continental Congress; and the execution of it in full, is warranted and justified by this, and other passages of sacred writ. Those that have undertaken to distress and persecute the woman and her seed, the faithful servants of Christ, have ever found the interprize dangerous and ruinous to themselves. When the wicked persecuting tyrants of the earth, appear to have great power and strength, some of a selfish and timerous turn of mind, may inadvertantly think it safest to pay worship and allegiance to them, and receive their mark, and seek shelter and protection under their wings, from the impending storm: But they are most artfully deluded and mistaken. “The same,” says the apostle, Rev. xiv. 10. “shall drink of the wine of the wrath of God, which is poured out without mixture, into the cup of his indignation. And he shall be tormented with fire and brimstone, in the presence of the holy angels, and in the presence of the Lamb; and the smoke of their torment ascendeth up for ever and ever, and they have no rest day nor night.”

3. We may, in a peculiar manner, notice the kind dealings of God in his providence towards this branch of his church, that he has planted as a choice vine, in this once howling wilderness. He brought her as on eagles wings from the seat of oppression and persecution, “to her own place,” has, of his unmerited grace, bestowed liberties and privileges upon her, beyond what are enjoyed in any other part of the world: He has nourished and protected her from the face of the serpent, and preserved her from being carried away to destruction, when great floods of his wrath and vengeance have been poured forth after her. God has, in this American quarter of the globe, provided for the woman and her seed, a fixed and lasting settlement and habitation, and bestowed it upon her, to be her own property forever.* In this just view of the distinguished favours of heaven toward Edition: current; Page: [523] our fathers, and, as their sinful posterity, while on the one hand, we see abundant cause for thanksgiving and praise to our almighty preserver, and most gracious benefactor; we may on the other hand see the greatest reason for the deepest humiliation, repentance, and contrition of heart, for our vile abuse and misimprovement of these privileges and favours. What an amazing low sense have we had, of the worth of the uncommon gifts and bounties of heaven? How awfully have they been slighted and undervalued by us? What astonishing stupidity, ingratitude and unthankfulness has reigned in our hearts? How lukewarm and indifferent have we been, in the most important concerns of religion? How careless and unconcerned about the interest and welfare of the church of Christ? How backward to come into fellowship and communion with her, and to attend the rites and ordinances which distinguish (at least outwardly) God’s children from the profane wicked world? How does iniquity abound among us, and the love of many wax cold? How has the gold become dim, the most fine gold changed? What awful backslidings and declensions in this land, once dedicated to the Lord as a mountain of holiness, and an habitation of righteousness, liberty and peace? Surely the great head of the church, who knows our works, must have not a few, but many things against us. We have, in a great measure, lost that lively faith, zeal and brotherly love, so conspicuous in the temper and conduct of our pious fore-fathers, and added such a beauty and lustre to their characters. The true and noble spirit of primitive christianity is scarce to be found among us; have lost our first love, the love of our espousals, and kindness of our youth. Our churches decline in doctrine, worship and discipline; and have had awful schisms and rents made in them. A spirit of contention, division and separation has prevailed to the great wounding of the church, and to the dishonour and shame of Edition: current; Page: [524] all the promoters and abettors thereof. How have the prophets, the faithful witnesses of Christ, been despised and treated with contempt; while prophesying in sackcloth; and the woman, the true church, in her plain dress of gospel purity and simplicity, been ridiculed, and thought to have no beauty or comeliness in her? How eager have many been, in their attention to lying deceivers, the frogs that have issued out of the mouth of the false prophet; and charmed and captivated with their croaking noise, full of discord and confusion? How has the beauty of this pleasant land of Immanuel been defaced, and its glory spoiled by the little foxes treading down our tender vines; and by the inroads of the wild boar of the wilderness? These things are justly matter of deep and serious lamentation, as they are doubtless the causes of the present calamities and judgments with which we are visited.

4. As there still remains among us, a godly remnant that have not apostatized from God, nor departed from the faith of the gospel; and as these prophecies on which we have been treating, will, many of them, most probably have their fulfilment in this land; there are yet solid grounds of hope and encouragement for us, in this dark and gloomy day. Tho’ we may, in God’s righteous providence, be sorely rebuked and chastised for our woful apostacies, declensions and back-slidings; yet we have, I think, good reason to believe, from the prophecies, so far as we are able to understand them, and from the general plan of God’s providence, so far as opened to view, in past and present dispensations of it, that we shall not be wholly given up to desolation and ruin. It is not likely nor probable, that God will revoke the grant he has made of this land to his church. His gifts as well as calling are without repentance. It does not appear probable, that a persecuting, oppressive and tyrannical power, will ever be permitted to rear up its head and horns in it, notwithstanding its present violent assaults and struggles. Liberty has been planted here; and the more it is attacked, the more it grows and flourishes. The time is coming and hastening on, when Babylon the great shall fall to rise no more; when all wicked tyrants and oppressors shall be destroyed for ever. These violent attacks upon the woman in the wilderness, may possibly be some of the last efforts, and dying struggles of the man of sin. These commotions and convulsions in the British empire, may be leading to the fulfilment of such prophecies as relate to his downfal Edition: current; Page: [525] and overthrow, and to the future glory and prosperity of Christ’s church. It will soon be said and acknowledged, that the kingdoms of this world, are become the kingdoms of our Lord, and of his Christ. The vials of God’s wrath begin to be poured out on his enemies and adversaries; and there is falling on them a noisome and grievous sore. And to such as have shed the blood of saints and prophets, to them, blood will be given to drink; for they are worthy. And they will gnaw their tongues of falsehood and deceit, for pain; and have the cup of the wine of the fierceness of her wrath; and be rewarded double. The Lamb shall overcome them, for he is Lord of Lords, and King of Kings; and they that are with him, are called, and chosen, and faithful. May the Lord shorten the days of tribulation, and appear in his glory, to build up Zion; that his knowledge might cover the earth, as the waters do the seas; that wars and tumults may cease thro’ the world, and the wolf and the lamb lie down together, and nothing hurt or destroy throughout his holy mountain.

