The Politics vol. 2

Aristotle

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Published by Liberty Fund, Inc.

Aristotle, The Politics vol. 2 (notes) [1885]

Edition used:

The Politics of Aristotle, trans. into English with introduction, marginal analysis, essays, notes and indices by B. Jowett. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1885. 2 vols. Vol. 2.

Author: Aristotle

Translator: Benjamin Jowett

Volume 2 of Benjamin Jowett’s translation of one of Aristotle’s most influential writings. This volume contains Jowett’s detailed notes to each Book.

Copyright:

The text is in the public domain.

Table of Contents

NOTES ON ARISTOTLE’S POLITICS.

BOOK I.

BOOK II.

BOOK III.

BOOK IV.

BOOK V.

BOOK VI.

BOOK VII.

BOOK VIII.

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the POLITICS OF ARISTOTLE

jowett

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London

HENRY FROWDE

Oxford University Press Warehouse Amen Corner, E.C.

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THE POLITICS OF ARISTOTLE

TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH WITH INTRODUCTION, MARGINAL ANALYSIS ESSAYS, NOTES AND INDICES

by B. JOWETT, M.A. master of balliol college regius professor of greek in the university of oxford doctor in theology of the university of leyden

VOL. II. PART I CONTAINING THE NOTES

Oxford

AT THE CLARENDON PRESS

1885

[All rights reserved]

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NOTES ON ARISTOTLE’S POLITICS.

BOOK I.

Jowett1885v1: 1. 1.ἐπειδὴ πα̂σαν πόλιν κ.τ.λ.

The order of the first paragraph is disturbed by the repetition of the statement that every community aims at some good. The meaning will be clearer if drawn out in a technical form:

Every community aims at some good:

Every city is a community; and therefore

Every city aims at some good.

Upon which rests a second syllogism with added determinants:

Whereas all communities aim at some good,

the highest aim at the highest good:

The city is the highest community; and therefore

The city aims at the highest good.

Compare the opening of the Nicom. Ethics, i. 1. § 1,—

πα̂σα τέχνη καὶ πα̂σα μέθοδος ὁμοίως δὲ πρα̂ξις καὶ προαίρεσις ἀγαθον̂ τινὸς ἐϕίεσθαι δοκεɩ̂· διὸ καλω̂ς ἀπεϕήναντο τἀγαθὸν οὑ̑ πάντ’ ἐϕίεται.

Similarly the Metaphysics begin with a general proposition, πάντες ἄνθρωποι τον̂ εἰδέναι ὀρέγονται ϕύσει; and the Posterior Analytics, πα̂σα διδασκαλία καὶ πα̂σα μάθησις διανοητικὴ ἐκ προϋπαρχούσης γίνεται γνώσεως.

The connexion of what follows in § 2, if there be any, is not easy to trace: ‘But a community is a complex organisation;’ Or, ‘But we must not suppose the different forms of communities to be the same;’ Or, the agreement described in the first sentence may be contrasted with the difference of opinion in the second;— Edition: current; Page: [2]‘We are all agreed about the end of the state, but we are not equally agreed about the definition of the ruler.’

Ὅσοι μὲν ον̓̂ν οἴονται πολιτικὸν καὶ βασιλικὸν καὶ οἰκονομικὸν καὶJowett1885v1: 1. 2. δεσποτικὸν εἰ̂ναι τὸν αὐτὸν κ.τ.λ.

The starting-point of Aristotle’s enquiry here, as in many other passages, is a criticism of Plato. See Politicus, 259 C, ϕανερὸν ὡς ἐπιστήμη μία περὶ πάντ’ ἐστὶ ταν̂τα· ταύτην δὲ εἴτε βασιλικὴν εἴτε πολιτικὴν εἴτε οἰκονομικήν τις ὀνομάζει, μηδὲν αὐτῳ̑ διαϕερώμεθα.

This criticism is further worked out in ii. c. 1-5; cp. especially, c. 2. §§ 2-8, where Aristotle shows that the state is composed of dissimilar elements. An opposite view is maintained, or appears to be maintained by Socrates in Xen. Mem. iii. 4. § 12, where he says, ἡ τω̂ν ἰδίων ἐπιμέλεια πλήθει μόνον διαϕέρει τη̂ς τω̂ν κοινω̂ν; and § 7, where the good οἰκονόμος is said to be the good στρατηγός. This is a paradoxical way of insisting on the interdependence or identity of different callings; Aristotle rather dwells upon their diversity.

οἱ̑ον ἂν μὲν ὀλίγων. Sc. ἄρχων ᾐ̑, or ἄρχῃ.Jowett1885v1: 1. 2.

A general notion gathered from the words πολιτικὸν καὶ βασιλικὸν κ.τ.λ.

καὶ πολιτικὸν δὲ κ.τ.λ.,Jowett1885v1: 1. 2.

sc. τὸν ἄρχοντα λέγουσι.

τη̂ς ἐπιστήμης τη̂ς τοιαύτης,Jowett1885v1: 1. 2.

sc. πολιτικη̂ς, to be supplied either from the previous part of the sentence, or from the word πολιτικὸν which follows:—‘According to the principles of the science which deals with this subject.’ Cp. i. 8. § 7, θάλατταν τοιαύτην, where τοιαύτην is to be explained from ἁλιείας which precedes: and in the same chapter, § 9, τοιαύτη κτη̂σις, where τοιαύτη (meaning ‘in the sense of a bare livelihood’) is gathered from αὐτόϕυτος and μὴ δι’ ἀλλαγη̂ς in the previous section; and ii. 4. § 4, δεɩ̂ δὲ τοιούτους εἰ̂ναι τοὺς ἀρχομένους πρὸς τὸ πειθαρχεɩ̂ν καὶ μὴ νεωτερίζειν; where τοιούτους, meaning ‘disunited,’ is a notion supplied from the preceding words,—ἡ̑ττον γὰρ ἔσται ϕιλία κοινω̂ν ὄντων τω̂ν τέκνων καὶ τω̂ν γυναικω̂ν: and ii. 6. § 22, ὡς μὲν ον̓̂ν οὐκ ἐκ δημοκρατίας καὶ μοναρχίας δεɩ̂ συνιστάναι τὴν τοιαύτην πολιτείαν, where the Edition: current; Page: [3]idea of an ‘imperfect’ state, like that contained in Plato’s Laws, has to be gathered from the whole preceding passage.

κατὰ τὴν ὑϕηγημένην μέθοδον. Jowett1885v1: 1. 3.

i. e. the method of analysis which resolves the compound into the simple. Cp. c. 8. § 1, ὅλως δὲ περὶ πάσης κτήσεως καὶ χρηματιστικη̂ς θεωρήσωμεν κατὰ τὸν ὑϕηγημένον τρόπον, ἐπείπερ καὶ ὁ δον̂λος τη̂ς κτήσεως μέρος τι ἠ̑ν.

ὑϕηγημένην, ‘which we have followed,’ not merely in the Ethics, as Schneider and others; for the same expression occurs N. E. ii. 7. § 9 (κατὰ τὸν ὑϕηγημένον τρόπον), and therefore can hardly refer to them, but ‘generally’ or ‘in this discussion.’ The μέθοδος, like the λόγος in Plato, goes before and we follow. Cp. De Gen. Anim. 3. 758 a. 28, and note on c. 13. § 6.

ὥσπερ γὰρ ἐν τοɩ̂ς ἄλλοις τὸ σύνθετον μέχρι τω̂ν ἀσυνθέτων ἀνάγκη Jowett1885v1: 1. 3. διαιρεɩ̂ν (ταν̂τα γὰρ ἐλάχιστα μόρια τον̂ παντός), οὕτω καὶ πόλιν ἐξ ὡ̑ν σύγκειται σκοπον̂ντες ὀψόμεθα καὶ περὶ τούτων μα̂λλον, τί τε διαϕέρουσιν ἀλλήλων καὶ εἴ τι τεχνικὸν ἐνδέχεται λαβεɩ̂ν περὶ ἕκαστον τω̂ν ῥηθέντων.

τούτων may either refer 1)* to ἐξ ὡ̑ν σύγκειται, i. e. the elements of the state which he is going to distinguish in this book; or 2) to the different kinds of rule mentioned in the preceding paragraph (Bernays, Susemihl): in the latter case it is paraphrased by περὶ ἕκαστον τω̂ν ῥηθέντων, in the next clause. (For the vague antecedent to τούτων cp. supra c. 2. §§ 2, 12, etc., etc.) Aristotle treats of ‘the kinds of rule’ in Book iii. cc. 7, 8, and in the fourth and sixth books.

καί, according to the first explanation = ‘as about the state so about the elements of the state,’ according to the second, = ‘about kinds of government as well as about other things.’ ὥσπερ ἐν τοɩ̂ς ἄλλοις . . καὶ περὶ τούτων is repeated or resumed in ὥσπερ ἐν τοɩ̂ς ἄλλοις καὶ ἐν τούτοις at the beginning of the next paragraph, c. 2. § 1.

The argument is to the effect that if we analyse forms of government into their parts, or into their kinds, we shall see that they differ in something besides number—e. g. in the nature of the authority exercised in them, or in the character of their magistracies, or in the classification of their citizens. (Cp. iv. 4. § 7 ff.) That states consist not only of their elements, but have in them something analogous to the principle of life in the human Edition: current; Page: [4]frame, is a truth strongly felt by Plato (Rep. v. 462 D), less strongly by Aristotle (infra c. 2. § 13).

εἰ δή τις ἐξ ἀρχη̂ς τὰ πράγματα ϕυόμενα βλέψειεν, ὥσπερ ἐν τοɩ̂ς ἄλλοις,Jowett1885v1: 2. 1. καὶ ἐν τούτοις κάλλιστ’ ἂν οὕτω θεωρήσειεν.

Aristotle does not mean that politics are to be studied in the light of history; but rather that the complex structure of the state is to be separated into the simple elements out of which it appears to be created. Yet the two points of view are not always distinguished by him; and his method of procedure is often historical (e. g. in Book v) as well as analytical.

καὶ ἐν . . . ϕυτοɩ̂ς ϕυσικὸν τὸ ἐϕίεσθαι, οἱ̑ον αὐτό, τοιον̂τον καταλιπεɩ̂νJowett1885v1: 2. 2. ἕτερον.

Aristotle, like Plato (Symp. 186), attributed sex to plants, male and female being combined in the same plant. The analogy of plants and animals is drawn out; De Gen. Anim. i. c. 23.

ταν̂τα ποιεɩ̂ν,Jowett1885v1: 2. 2.

sc. τὰ προορώμενα ὑπὸ τον̂ ἄρχοντος, another instance of the vague antecedent (c. 1. § 2 and c. 2. § 12).

τὴν Δελϕικὴν μάχαιραν.Jowett1885v1: 2. 3.

Evidently an instrument that could serve other purposes than that of a knife. Compare the ὀβελισκολύχνιον mentioned in iv. 15. § 8. The Delphian knife is described by Hesychius as λαμβάνουσα ἔμπροσθεν μέρος σιδηρον̂ν, ‘having an iron part added to it in front.’ The name is in some way connected with the sacrifice at Delphi, and is said in the appendix to the Proverbiorum Centuria, 1. 94 (p. 393 Schneidewin) to have passed into a proverb directed against the meanness of the Delphians in taking a part of the sacrifices and in charging for the use of the sacrificial knife. (See Goettling, Commentatio de Machaera Delphica, Jena, 1856.) We may agree with Schlosser in thinking that the matter is unimportant.

τὸ ϕύσει ἄρχον οὐκ ἔχουσιν, . . . γίνεται ἡ κοινωνία αὐτω̂ν δούλης καὶ δούλου.Jowett1885v1: 2. 4.

‘Among barbarians women are slaves. The reason is that all barbarians are equally slaves: there is no ruling principle among them such as gives the true relation of husband and wife, of master and slave; they are all upon a level.’ Cp. infra, cc. 12, 13.

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‘ο[Editor: illegible character]κον μὲν πρώτιστα γυναɩ̂κά τε βον̂ν τ’ ἀροτη̂ρα·’Jowett1885v1: 2. 5.

Compare Wallace’s Russia (p. 90. ed. 8). ‘The natural labour unit (i. e. the Russian peasant family of the old type) comprises a man, a woman, and a horse.’

εἰς πα̂σαν ἡμέραν.Jowett1885v1: 2. 5.

‘For wants which recur every day,’ and therefore can never be left unsatisfied.

ὁμοκάπνους.Jowett1885v1: 2. 5.

‘Sitting in the smoke of one fire’ is read by MSS. of the better class, P4, Ls, corr. Mb, William de Moerbek; ὁμοκάπους by the rest (Susemihl). The meaning of the latter word ‘fed at the same manger’ is better suited to the context.

ἡ δ’ ἐκ πλειόνων οἰκιω̂ν κοινωνία πρώτη χρήσεως ἕνεκεν μὴ ἐϕημέρου κώμη.Jowett1885v1: 2. 5.

There was a time when the κώμη or village community had an important place in Greek life. Cp. iii. 9. § 14, where it is joined with γένος (πόλις δὲ ἡ γενω̂ν καὶ κωμω̂ν κοινωνία ζωη̂ς τελείας καὶ αὐτάρκους), and Thucydides, i. 5: ib. 10 (κατὰ κώμας δὲ τῳ̑ παλαιῳ̑ τη̂ς Ἑλλάδος τρόπῳ οἰκισθείσης, sc. τη̂ς Σπάρτης). Such communities lasted into historical times in Ætolia, Acarnania, Arcadia, and even in Laconia. During the life of Aristotle himself the villages of Arcadia had been united by Epaminondas in the city of Megalopolis (cp. note on ii. 2. § 3).

πρώτη. To be taken with the words which follow: ‘When they began no longer to regard only the necessities of life.’

μάλιστα δὲ κατὰ ϕύσιν ἔοικεν ἡ κώμη ἀποικία οἰκίας εἰ̂ναι· οὓς καλον̂σίJowett1885v1: 2. 6. τινες ὁμογάλακτας, παɩ̂δάς τε καὶ παίδων παɩ̂δας.

‘The tie of relationship is still acknowledged in the village, which in its most natural form is only a larger family or a colony of the family.’ (There should be a comma in the Greek after ὁμογάλακτας; the words παɩ̂δάς τε κ.τ.λ. though construed with καλον̂σιν, being really an explanation of ἀποικία.) The form of the village community is most natural, not when composed of individuals combined by chance, say, for the purposes of plunder or self-defence, but when the family becoming enlarged leaves its original seat and finds a new home. The expression ἀποικία οἰκίας is not strictly accurate, for the village might grow up on the same spot.

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Cp. Cicero de Officiis, i. 17, ‘Nam cum sit hoc natura commune animantium, ut habeant lubidinem procreandi, prima societas in ipso conjugio est: proxima in liberis: deinde una domus, communia omnia. Id autem est principium urbis et quasi seminarium reipublicae. Sequuntur fratrum conjunctiones, post consobrinorum sobrinorumque; qui cum una domo jam capi non possunt, in alias domos tanquam in colonias exeunt. Sequuntur connubia et affinitates, ex quibus etiam plures propinqui. Quae propagatio et soboles origo est rerum publicarum.’

ὁμογάλακτες, a rare term for γεννη̂ται or ϕράτερες.

διὸ καὶ τὸ πρω̂τον ἐβασιλεύοντο αἱ πόλεις, καὶ νν̂ν ἔτι τὰ ἔθνη· ἐκJowett1885v1: 2. 6. βασιλευομένων γὰρ συνη̂λθον. πα̂σα γὰρ οἰκία βασιλεύεται ὑπὸ τον̂ πρεσβυτάτου, ὥστε καὶ αἱ ἀποικίαι διὰ τὴν συγγένειαν. καὶ τον̂τ’ ἐστὶν ὃ λέγει Ὅμηρος,

‘θεμιστεύει δὲ ἕκαστος

παίδων ἠδ’ ἀλόχων.’

σποράδες γάρ· καὶ οὕτω τὸ ἀρχαɩ̂ον ᾢκουν. καὶ τοὺς θεοὺς δὲ διὰ τον̂το πάντες ϕασὶ βασιλεύεσθαι, ὅτι καὶ αὐτοὶ οἱ μὲν ἔτι καὶ νν̂ν, οἱ δὲ τὸ ἀρχαɩ̂ον ἐβασιλεύοντο· ὥσπερ δὲ καὶ τὰ εἴδη ἑαυτοɩ̂ς ἀϕομοιον̂σιν οἱ ἄνθρωποι, οὕτω καὶ τοὺς βίους τω̂ν θεω̂ν.

The argument is as follows: The rise of the village from the family explains also the existence of monarchy in ancient Hellas. For in the family the eldest rules. This rule of the eldest in the family is continued into the village, and from that passes into the state. In support of his opinion Aristotle quotes what Homer says of the Cyclopes (a passage also quoted by Plato, Laws 680, in a similar connexion), and he further illustrates it by men’s ideas about the Gods, to whom they attribute a regal or patriarchal form of government, such as their own had been in primitive times.

τὰ ἔθνη here as in ii. 5. § 2 (see note in loco), a general term for barbarians.

ἐκ βασιλευομένων γὰρ συνη̂λθον.

Aristotle is here speaking of one kind of monarchy, which may be called the patriarchal. In iii. 14. § 12, he attributes the rise of monarchy to the benefits conferred on the inhabitants of a country in peace or war by distinguished individuals, whereas in this passage he assigns to it a patriarchal origin. Both accounts Edition: current; Page: [7]have probably a certain degree of truth in them. And doubtless in history either form of monarchy may have taken the place of the other; a series of undistinguished kings may have been interrupted by the hero or legislator, and the hero or legislator may have transmitted his power to his posterity. Cp. also iv. 13. § 12.

διὰ τὴν συγγένειαν.

Either ‘the relation of the members of the κώμη (γένος) to one another,’ or ‘to the original οἰκία.’

‘θεμιστεύει δὲ ἕκαστος παίδων ἠδ’ ἀλόχων.’

Odyssey ix. 114; again alluded to in Nicom. Ethics x. 9. § 13, κυκλωπικω̂ς θεμιστεύων παίδων ἠδ’ ἀλόχου.

ὥσπερ δὲ καὶ τὰ εἴδη ἑαυτοɩ̂ς ἀϕομοιον̂σιν οἱ ἄνθρωποι οὕτω καὶ τοὺς βίους τω̂ν θεω̂ν.

This is especially true of the Greeks, who limited the divine by the human; in other mythologies the idea of a superior being who could not be conceived, led to extravagance and grotesqueness. And even among the Greeks, the light of fancy was always breaking in, though not in such a manner as to impair the harmony of the poetical vision.

τέλειος πόλις.Jowett1885v1: 2. 8.

Opposed to πρώτη (§ 5).

γινομένη μὲν ον̓̂ν τον̂ ζη̂ν ἕνεκεν, ον̓̂σα δὲ τον̂ εν̓̂ ζη̂ν.Jowett1885v1: 2. 8.

‘The state is created for the maintenance of life, but when once established has a higher aim.’

ον̓̂σα partly derives its meaning from γινομένη, ‘having a true being’ opposed to ‘coming into being’ (cp. οὐσία and γένεσις).

ἡ δὲ ϕύσις τέλος [Editor: illegible character]στίν.Jowett1885v1: 2. 8.

By Aristotle the end of a thing is said to be its nature; the best and alone self-sufficing development of it. From this transcendental point of view the state is prior to the individual, the whole to the part (§ 12). But he is not always consistent in his use of language; for while in this passage he speaks of the state as the end or final cause of the οἰκία, in Nic. Ethics viii. 12. § 7 he also speaks of the οἰκία as prior to the state and more necessary (πρότερον καὶ ἀναγκαιότερον οἰκία πόλεως). Cp. Categories c. 12, 14 a 26.

εἴπερ καὶ αἱ πρω̂ται κοινωνίαι.Jowett1885v1: 2. 8.

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‘If the original elements of the state exist by nature, the state must exist by nature.’ But is the argument sound? are not two senses of the word nature here confused?

τω̂ν ϕύσει ἡ πόλις.Jowett1885v1: 2. 9.

i.e. because it is the end, the fulfilment, the self-sufficing, the good: yet there is another sense of the word ϕύσις, which is not applicable to the state.

ϕύσει τοιον̂τος καὶ πολέμου ἐπιθυμητής, ἅτε περ ἄζυξ ὢν ὥσπερ ἐν πεττοɩ̂ς.Jowett1885v1: 2. 10.

Lit. ‘For the alien, who is by nature such as I have described, is also a lover of war.’