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by another hand

In the thirteenth chapter of Revelation, the apostle saw in vision, two beasts coming up; which, as far as I am acquainted, expositors have generally explained as a two-fold figurative representation of the same event. But to me it appears, that as the beasts were very diverse, the one from the other; so very different events were figured out by them. It is said, verse 1[:] “And I stood upon the sand of the sea, and saw a beast rise up out of the sea,” i.e. out of the church, “having seven heads, and ten horns,” &c. And in the 11th verse, it is said, “And I beheld another beast coming up out of the earth,” i.e. of an earthly extract, springing up from very terrene, sensual motives, “and he had two horns like a lamb, and he spake as a dragon.” This first beast here described, has been well explained by expositors, and applied to the man of sin, to the rise and establishment of popery. But this second beast, with equal justice and propriety, may be considered Edition: current; Page: [526] as figurative of, and fulfilled in what is called, King Henry’s reformation. Every one that is acquainted with the personal character of that prince, cannot but be sensible, that the motives by which he was influenced to separate from the church of Rome, were of a very terrene, sensual, earthly nature; fitly described by the beast’s coming up out of the earth. “And he had two horns,” civil and ecclesiastical power, “like a lamb,” with a more mild, benign and favourable aspect on the church, than the first beast. King Henry, when he broke with the pope, assumed the chief and supreme authority in the British church, as well as nation; here decyphered by the “two horns.” And “he spake as a dragon.” Witness, the many hot and cruel persecutions that have been carried on in the kingdom, since the reformation, to the destruction of multitudes of the faithful servants of Jesus Christ. Altho’ Henry assumed headship in the church as well as state; yet it was a work of time to get himself acknowledged and established in that character; in the accomplishment of which, he may be said, “To do great wonders,” &c. Verse 13, 14. “Saying to them that dwell on the earth, that they should make an image to the beast, which had the wound by a sword, and did live,” i.e. the first beast, the pope.

The apostle Paul, prophesied of the man of sin, 2 Thess. ii. 4. and describes him as one, “Who opposeth and exalteth himself above all that is called God, or is worshipped; so that he as God sitteth in the temple of God, shewing himself that he is God.” Claiming to be the head of the church, and assuming supreme, sovereign, absolute authority in it, is here pointed out as the grand, peculiar, and distinguishing mark and character of the man of sin; most clearly and plainly fulfilled in the pope. Consequently, headship and supremacy in the church, must be the peculiar and distinguishing features of this image of the first beast, which the second beast required to be made. And what can be a more clear, plain and express fulfilment of this prophecy, than that supremacy in the church, given to our kings, ever since the reformation, by the British ecclesiastical constitution? Where can we find any thing in all history, that bids so fair for an accomplishment of this emblematical prediction, in the rising of the second beast? Nothing but a fond partiality, of applying every thing that is bad, to the pope, can, I conceive, prevent our embracing this application of the prophecy.

“Let not those who are friends to the episcopal form of church government, look upon themselves pointed at, by any thing I have here said. For real episcopacy does not imply an alliance between church and state; nor necessarily require an earthly head to the church; much less to invest the king with that character, as every one must acknowledge who will plead for episcopacy as the primitive form of the church, set up by the apostles. Because all the kings of the earth, in their day, and for many years after, were so far from being esteemed heads to the church, that they were not so much as members in it.”

The time prefixed for the continuance of the first beast, is “forty and two months.” See verse 5. But the number of the second beast is mentioned in the 18th verse. “Here is wisdom. Let him that hath understanding count the number of the beast: For it is the number of a man, and his number is six hundred threescore and six.” Expositors have, many of them, supposed that this number intended the period from the time the apostle’s receiving this vision, to the rising of the first beast. But as this is the number of the second beast, if it be applied in such a manner, it must be taken for that period between the rise of the first, and of the second beast. But as the continuance of the first beast was limited to forty two prophetic months, or a thousand two hundred and seventy seven years; so this number six hundred sixty six, may denote the duration of the second beast.