The margin of one MS. supported by the old Latin Version (which gives ‘sicut in volatilibus’) reads πετεινοɩ̂ς. πετοɩ̂ς is the reading of one late MS., πεττοɩ̂ς apparently of all the rest. In support of the last a very difficult epigram of Agathias (Pal. Anthology, ix. 482) is adduced in which the term ἄζυξ occurs in the description of a game played with dice and similar to our backgammon; the game is not however called πεττοί, nor does the description answer to the game of πεττοί. The word ἄζυξ, when applied to a game, may mean either ‘exposed’ or ‘blocked,’ and so incapable of combination or action. With ἐν πετεινοɩ̂ς, ἄζυξ might be interpreted of birds of prey which fly alone, the solitary opposed to the gregarious: cp. παντὸς ἀγελαίου ζῴου in the next sentence.

But neither ἐν πεττοɩ̂ς nor ἐν πετεινοɩ̂ς can be precisely explained. The variations of reading (omission of ἄζυξ ὤν, alteration into ἄνευ ζυγον̂ τυγχάνων) shew that the copyists were in a difficulty. We can only infer that whether applied to birds or to the pieces of a game, the word ἄζυξ is here used as a figure representing the solitude of a savage who has no city or dwelling-place.

διότι.Jowett1885v1: 2. 10.

Either 1) *‘why,’ or 2) ‘that.’ In either case the reason is supplied from what follows (§ 11):—‘Man has the faculty of speech, and speech was given him that he might express pleasure and pain, good and evil, the ideas which lie at the basis of the state.’

ἡ δὲ τούτων κοινωνία ποιεɩ̂ οἰκίαν καὶ πόλιν.Jowett1885v1: 2. 12.

τούτων, sc. ‘of these perceptions,’ or rather ‘of those who have these perceptions.’ For the vague antecedent see note on § 2.

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καὶ πρότερον δὴ τῃ̑ ϕύσει κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 2. 12.

In idea the state is prior to the family, as the whole is prior to the part, for the true or perfect family cannot exist until human nature is developed in the state: but in time, and in history, the family and the village are prior to the state. The state is ϕύσει πρότερον, but the family χρόνῳ πρότερον. See above, note on § 8, and Categ. c. 12, 14 a, 26.

διαϕθαρεɩ̂σα γὰρ ἔσται τοιαύτη.Jowett1885v1: 2. 13.

Referring either 1) to ὁμωνύμως:—‘When the powers of the hand are destroyed (διαϕθαρεɩ̂σα) it will only be such in an equivocal sense;’ or 2) *to ὥσπερ λιθίνη ‘it will be like a stone hand.’ Cp. Sir J. F. Stephen’s Liberty, Equality, Fraternity, p. 128, ‘A man would no more be a man if he was alone in the world, than a hand would be a hand without the rest of the body.’

ὅτι μὲν ον̓̂ν ἡ πόλις καὶ ϕύσει καὶ πρότερον ἢ ἕκαστος, δη̂λον· εἰ γὰρ μὴJowett1885v1: 2. 14. αὐτάρκης ἕκαστος χωρισθείς, ὁμοίως τοɩ̂ς ἄλλοις μέρεσιν ἕξει πρὸς τὸ ὅλον.

This is a resumption of the words; καὶ πρότερον δὴ τῃ̑ ϕύσει κ.τ.λ. in § 12. ‘That the state exists by nature and is prior to the individual is proved by the consideration that the individual is not self-sufficing; he is therefore a part, like every other part, relative to the whole and so implying it.’

ὥστε ἢ θηρίον ἢ θεός.Jowett1885v1: 2. 14.

Compare the old scholastic aphorism derived from Aristotle that ‘the man who lives wholly detached from others must be either an angel or a devil;’ quoted by Burke, ‘Thoughts on the causes of the present discontent,’ vol. i. p. 340, edit. 1826.

ϕύσει μὲν ον̓̂ν ἡ ὁρμή.Jowett1885v1: 2. 15.

‘True, the political instinct is implanted in all men by nature: yet he who brought them together in a state was the greatest of benefactors’: or 2) with a less marked opposition: ‘The political instinct is natural; and he who first brought men together [and so developed it] was the greatest of benefactors.’

Here as elsewhere Aristotle presupposes a given material, upon which, according to the traditional Greek notion, the legislator works. Society is born and grows, but it is also made.

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ὁ δ’ ἄνθρωπος ὅπλα ἔχων ϕύεται ϕρονήσει καὶ ἀρετῃ̑, οἱ̑ς ἐπὶ τἀναντίαJowett1885v1: 2. 16. ἔστι χρη̂σθαι μάλιστα.

1) *ὅπλα ἔχων = ὡπλισμένος, the words ϕρονήσει καὶ ἀρετῃ̑ being datives of the instrument. It seems strange at first sight to speak of ϕρόνησις and ἀρετή as capable of a wrong direction. We might rather have expected Aristotle to have distinguished ϕρόνησις from what in Nic. Eth. vi. 12. § 9, is called δεινότης, (an intellectual capacity which may receive a good direction and become ϕρόνησις; but may also when receiving a bad direction become πανουργία) and ἀρετή, from what in the same passage of the Ethics is spoken of as mere ϕυσικὴ ἀρετὴ (Nic. Eth. vi. 13. §§ 1 and 2) or in the Magna Moralia i. c. 35, 1197 b. 39, as ὁρμαί τινες ἄνευ λόγου πρὸς τὰ ἀνδρεɩ̂α καὶ τὰ δίκαια κ.τ.λ., which may become injurious unless directed by reason (ἄνευ νον̂ βλαβεραὶ ϕαίνονται ον̓̂σαι, Nic. Eth. vi. 13, § 1). But the transfer of certain words from a good to a neutral sense or from a technical to a general one is common in Aristotle; and in the fluctuating state of philosophical language may be expected to occur. We must not suppose that he always employed words in the same senses; or that he had a scientific vocabulary fixed by use and ready on all occasions.

2) Bernays and others translate ‘Man is by nature equipped with arms or instruments for wisdom and virtue;’ i. e. Man has a natural capacity which may be developed into ϕρόνησις and ἀρετή, or may degenerate into their opposites. This gives an excellent meaning and agrees in the use of words as well as in thought with the passage in the Ethics referred to above. But the construction of the dative in the sense of ‘for’ after ὅπλα ἔχων is impossible. Or if 3) the datives are taken with ϕύεται, a construction which is quite possible, the words ὅπλα ἔχων become pointless. In this uncertainty of the construction the general meaning is clear; viz., that ‘man has intelligence and an aptitude for virtue, gifts which are in the highest degree capable of abuse.’

ἐπὶ τἀναντία ἔστι χρη̂σθαι μάλιστα. There is an inaccuracy in these words; for it is not virtue and knowledge which can be turned to the worst uses (cp. Rhet. i. 1355 b. 4) but the finer nature which is alone capable of virtue. Cp. Goethe’s Faust, Prologue in Heaven, where Mephistopheles says, ‘Er nennt’s Vernunft und braucht’s allein nur thierischer als jedes Thier zu sein;’ and Nic. Eth. vii. 6. Edition: current; Page: [11]§ 7, ἔλαττον δὲ θηριότης κακίας ϕοβερώτερον δέ. Compare also Plato Repub. vi. 495 A, B, where it is said that the best, i.e. the greatest natures, if they are ill educated, become the worst:—καὶ ἐκ τούτων δὴ τω̂ν ἀνδρω̂ν καὶ οἱ τὰ μέγιστα κακὰ ἐργαζόμενοι τὰς πόλεις γίγνονται καὶ τοὺς ἰδιώτας καὶ οἱ τἀγαθά, οἳ ἂν ταύτῃ τύχωσι ῥυέντες· σμικρὰ δὲ ϕύσις οὐδὲν μέγα οὐδέποτε οὐδένα οὔτε ἰδιώτην οὔτε πόλιν δρᾳ̑.

ἡ δὲ δικαιοσύνη πολιτικόν· ἡ γὰρ δίκη πολιτικη̂ς κοινωνίας τάξις ἐστίν· ἡJowett1885v1: 2. 16. δὲ δίκη τον̂ δικαίου κρίσις.

‘But the virtue of justice unites men in states (i.e. is the quality opposed to the lawlessness which makes men lower than the beasts), and executive justice is the ordering of political society and the decision of what is just.’

In this passage δίκη is the ‘administration of justice’: δικαιοσύνη, ‘the virtue of justice’: τὸ δίκαιον, ‘the principle of justice to be applied in each case.’

οἰκίας δὲ μέρη, ἐξ ὡ̑ν αν̓̂θις οἰκία συνίσταται· οἰκία δὲ τέλειος ἐκJowett1885v1: 3. 1. δούλων καὶ ἐλευθέρων.

αν̓̂θις = ‘in turn.’ ‘As the state is made up of households, so the household in turn is made up of lesser parts; and a complete household includes both slaves and freemen.’ Of these elements of the household Aristotle now proceeds to speak.

ταν̂τα δ’ ἐστὶ δεσποτικὴ καὶ γαμική (ἀνώνυμον γὰρ ἡ γυναικὸς καὶ ἀνδρὸςJowett1885v1: 3. 2. σύζευξις) καὶ τρίτον τεκνοποιητική.

Not finding common words which express his idea, Aristotle gives new senses to γαμική and τεκνοποιητική. In ordinary Greek they would have meant ‘of or referring to marriage,’ and ‘to the procreation of children’: here he extends their meaning to the whole marital or parental relation. It was natural in the beginning of philosophy to make new words, or to give new meanings to old ones; cp. Plato, Theæt. 182 A, where he calls ποιότης an ἀλλόκοτον ὄνομα, and Nic. Eth. v. 6. § 9, where the relation of husband and wife is termed by a periphrasis τὸ οἰκονομικὸν δίκαιον, or τὸ πρὸς γυναɩ̂κα δίκαιον: cp. also c. 12. § 1 infra, where πατρική is used for what is here called τεκνοποιητική. That Aristotle found many words wanting in his philosophical vocabulary, we gather from Nic. Eth. ii. 7. §§ 2, Edition: current; Page: [12]3, 8, 11, De Interp. c. 2 and 3, and infra iii. 1. § 7, where similar remarks are made upon ἀναισθησία, upon the anonymous mean of ϕιλοτιμία and ἀϕιλοτιμία, upon ἀϕοβία the excess of courage, and upon ὄνομα ἀόριστον, ῥη̂μα ἀόριστον, ἀόριστος ἀρχή.

ἔστωσαν δ’ αὑ̑ται τρεɩ̂ς ἃς εἴπομεν.Jowett1885v1: 3. 2.

‘Let us assume the relationships, by whatever names they are called, to be three, those which I have mentioned.’ Cp. περὶ τριω̂ν § 1 above. The passage would read more smoothly if αἱ were inserted before τρεɩ̂ς: ‘let there be those three.’

τοɩ̂ς δὲ παρὰ ϕύσιν τὸ δεσπόζειν.Jowett1885v1: 3. 4.

Many traces of this sophistic or humanistic feeling occur in Greek Poetry, especially in Euripides: some of the most striking are collected by Oncken, Die Staatslehre des Aristoteles, vol. ii. pp. 34-36:—

Eurip. Ion, 854-856,—

ἓν γάρ τι τοɩ̂ς δούλοισιν αἰσχύνην ϕέρει

τοὔνομα· τὰ δ’ ἄλλα πάντα τω̂ν ἐλευθέρων

οὐδεὶς κακίων δον̂λος, ὅστις ἐσθλὸς ᾐ̑.

ib. Helena, 726 ff.,—

κακὸς γὰρ ὅστις μὴ σέβει τὰ δεσποτω̂ν

καὶ ξυγγέγηθε καὶ ξυνωδίνει κακοɩ̂ς.

ἔγω μὲν εἴην, κεἰ πέϕυχ’ ὑμω̂ν λάτρις,

ἐν τοɩ̂σι γενναίοισιν ἠριθμημένος

δούλοισι, τοὔνομ’ οὐκ ἔχων ἐλεύθερον

τὸν νον̂ν δέ.

ib. Melanippe, fr. 515,—

δον̂λον γὰρ ἐσθλὸν τοὔνομ’ οὐ διαϕθερεɩ̂

πολλοὶ δ’ ἀμείνους εἰσὶ τω̂ν ἐλευθέρων.

Philem. apud Stobæum,—

κἂν δον̂λος ᾐ̑ τις, οὐθὲν ἡ̑ττον, δέσποτα,

ἄνθρωπος οὑ̑τός ἐστιν, ἂν ἄνθρωπος ᾐ̑.

ib. fr. 39,—

κἂν δον̂λός ἐστι, σάρκα τὴν αὐτὴν ἔχει·

ϕύσει γὰρ οὐδεὶς δον̂λος ἐγενήθη ποτέ·

ἡ δ’ αν̓̂ Τύχη τὸ σω̂μα κατεδουλώσατο.

βίαιον γάρ.Jowett1885v1: 3. 4.

Edition: current; Page: [13]

Either 1) * = παρὰ ϕύσιν or simply 2) ‘brought about by violence;’ βία may be opposed either to ϕύσις or νόμος or both.

ὥσπερ δὲ ἐν ταɩ̂ς ὡρισμ[Editor: illegible character]ναις τέχναις ἀναγκαɩ̂ον ἂν εἴη ὑπάρχειν τὰJowett1885v1: 4. 1. οἰκεɩ̂α ὄργανα, εἰ μέλλει ἀποτελεσθήσεσθαι τὸ ἔργον, οὕτω καὶ τω̂ν οἰκονομικω̂ν.

The first six words ὥσπερ . . . τέχναις are read as in Bekker supported by some MSS. There is also MS. authority for the omission of δέ; and for the omission of both δὲ and ἐν.

Retaining Bekker’s reading, we must either 1) *translate, as in the text, making the apodosis to ἐπεὶ ον̓̂ν begin with καὶ ἡ κτητική; or 2) δὲ after ὥσπερ may be regarded as marking the apodosis; or 3) the sentence may be an anacoluthon; as frequently after ἐπεὶ in Aristotle (cp. Rhet. ii. 25, 1402 b. 26 ἐπεὶ γὰρ ὁ μὲν κατηγορω̂ν δι’ εἰκότων ἀποδείκνυσιν κ.τ.λ.). If we omit δέ, the apodosis still begins with ὥσπερ.

ταɩ̂ς ὡρισμέναις τέχναις: The arts which have a definite sphere, such as the art of the pilot, or of the carpenter, contrasted with the ill defined arts of politics or household management, cp. c. 13, § 13 ὁ γὰρ βάναυσος τεχνίτης ἀϕωρισμένην τινὰ ἔχει δουλείαν.

Instead of Bekker’s reading οὕτω καὶ τω̂ν οἰκονομικω̂ν another reading οὕτω καὶ τῳ̑ οἰκονομικῳ̑ has been proposed on the authority of the old translation (Moerbek) ‘sic et yconomico.’ But τω̂ν οἰκονομικω̂ν is more idiomatic and has the support of the greater number of MSS. Sc. οἰκεɩ̂α ὄργανα δεɩ̂ ὑπάρχειν.

καὶ ὥσπερ ὄργανον πρὸ ὀργάνων.Jowett1885v1: 4. 2.

Not ‘instead of’ but ‘taking precedence of’:—the slave is in idea prior to the tool which he uses. He is an instrument, but he is also a link between his master and the inferior instruments which he uses and sets in motion.

For the use of πρὸ cp. the proverb quoted in c. 7. § 3 δον̂λος πρὸ δούλου, δεσπότης πρὸ δεσπότου. So the hand is spoken of as ὄργανον πρὸ ὀργάνων (De Part. Anim. iv. 10, 687 a. 21).

εἰ γὰρ ἠδύνατο κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 4. 3.

The connexion is as follows:—‘There are not only lifeless but living instruments; for the lifeless instrument cannot execute its purpose without the living.’

Edition: current; Page: [14]

τὰ μὲν ον̓̂ν λεγόμενα ὄργανα ποιητικὰ ὄργανά ἐστι, τὸ δὲ κτη̂μα πρακτικόν·Jowett1885v1: 4. 4. ἀπὸ μὲν γὰρ τη̂ς κερκίδος ἕτερόν τι γίνεται παρὰ τὴν χρη̂σιν αὐτη̂ς, ἀπὸ δὲ τη̂ς ἐσθη̂τος καὶ τη̂ς κλίνης ἡ χρη̂σις μόνον.

It was said that a possession is an instrument for maintaining life, and there seems to be no reason why both κτήματα and ὄργανα should not be regarded as different aspects of wealth (cp. infra c. 8. § 15, ὁ δὲ πλον̂τος ὀργάνων πλη̂θός ἐστιν οἰκονομικω̂ν καὶ πολιτικω̂ν, and Plato Politicus 287 D, who feels the difficulty of specialising the notion of an ὄργανον: ‘there is plausibility in saying that everything in the world is the instrument of doing something’). But here the term instrument, used in a narrower sense, is opposed to a possession, and regarded as a mere instrument of production. A parallel distinction is drawn between production and action, and the slave is described as the instrument of action. But he is also spoken of as the ‘instrument preceding instruments’ (§ 2), words which rather indicate the minister of production. Aristotle passes from one point of view to another without marking the transition.

He wants to discriminate the household slave from the artisan; but in the attempt to make this distinction becomes confused. The conception of the slave on which he chiefly insists is that he is relative to a master and receives from him a rule of life: c. 13. §§ 12-14. He therefore differs from the artisan.

τὰ λεγόμενα, e.g. instruments such as the shuttle, etc.

ὁ δὲ βίος πρα̂ξις, οὐ ποίησίς ἐστιν· διὸ καὶ ὁ δον̂λος ὑπηρέτης τω̂ν πρὸςJowett1885v1: 4. 5. τὴν πρα̂ξιν.

‘Life is action, and therefore the slave, i.e. the household slave, is the minister of action, because he ministers to his master’s life.’

τὸ γὰρ μόριον οὐ μόνον ἄλλου ἐστὶ μόριον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὅλως ἄλλου.Jowett1885v1: 4. 5.

Cp. Nic. Eth. v. 6. § 8, τὸ δὲ κτη̂μα καὶ τὸ τέκνον, ἕως ἂν ᾐ̑ πηλίκον καὶ μὴ χωρισθῃ̑, ὥσπερ μέρος αὐτον̂.

ὅλως ἐκείνου.Jowett1885v1: 4. 5.

The master although relative to the slave has an existence of his own, but the slave’s individuality is lost in his master.

τῳ̑ λόγῳ θεωρη̂σαι καὶ ἐκ τω̂ν γινομένων καταμαθεɩ̂ν.Jowett1885v1: 5. 1.

Here as elsewhere Aristotle distinguishes between reasoning and Edition: current; Page: [15]facts, the analogy of nature supplying the theory, the observation of the differences which exist among mankind, the fact. Cp. infra vii. 1. § 6, and Nic. Eth. i. 8. § 1; ix. 8. § 2; x. 1. § 4, and Plato (Polit. 278 D), who speaks of the ‘long and difficult language of facts.’ The verbal antithesis of λόγος and ἔργον, which in Thucydides is often merely rhetorical, enters deeply into the philosophy of Aristotle. There is however no real opposition between them any more than between the a priori and a posteriori reasoning of modern philosophers, which are only different modes of proving or of conceiving the same fact.

εὐθὺς ἐκ γενετη̂ς.Jowett1885v1: 5. 2.

‘From their very birth,’ or, with a logical turn, ‘to go no further than the state of birth;’ cp. c. 13. § 6, καὶ τον̂το εὐθὺς ὑϕήγηται περὶ τὴν ψυχήν and infra § 4, τὸ δὲ ζῳ̑ον πρω̂τον κ.τ.λ.

ὅπου δὲ τὸ μὲν ἄρχει, τὸ δὲ ἄρχεται, ἔστι τι τούτων ἔργον.Jowett1885v1: 5. 3.

‘As ruler and subject, they may be said to have a work or function—the one to command, the other to obey, apart from any other work or function.’

εἴτ’ ἐκ συνεχω̂ν εἴτ’ ἐκ διῃρημένων.Jowett1885v1: 5. 3.

For the division of quantity into continuous and discrete, cp. Categ. 6. 1, p. 4 b. 20, and Nic. Eth. ii. 6. § 4. The human frame would be an instance of the first, musical harmony or a chorus or an army of the second. The πόλις may be said to partake of the nature of both in being one body and having many offices or members.

καὶ τον̂το ἐκ τη̂ς ἁπάσης ϕύσεως ἐνυπάρχει τοɩ̂ς ἐμψύχοις· καὶ γὰρ ἐνJowett1885v1: 5. 4. τοɩ̂ς μὴ μετέχουσι ζωη̂ς ἐστί τις ἀρχή, οἱ̑ον ἁρμονίας.

1) The connexion is as follows: ‘This principle of a superior is found in living beings, but not confined to them. *It is derived from the universal nature, for it pervades all things, inanimate as well as animate’ (so Bernays). It is remarkable that Aristotle recognises a common principle pervading alike organic and inorganic nature.

2) Or ἐκ is partitive; see Bonitz, Index Arist. 225 b. 11 ff. ‘Out of all the kingdom of nature this is found [especially] in living beings’ (Stahr, Susemihl). But according to this interpretation, Edition: current; Page: [16]the addition of μάλιστα after ἐνυπάρχει, suggested by Susemihl, appears to be indispensable to the meaning.

οἱ̑ον ἁρμονίας.

Either 1)* ‘as in musical harmony there is a ruling principle determining the character of the harmony,’ or 2) ‘as harmony is a ruling principle governing the combinations of sounds.’ The first accords best with the common meaning of the word ἁρμονία and with the use of the genitive.

ἐξωτερικωτέρας.Jowett1885v1: 5. 4.

‘Somewhat foreign to the present subject,’ not in the sense of ἐξωτερικοὶ λόγοι.

τὸ δὲ ζῳ̑ον πρω̂τον συνέστηκεν ἐκ ψυχη̂ς καὶ σώματος, ὡ̑ν τὸ μὲν ἄρχονJowett1885v1: 5. 4. ἐστὶ ϕύσει τὸ δ’ ἀρχόμενον.

i. e. ‘the living creature, as soon as we begin to analyse it, is found to consist of soul and body.’

The opposition expressed by δὲ in τὸ δὲ ζῳ̑ον is as follows: ‘not to speak of the whole of nature, but of the living creature only.’

For πρω̂τον (which is to be taken with συνέστηκε) meaning either ‘to go no further,’ or ‘as the first result of analysis,’ cp. πρω̂τον ἐν ζῴῳ θεωρη̂σαι infra § 6, and the similar use of εὐθὺς supra § 2.

δεɩ̂ δὲ σκοπεɩ̂ν ἐν τοɩ̂ς κατὰ ϕύσιν ἔχουσι μα̂λλον τὸ ϕύσει καὶ μὴ ἐν τοɩ̂ςJowett1885v1: 5. 5. διεϕθαρμένοις.

Cp. Nic. Eth. ix. 9. § 8 and Cicero Tusc. Disput. i. 14 ‘num dubitas quin specimen naturae capi deceat ex optima quaque natura?’

ἔστι δ’ ον̓̂ν ὥσπερ λέγομεν.Jowett1885v1: 5. 6.

A resumption of the words τὸ δὲ ζῳ̑ον πρω̂τον above.

ἡ μὲν γὰρ ψυχή κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 5. 6.

Psychology, like logic, is constantly made by Aristotle and Plato the basis or form of politics. The individual is the image of the state in the complexity of his life and organisation, and the relations of the parts of the state are expressed and even suggested by the divisions of the soul, and the relations of mind and body.

τυγχάνει γὰρ σωτηρίας οὕτως.Jowett1885v1: 5. 7.

Cp. supra c. 2. § 2 ἄρχον δὲ ϕύσει καὶ ἀρχόμενον διὰ τὴν σωτηρίαν. Edition: current; Page: [17]εἴπερ καὶ τοɩ̂ς εἰρημένοις.Jowett1885v1: 5. 8.

I.e. for the animals, for the body, for the female sex, for τὸ παθητικὸν μόριον τη̂ς ψυχη̂ς, to which he has just referred as inferiors.

διὸ καὶ ἄλλου ἐστίν.Jowett1885v1: 5. 9.

‘Because he is by nature capable of belonging to another, he does belong to another.’

τὰ γὰρ ἄλλα ζῳ̑α οὐ λόγου αἰσθανόμενα, ἀλλὰ παθήμασιν ὑπηρετεɩ̂· καὶ ἡJowett1885v1: 5. 9. χρεία δὲ παραλλάττει μικρόν.

‘The difference between the slave and the animal is that the slave can apprehend reason but the animal cannot; the use of them is much the same.’

Aristotle is chiefly dwelling on the resemblance between the slave and the animal: but in nothing the difference, he has not duly subordinated it to the general tone of the passage. Hence an awkwardness in the connection.

βούλεται μὲν ον̓̂ν ἡ ϕύσις καὶ τὰ σώματα διαϕέροντα ποιεɩ̂ν τὰ τω̂νJowett1885v1: 5. 10. ἐλευθέρων καὶ τω̂ν δούλων, τὰ μὲν ἰσχυρὰ πρὸς τὴν ἀναγκαίαν χρη̂σιν, τὰ δ’ ὀρθὰ καὶ ἄχρηστα πρὸς τὰς τοιαύτας ἐργασίας, ἀλλὰ χρήσιμα πρὸς πολιτικὸν βίον (οὑ̑τος δὲ καὶ γίνεται διῃρημένος εἴς τε τὴν πολεμικὴν χρείαν καὶ τὴν εἰρηνικήν), συμβαίνει δὲ πολλάκις καὶ τοὐναντίον, τοὺς μὲν τὰ σώματ’ ἔχειν ἐλευθέρων τοὺς δὲ τὰς ψυχάς.

‘Nature would in fact like, if she could, to make a difference between the bodies of freemen and slaves . . . but her intention is not always fulfilled; for some men have the bodies and some the souls of freemen:’ that is to say, they are deficient in the other half. The bodies of freemen and the souls of freemen are found indifferently among freemen and slaves: or, referring τοὺς μὲν to the freemen and τοὺς δὲ to the slaves: ‘the one (the freemen) may have the bodies only of freemen, i. e. the souls of slaves, the others (the slaves) may have the souls of freemen.’

ἐλευθέρων must be taken both with σώματα and ψυχάς.

βούλεται expresses, first of all, ‘intention’ or ‘design;’ secondly, ‘tendency.’ The personal language easily passes into the impersonal. Cp. for the use of βούλομαι Nic. Eth. v. 8. § 14, βούλεται μένειν μα̂λλον, sc. τὸ νόμισμα, and infra c. 12. § 2. For the general Edition: current; Page: [18]thought, cp. Theognis (line 535 Bergk), οὔποτε δουλείη κεϕαλὴ ἰθεɩ̂α πέϕυκεν ¦ ἀλλ’ αἰεὶ σκολιή, καὐχένα λοξὸν ἔχει.

ἀλλ’ οὐχ ὁμοίως ῥᾴδιον ἰδεɩ̂ν τό τε τη̂ς ψυχη̂ς κάλλος καὶ τὸ τον̂Jowett1885v1: 5. 11. σώματος.

The connection is,—‘There is as great difference between souls as between bodies or even greater, but not in the same degree perceptible.’ For the ‘sight of the invisible’ cp. Plat. Phaedr. 250 D, ‘For sight is the keenest of our bodily senses, though not by that is wisdom seen,’ and the words preceding.

ὅτι μὲν τοίνυν εἰσὶ ϕύσει τινὲς οἱ μὲν ἐλεύθεποι, οἱ δὲ δον̂λοι, ϕανερόν·Jowett1885v1: 5. 11.

οἱ μὲν and οἱ δὲ are not subdivisions of τινές, which is itself partitive, but there appears to be a pleonastic confusion of two constructions; 1) τινὲς μὲν ἐλεύθεροι τινὲς δὲ δον̂λοι: and 2) οἱ μὲν ἐλεύθεροι οἱ δὲ δούλοι. In other words the construction beginning with τινὲς has varied into οἱ μὲν—οἱ δέ.

ὥσπερ ῥήτορα γράϕονται παρανόμων.Jowett1885v1: 6. 2.

‘But a convention by which captives taken in war are made slaves, is a violation of nature, and may be accused of illegality like the author of an unconstitutional measure.’ The more common view is expressed in Xen. Cyr. vii. 5. § 73, νόμος γὰρ ἐν πα̂σιν ἀνθρώποις ἀΐδιός ἐστιν, ὅταν πολεμούντων πόλις ἁλῳ̑, τω̂ν ἑλόντων εἰ̂ναι καὶ τὰ σώματα τω̂ν ἐν τῃ̑ πόλει καὶ τὰ χρήματα.

αἴτιον δὲ ταύτης τη̂ς ἀμϕισβητήσεως, καὶ ὃ ποιεɩ̂ τοὺς λόγους ἐπαλλάττειν,Jowett1885v1: 6. 3, 4. ὅτι τρόπον τινὰ ἀρετὴ τυγχάνουσα χορηγίας καὶ βιάζεσθαι δύναται μάλιστα, καὶ ἔστιν ἀεὶ τὸ κρατον̂ν ἐν ὑπεροχῃ̑ ἀγαθον̂ τινός, ὥστε δοκεɩ̂ν μὴ ἄνευ ἀρετη̂ς εἰ̂ναι τὴν βίαν, ἀλλὰ περὶ τον̂ δικαίου μόνον εἰ̂ναι τὴν ἀμϕισβήτησιν. Διὰ γὰρ τον̂το τοɩ̂ς μὲν εὔνοια δοκεɩ̂ τὸ δίκαιον εἰ̂ναι, τοɩ̂ς δ’ αὐτὸ τον̂το δίκαιον, τὸ τὸν κρείττονα ἄρχειν, ἐπεὶ διαστάντων γε χωρὶς τούτων τω̂ν λόγων οὔτ’ ἰσχυρὸν οὐθὲν ἔχουσιν οὔτε πιθανὸν ἅτεροι λόγοι, ὡς οὐ δεɩ̂ τὸ βέλτιον κατ’ ἀρετὴν ἄρχειν καὶ δεσπόζειν.

ὃ ποιεɩ̂ τοὺς λόγους, κ.τ.λ. Not ‘makes the reasons ambiguous’ (Liddell and Scott), but ‘makes the arguments pass from one side to the other,’ or, ‘makes them overlap’ or ‘invade each other’s territory,’ as in the Homeric phrase, ὁμοιίου πολέμοιο ¦ πεɩ̂ραρ ἐπαλλάξαντες Edition: current; Page: [19](Il. xiii. 358, 9), and in iv. 10. § 2,—τυραννίδος δ’ εἴδη δύο μὲν διείλομεν ἐν οἱ̑ς περὶ βασιλείας ἐπεσκοπον̂μεν, διὰ τὸ τὴν δύναμιν ἐπαλλάττειν πως αὐτω̂ν καὶ πρὸς τὴν βασιλείαν. vi. 1. § 3,—ταν̂τα γὰρ συνδυαζόμενα ποιεɩ̂ τὰς πολιτείας ἐπαλλάττειν, ὥστε ἀριστοκρατίας τε ὀλιγαρχικὰς εἰ̂ναι καὶ πολιτείας δημοκρατικωτέρας. See also infra c. 9. § 15. Virtue and power are opposed: but from one point of view the arguments cross over or pass into one another, because there is an element of virtue in power and of power in virtue. Cp. Plat. Rep. i. 352 ff.

Διὰ γὰρ τον̂το, κ.τ.λ. The translation given in the text nearly agrees with that of Bernays: the phrase τούτων τω̂ν λόγων in § 4 refers, not to the τοὺς λόγους of § 3, but to the two positions which immediately precede; the first, that justice is benevolence; the second, that justice is the rule of a superior. These two positions, according to Aristotle, have a common ground, which explains why such a difference of opinion can exist (§ 3). This common ground is the connexion between ἀρετὴ and βία; the point in dispute being whether the principle of justice is benevolence or power (§§ 3, 4). If these two propositions are simply kept apart and not allowed to combine, there will follow the silly and unmeaning result that the superior in virtue is not entitled to rule: ‘but there is no force or plausibility in this’ [and therefore they cannot be kept apart, but must be combined]. Aristotle is arguing from his own strong conviction, which is repeated again and again in the Politics, that the superior in virtue has a right to rule. He continues: ‘There are others who maintain that what is legal is just; but they contradict themselves, for what is allowed by law may be in a higher sense illegal. Captives taken in war are by law usually enslaved, yet the war may be unjust, and the persons may be ‘nature’s freemen,’ and unworthy to be made slaves. But all these views are untenable; and so Aristotle shews negatively that his own view (expressed in c. 6. §§ 1 and 3) is right, namely, that there is a slavery which is natural and just, because based on the superior virtue of the master, and therefore combining power and right; and that there is a slavery which is unnatural and unjust, because based on mere violence; also that the argument from the right of the conqueror is invalid.

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The chief difficulties in this complicated passage are the following:—

(1) The opposition of justice to virtue, which is, perhaps, only to virtue in the lower sense of the word.

(2) What is the meaning of διὰ γὰρ τον̂το (§ 4)? See Eng. text.

(3) Is εὔνοια a) a principle excluding slavery (Bernays), or b) justifying slavery, as existing for the protection of the inferior races (cp. 5. § 11, οἱ̑ς καὶ συμϕέρει τὸ δουλεύειν, 6. § 10 and iii. 6. § 6)? The thesis that ‘justice is benevolence’ is held by Aristotle to be not inconsistent with slavery, that is, with the just rule of a superior.

(4) Do the words διαστάντων χωρὶς = a)* ‘being kept apart and not combined, placed in bare opposition,’ or b) ‘being set aside?’ Both uses of διίστασθαι are justified by examples; in support of the former we may quote Ar. de Caelo, ii. 13, 295 a. 30, ὅτε τὰ στοιχεɩ̂α (sc. of Empedocles) διειστήκει χωρὶς ὑπὸ τον̂ νείκους, and supra c. 5. §§ 2, 8; and this meaning agrees better with the context.

(5) Do the words ἅτεροι λόγοι refer a) to one of the two preceding propositions, or b) to a further alternative? It is doubtful whether they are Greek, if taken in the sense of ‘the latter,’ or ‘one of these two propositions.’ It is better to translate ‘the other view,’ which is explained by what follows, ὡς οὐ δεɩ̂ κ.τ.λ., being the view which denies the natural right of the superior in virtue to rule, and which here as elsewhere, iii. 13. 25, is regarded by Aristotle as absurd. (See discussion of this passage in the Transactions of the Cambridge Philological Society, Vol. II.)

No philosopher is known to have asserted that δικαιοσύνη is εὔνοια. Aristotle in Nic. Eth. viii. 1. § 4, 9. §§ 1-3 notes some resemblances between δικαιοσύνη and ϕιλία: and we may cite as parallel the Christian maxim, ‘Love is the fulfilling of the law.’

ὅλως δ’ ἀντεχόμενοί τινες, ὡς οἴονται, δικαίου τινός·Jowett1885v1: 6. 5.

‘There are some again who identify law and justice.’ Ὅλως may be taken either 1) with τιθέασι, ‘they maintain in general terms,’ i.e. holding to some general notion of justice; or 2)* with ἀντεχόμενοι, ‘holding absolutely to a kind of justice.’

ἅμα δ’ οὔ ϕασιν·Jowett1885v1: 6. 5.

‘But in the same breath they say the opposite,’ i.e. they are Edition: current; Page: [21]compelled by facts, if they think for a moment, to contradict themselves. The language is slightly inaccurate; for it is not they who contradict themselves, but the facts which refute them.

τήν τε γὰρ ἀρχὴν ἐνδέχεται μὴ δικαίαν εἰ̂ναι τω̂ν πολέμων, καὶ τὸνJowett1885v1: 6. 5. ἀνάξιον δουλεύειν οὐδαμω̂ς ἂν ϕαίη τις δον̂λον εἰ̂ναι.

Either one or two distinct grounds are alleged: 1)* the cause of war may be unjust, and then the slave ought not to be a slave; or 2) the cause of war may be unjust, and also the slave, being a Greek, ought not to be a slave.

διόπερ αὐτοὺς οὐ βούλονται λέγειν δούλους, ἀλλὰ τοὺς βαρβάρους.Jowett1885v1: 6. 6.

Cp. Xen. Hell. i. 6. § 14, κελευὄντων τω̂ν ξυμμάχων ἀποδόσθαι καὶ τοὺς Μηθυμναίους οὐκ ἔϕη [ὁ Καλλικρατίδας] ἑαυτον̂ γε ἄρχοντος οὐδένα Ἑλλήνων εἰς τὸ ἐκείνου δυνατὸν ἀνδραποδισθη̂ναι, and Plat. Rep. v. 469 B, C, where Plato indignantly prohibits Hellenes from becoming the owners of other Hellenes taken in war.

ὥσπερ ἡ Θεοδέκτου Ἑλένη ϕησί.Jowett1885v1: 6. 7.

Theodectes was a younger contemporary, and, according to Suidas, scholar of Aristotle. During the earlier portion of his life he had studied rhetoric under Isocrates, and is said by Dionysius to have been one of the most famous of rhetoricians. His works are often quoted by Aristotle, e.g. Rhet. ii. 23, 1399 a. 7, παράδειγμα ἐκ τον̂ Σωκράτους τον̂ Θεοδέκτου, Εἰς ποɩ̂ον ἱερὸν ἠσέβηκεν; τίνας θεω̂ν οὐ τετίμηκεν, ὡ̑ν ἡ πόλις νομίζει; Nic. Eth. vii. 7. § 6, οὐ γὰρ εἴ τις ἰσχυρω̂ν καὶ ὑπερβαλλουσω̂ν ἡδονω̂ν ἡττα̂ται ἢ λυπω̂ν, θαυμαστόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ συγγνωμονικόν, εἰ ἀντιτείνων, ὥσπερ ὁ Θεοδέκτου Φιλοκτήτης ὑπὸ τον̂ ἔχεως πεπληγμἔνος, and in several other passages. See Bonitz.

ὅταν δὲ τον̂το λέγωσιν, οὐθενὶ ἀλλ’ ἢ ἀρετ[Editor: illegible character] καὶ κακίᾳ διορίζουσι τὸJowett1885v1: 6. 8. δον̂λον καὶ ἐλεύθερον.

‘When they speak of Hellenes as everywhere free and noble, they lay down the principle that slave and free are distinguished by the criterion of bad and good.’

ἡ δὲ ϕύσις βούλεται μὲν τον̂το ποιεɩ̂ν πολλάκις οὐ μέντοι δύναται.Jowett1885v1: 6. 8.

Not ‘nature sometimes intends this and sometimes not,’ for Edition: current; Page: [22]she always intends it; nor ‘nature always intends this, but often cannot accomplish it,’ which does violence to the order of the words πολλάκις οὐ μέντοι: but ‘this nature often intends, when unable to accomplish it,’ πολλάκις adhering to both clauses.

ὅτι μὲν ον̓̂ν ἔχει τινὰ λόγον ἡ ἀμϕισβήτησις.Jowett1885v1: 6. 9.

ἡ ἀμϕισβήτησις, sc. the objection to slavery with which chapter 6 commenced, ὅτι δὲ καὶ οἱ τἀναντία ϕάσκοντες.

καὶ οὐκ εἰσὶν οἱ μὲν ϕύσει δον̂λοι οἱ δ’ ἐλεύθεροι.Jowett1885v1: 6. 9.

‘And that men are not by nature, the one class [all] slaves and the other [all] freemen, is evident,’ repeating ὅτι. Aristotle had maintained at the end of chapter 5, ὅτι μὲν τοίνυν εἰσὶ ϕύσει τινὲς οἱ μὲν ἐλεύθεροι, οἱ δὲ δον̂λοι, ϕανερόν: here he affirms the opposite of his former statement; but he does not explain in what way the two statements are to be reconciled with one another. ‘Nature has divided mankind into slaves and freemen, but she has not consistently carried out the division; and there are slaves and freemen who were not the creation of nature.’

The words εἰσὶ καὶ are inserted before οὐκ εἰσὶν by Bekker, (ed. 2); ‘if there are some who are by nature slaves and some who are by nature freemen, there are some who are not.’ The change has no authority, and is not required by the sense.

ἔν τισι διώρισται τὸ τοιον̂τον, ὡ̑ν συμϕέρει τῳ̑ μὲν τὸ δουλεύειν τῳ̑ δὲ τὸJowett1885v1: 6. 9. δεσπόζειν.

‘Such a distinction has been made in some cases, and in these it is expedient that one should serve another rule’; ὡ̑ν is substituted for οἱ̑ς, that it may be in regimen with τῳ̑ μέν.

ὥστε καὶ δεσπόζειν.Jowett1885v1: 6. 9.

‘And consequently the master over his slaves,’ i.e. if they and he are fitted, the one to serve, the other to command.

διὸ καὶ συμϕέρον ἐστί τι καὶ ϕιλία δούλῳ καὶ δεσπότῃ πρὸς ἀλλήλους.Jowett1885v1: 6. 10.

Cp. Nic. Eth. viii. 11. § 7, ᾐ̑ μὲν ον̓̂ν δον̂λος οὐκ ἐστὶ ϕιλία πρὸς αὐτόν, ᾐ̑ δὲ ἄνθρωπος. The qualification contained in the last three words shows the contradiction of Aristotle’s position.

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ϕανερὸν δὲ καὶ ἐκ τούτων.Jowett1885v1: 7. 1.

Aristotle returns to the thesis with which he commenced; ‘From these considerations, too, i.e. from the natural and permanent difference of freemen and slaves, our old doctrine (i. 1. § 2) that the rule of a master differs from that of a king or statesman, the art of governing a family from the art of governing freemen,’ is clearly proven.

ἔστι γὰρ ἕτερα ἑτέρων κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 7. 3.

‘Slaves have various duties, higher and lower, and therefore the science which treats of them will have many branches; and there is a corresponding science of using slaves, which is the science of the master; yet neither is implied in the terms master or slave; who are so called not because they have science, but because they are of a certain character.’ Yet the two propositions are not inconsistent: Plato would have said that the master must have science, and not have denied that he must be of a certain character.

δον̂λος πρὸ δούλου, δεσπότης πρὸ δεσπότου.Jowett1885v1: 7. 3.

Aristotle clearly uses the word πρὸ in the sense of precedence as supra c. 4. § 2, ὄργανον πρὸ ὀργάνων. Such a hierarchy among servants as well as masters is not unknown in modern society.

But compare iv. 6. § 6, where he says that the rich having toJowett1885v1: 7. 5. take care of their property have no leisure for politics.

ἡ δὲ κτητικὴ ἑτέρα ἀμϕοτέρων τούτων, οἱ̑ον ἡ δικαία, πολεμική τις ον̓̂σα ἢJowett1885v1: 7. 5. θηρευτική.

The passage is obscurely expressed. The writer means to say that the art of acquiring slaves is not to be identified either with the art of the slave or of the master: it is a kind of war (vii. 14. § 21) or hunting. The words οἱ̑ον ἡ δικαία imply that Aristotle is not disposed to justify every mode of acquiring slaves from inferior races: (compare below c. 8. § 12, ἡ γὰρ θηρευτικὴ μέρος αὐτη̂ς [sc. τη̂ς κτητικη̂ς], ᾐ̑ δεɩ̂ χρη̂σθαι πρός τε τὰ θηρία καὶ τω̂ν ἀνθρώπων ὅσοι πεϕυκότες ἄρχεσθαι μὴ θέλουσιν, ὡς ϕύσει δίκαιον τον̂τον ὄντα τὸν πόλεμον). The awkward manner of their introduction leads to the suspicion that they are a gloss, suggested by the passage just cited. The sense of οἱ̑ον is explanatory and so corrective; not, as Bernays, Edition: current; Page: [24]‘for example, the art of justly acquiring slaves approximates to the art of war or hunting;’ for this would apply equally to every mode of acquiring slaves, and the meaning given to τις is feeble; but ‘I mean to say,’ or ‘I am speaking of the just mode of acquiring slaves which is a kind of war or of hunting.’ (See Bonitz, Index Arist., s.v. οἱ̑ον.)

ὅλως δὲ περὶ πάσης κτήσεως καὶ χρηματιστικη̂ς θεωρήσωμεν κατὰ τὸνJowett1885v1: 8. 1. ὑϕηγημένον τρόπον, ἐπείπερ καὶ ὁ δον̂λος τη̂ς κτήσεως μέρος τι ἠ̑ν.

‘We have been speaking (ἠ̑ν) of the possession of slaves which is a part of property, and according to our usual method of resolving the whole into its parts, we will now proceed to consider generally the other parts of property.’ For ὑϕηγημένον cp. note on c. 1. § 3.

πότερον ἡ χρηματιστικὴ ἡ αὐτὴ τῃ̑ οἰκονομικῃ̑ ἐστίν κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 8. 1.

Aristotle proceeds to show that the art of money-making is not the same with the management of the family; it is only subordinate to it. But subordinate in what way? Bearing in mind his own distinction of instrumental and material, he argues that it provides material to the household, but is not the same with household management.

ὥστε πρω̂τον κ.τ.λ. = ‘the question arises’ or ‘we are led to askJowett1885v1: 8. 3. first of all, whether tillage is a part of the management of a household; or rather whether we must not include all the various ways of providing food,’ which are then described at length.

The digression which follows is intended to contrast χρηματιστικὴ in all its branches with οἰκονομική, and to prepare for the distinction between the natural and unnatural modes of acquisition.

The sentence is irregular, the clause ὥστε πρω̂τον κ.τ.λ. following as if ἔστι τον̂ χρηματιστικον̂ θεωρη̂σαι without εἰ had preceded. The words ἔστι τον̂ χρηματιστικον̂ κ.τ.λ. are to be repeated with πότερον μέρος τι.

ἀλλὰ μὴν εἴδη γε πολλὰ τροϕη̂ς.Jowett1885v1: 8. 4.

‘The question has been asked, Is the whole provision of food a part of money-making?—But then we should remember that there are several kinds of food.’

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πρὸς τὰς ῥαστώνας καὶ τὴν αἵρεσιν τὴν τούτων.Jowett1885v1: 8. 5.

τὰς ῥαστώνας κ.τ.λ. ‘For their convenience and the obtaining’; the words may also be regarded as a hendiadys, ‘for the opportunity of obtaining.’

τούτων. Sc. καρπον̂, ζῴων, understood from ζῳοϕάγα, καρποϕάγα.

According to the common notion the life of the hunter precedesJowett1885v1: 8. 6. that of the shepherd; Aristotle places the shepherd first, apparently because the least exertion is required of him. The remark arises out of the previous sentence, in which he divided the lives of men according to the facility with which they obtained food. Cp. Mill, Polit. Econ., Preliminary Remarks.

θάλατταν τοιαύτην.Jowett1885v1: 8. 7.

Sc. συμϕέρουσαν πρὸς ἁλιείαν. Cp. note on c. 1. § 2.

αὐτόϕυτον.Jowett1885v1: 8. 8.

Either 1)* ‘immediately obtained from the products of nature’ = ἐξ αὐτη̂ς τη̂ς ϕύσεως, or 2) = αὐτουργόν, ‘by their own labour.’

τὸν ἐνδεέστατον βίον.Jowett1885v1: 8. 8.

Bernays reads ἐνδεέστερον without MS. authority, but there is no need to make any change. The meaning is that they supplement the extreme poverty (ἐνδεέστατον) of one kind of life by another: the two together give them a comfortable subsistence.

σκωληκοτοκεɩ̂.Jowett1885v1: 8. 10.

Cp. De Gen. Anim. ii. 1, 732 b. 10, τω̂ν δ’ ἀναίμων τὰ ἔντομα σκωληκοτοκεɩ̂. The term ‘vermiparous’ is not strictly correct: for all animals are either viviparous or oviparous. But Aristotle appears not to have been aware that the larva of the insect comes from an egg.

τὴν τον̂ καλουμένου γάλακτος ϕύσιν.Jowett1885v1: 8. 10.

A pleonasm common in Aristotle: cp. ἡ τη̂ς ἀτμίδος, τον̂ σπέρματος, τω̂ν καταμηνίων, ϕύσις, Hist. Animal. passim. (See Bonitz, Index Arist., p. 838 a. 8 ff.)

ὥστε ὁμοίως δη̂λον ὅτι καὶ γενομένοις οἰητέον τά τε ϕυτὰ τω̂ν ζῴων ἕνεκενJowett1885v1: 8. 11. εἰ̂ναι καὶ τἀ̑λλα ζῳ̑α τω̂ν ἀνθρώπων χάριν, τὰ μὲν ἥμερα καὶ διὰ τὴν χρη̂σιν καὶ Edition: current; Page: [26]διὰ τὴν τροϕήν, τω̂ν δ’ ἀγρίων, εἰ μὴ πάντα, ἀλλὰ τά γε πλεɩ̂στα τη̂ς τροϕη̂ς καὶ ἄλλης βοηθείας ἕνεκεν, ἵνα καὶ ἐσθὴς καὶ ἄλλα ὄργανα γίνηται ἐξ αὐτω̂ν.

Aristotle is tracing the design of nature in the creation of animals and plants, first at their birth, secondly at their maturity. She has provided food taken from the parents in various forms for the young of animals at or about the time of their birth, and, after they are born, she has provided one to sustain the other, plants for the sake of animals, animals for the sake of man. The principle that the lower exist for the sake of the higher is deeply rooted in the philosophy of Aristotle. The belief that the animals are intended for his use is natural to man because he actually uses a small part of them. Yet Plato would remind us (Politicus 263 D) that ‘a crane or some other intelligent animal’ would have a different account to give of the matter.

Compare Butler, Analogy, Pt. I., ch. vii.: ‘It is highly probable, that the natural world is formed and carried on merely in subserviency to the moral, as the vegetable world is for the animal, and organized bodies for minds.’ Yet how far the idea of design is applicable to nature, how far we can argue from a fact to an intention, and how far such a conception, whether in ancient or modern times, has enlightened or has blinded the minds of philosophical enquirers,—are questions not easily determined.

The opposition is between the young of animals before and after birth, answering imperfectly to κατὰ τὴν πρώτην γένεσιν, and εὐθὺς καὶ τελειωθεɩ̂σι: the first is illustrated in § 10, the second in § 11. There is no necessity for omitting (with Göttling and Bernays) γενομένοις, which is found with a slight variation, γενωμένοις, in all MSS. and confirmed by Moerbeke who has ‘genitis.’ For the use of γενομένοις = ‘after they are born’ cp. Nic. Eth. viii. 12. § 5, τον̂ γὰρ εἰ̂ναι καὶ τραϕη̂ναι αἴτιοι (sc. οἱ γονεɩ̂ς) καὶ γενομένοις τον̂ παιδευθη̂ναι.

ἡ γὰρ θηρευτικὴ μέρος αὐτη̂ς (sc. τη̂ς πολεμικη̂ς).Jowett1885v1: 8. 12.

Cp. Plat. Soph. 222 C, where hunting is the genus of which war is a species: and Laveleye (Primitive Property, c. 7, p. 100, English trans.), who speaks of the warlike character of hunting tribes, citing this passage.

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ἓν μὲν ον̓̂ν εἰ̂δος κτητικη̂ς κατὰ ϕύσιν τη̂ς οἰκονομικη̂ς μέρος ἐστίν.Jowett1885v1: 8. 13.

In this sentence two clauses are compressed into one:—‘one kind of acquisition is according to nature, and this is a part of household management.’

κατὰ ϕύσιν is equivalent to ἣ κατὰ ϕύσιν ἐστί, and is best taken, not with οἰκονομικη̂ς (Bernays) but with κτητικη̂ς, as is shown by the use of the words infra § 15: ὅτι μὲν τοίνυν ἔστι τις κτητικὴ κατὰ ϕύσιν τοɩ̂ς οἰκονόμοις καὶ τοɩ̂ς πολιτικοɩ̂ς, καὶ δι’ ἣν αἰτίαν, δη̂λον.

ὃ δεɩ̂ ἤτοι ὑπάρχειν ἢ πορίζειν αὐτὴν ὅπως ὑπάρχῃ, ὡ̑ν ἐστὶ θησαυρισμὸςJowett1885v1: 8. 13. χρημάτων πρὸς ζωὴν ἀναγκαίων καὶ χρησίμων εἰς κοινωνίαν πόλεως ἢ οἰκίας.

ὃ δεɩ̂ is a confused expression referring grammatically to εἰ̂δος κτητικη̂ς or τη̂ς οἰκονομικη̂ς μέρος, but in sense to the property with which this art of acquisition is concerned. It it needless to read with Bernays καθ’ ὃ δεɩ̂, for the inexact antecedent is common in Aristotle.

αὐτὴν refers to κτητικὴ or possibly to ϕύσις: the nominative to ὑπάρχῃ is either the same as to ὑπάρχειν, i. e. ὃ = κτήματα understood from εἰ̂δος κτητικη̂ς, or θησαυρισμὸς χρημάτων ἅ ἐστι πρὸς ζωὴν ἀναγκαɩ̂α, the genitive ὡ̑ν being substituted by attraction for the nominative = ὅπως ὑπάρχῃ χρήματα ὡ̑ν ἐστὶ θησαυρισμός. It must be admitted that the words ὡ̑ν ἐστὶ would be better away: they read awkwardly, and, if this were a sufficient reason for rejecting them, might be deemed spurious.

πλούτου δ’ οὐθὲν τέρμα πεϕασμένον ἀνδράσι κεɩ̂ται.Jowett1885v1: 8. 14.

Solon, Fr. xii. 71 Bergk. The line is also found in Theognis 227 with a slight variation, ἀνθρώποισι for ἀνδράσι κεɩ̂ται.

κεɩ̂ται γὰρ ὥσπερ καὶ ταɩ̂ς ἄλλαις τέχναις.Jowett1885v1: 8. 15.

A slight inaccuracy; either 1) πλούτῳ understood = τῃ̑ τέχνῃ τον̂ πλούτου: or 2) ταɩ̂ς ἄλλαις τέχναις may be taken to mean the subjects of the other arts: or vaguely = ‘in the other arts’: or 3) τῃ̑ κατὰ ϕύσιν κτητικῃ̑ may be supplied from the beginning of the sentence.

οὐδὲν γὰρ ὄργανον ἄπειρον οὐδεμια̂ς ἐστὶ τέχνης οὔτε πλήθει οὔτε μεγέθει,Jowett1885v1: 8. 15. ὁ δὲ πλον̂τος ὀργάνων πλη̂θός ἐστιν οἰκονομικω̂ν καὶ πολιτικω̂ν.

Life, according to Aristotle, is subject, like the arts, to a limit, and requires only a certain number of implements.

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Cp. the passage in the Republic (i. 349, 350) in which it is shewn from the analogy of the arts that the just and the wise do not aim at excess. Here as elsewhere ‘the good is of the nature of the finite,’ whereas evil is undefined. Cp. also Nic. Eth. ii. 6. § 14, τὸ γὰρ κακὸν τον̂ ἀπείρου, ὡς οἱ Πυθαγόρειοι εἴκαζον, τὸ δὲ ἀγαθὸν τον̂ πεπερασμένου: and Mill, Polit. Econ., Preliminary Remarks, ‘the definition of wealth as signifying instruments is philosophically correct but departs too widely from the custom of language.’

δι’ ἣν αἰτίαν.Jowett1885v1: 8. 15.

Sc. because provision has to be made for the uses of life.

δι’ ἣν οὐδὲν δοκεɩ̂ πέρας.Jowett1885v1: 9. 1.

‘Owing to which,’ or ‘to the nature of which,’ ‘there appears to be no limit,’ etc.

ἔστι δ’ ἡ μὲν ϕύσει ἡ δ’ οὐ ϕύσει.Jowett1885v1: 9. 1.

So Plato divides κτητικὴ into θηρευτικὴ and ἀλλακτική, Soph. 223 ff.

ἑκάστου κτήματος διττὴ ἡ χρη̂σις.Jowett1885v1: 9. 2.

Cp. Adam Smith’s ‘Value in use’ and ‘Value in exchange’; Wealth of Nations, Book i. c. 4, though the order of the two ideas is inverted. For to Aristotle the value in use or teleological value is the truer and better, to Adam Smith as a political economist the value in exchange is prior in importance.

ὅσον γὰρ ἱκανὸν αὐτοɩ̂ς.Jowett1885v1: 9. 4.

Sc. τοɩ̂ς ἀνθρώποις.

οἱ μὲν γὰρ τω̂ν αὐτω̂ν ἐκοινώνουν πάντων, οἱ δὲ κεχωρισμένοι πολλω̂νJowett1885v1: 9. 5. πάλιν καὶ ἑτέρων· ὡ̑ν κατὰ τὰς δεήσεις ἀναγκαɩ̂ον ποιεɩ̂σθαι τὰς μεταδόσεις.

Bernays inserts ἕτεροι before ἑτέρων, which he would translate ‘different persons want different things;’ and he assumes the idea of want to be implied in κεχωρισμένοι. But it is difficult to understand this explanation. A fair meaning may be elicited from the text, as it stands:— 1)* ‘In families they shared in all things alike; when they were dispersed they had many things as before, but not all the same’: or 2) καὶ ἑτέρων may be taken more simply: ‘they shared in many things as before, and had many other things as well’; i. e. the enlargement of society gave rise to new wants. The Edition: current; Page: [29]word ἐκοινώνουν = κοινὰ εἰ̂χον is not equally applicable to both clauses; in the second clause some other word like εἰ̂χον or ἐκτω̂ντο is wanted.

For κεχωρισμένοι compare ii. 2. § 3, Διοίσει δὲ τῳ̑ τοιούτῳ καὶ πόλις ἔθνους ὅταν μὴ κατὰ κώμας ὠ̂σι κεχωρισμένοι τὸ πλη̂θος, ἀλλ’ οἱ̑ον Ἀρκάδες.

οἱ μέν, sc. οἱ ἐν τῃ̑ πρώτῃ κοινωνίᾳ, ‘mankind in the first stage of society’; οἱ δέ, sc. πλείονος τη̂ς κοινωνίας οὔσης further explained by κεχωρισμένοι, ‘mankind after their dispersion.’

ὡ̑ν in the words which follow is to be connected with τὰς μεταδόσεις.

καὶ τω̂ν βαρβαρικω̂ν ἐθνω̂ν.Jowett1885v1: 9. 5.

καὶ which is found in all the MSS., though omitted in William de Moerbeke, merely emphasizes the whole clause ‘As moreover some barbarian nations still do.’ There is no need to introduce νν̂ν after καὶ without MS. authority, as Bernays has done.

εἰς ἀναπλήρωσιν τη̂ς κατὰ ϕύσιν αὐταρκείας.Jowett1885v1: 9. 6.

Lit. ‘to fill up what was wanting of the self-sufficingness intended by nature;’ or ‘to fill up what nature demanded in order to make man self-sufficing,’ = εἰς ἀναπλήρωσιν τη̂ς κατὰ ϕύσιν ἐνδείας ὥστε αὐτάρκη εἰ̂ναι.

κατὰ λόγον. ‘In a natural way’; ‘as might be expected.’Jowett1885v1: 9. 7.

ξενικωτέρας γινομένης τη̂ς βοηθείας.Jowett1885v1: 9. 7.

‘When the supply began to come more from foreign countries,’ etc.

ἐξ ἀνάγκης ἡ τον̂ νομίσματος ἐπορίσθη χρη̂σις.Jowett1885v1: 9. 7.

‘Of necessity there arose a currency.’

Cp. Plat. Rep. ii. 371 B, νόμισμα σύμβολον τη̂ς ἀλλαγη̂ς ἕνεκα. Nic. Eth. v. 5. § 11, οἱ̑ον δ’ ὑπάλλαγμα τη̂ς χρείας τὸ νόμισμα γέγονε κατὰ συνθήκην.

ὃ τω̂ν χρησίμων αὐτὸ ὂν εἰ̂χε τὴν χρείαν εὐμεταχείριστον.Jowett1885v1: 9. 8.

‘Money belongs to the class of things which are in themselves useful and convenient for the purposes of life,’ although there may be circumstances under which it is a mere sham (λη̂ρος); see § 11.

πορισθέντος ον̓̂ν ἤδη νομίσματος ἐκ τη̂ς ἀναγκαίας ἀλλαγη̂ς θάτερον εἰ̂δοςJowett1885v1: 9. 9. τη̂ς χρηματιστικη̂ς ἐγένετο, τὸ καπηλικόν, τὸ μὲν πρω̂τον ἁπλω̂ς ἴσως γινόμενον, Edition: current; Page: [30]εἰ̂τα δι’ ἐμπειρίας ἤδη τεχνικώτερον, πόθεν καὶ πω̂ς μεταβαλλόμενον πλεɩ̂στον ποιήσει κέρδος.

θάτερον εἰ̂δος, i.e. ‘other’ than what Aristotle before called ἓν εἰ̂δος κτητικη̂ς (c. 8. § 13) which he had not yet distinguished from καπηλική. He admits that the simpler forms of exchange are necessary; but he also supposes that there are two uses to which the art of money-making may be applied, the one, the storing up of the necessaries of life, which he approves, the other, retail trade which he condemns. A prejudice against money, which is further developed in the condemnation of usury (c. 10. §§ 4, 5) underlies the whole tone of thought. We may note that καπηλική, though here applied to trade in general, carries with it the disparaging association of shopkeeping.

πόθεν καὶ πω̂ς μεταβαλλόμενον is dependent on δι’ ἐμπειρίας.

For the story of Midas see Ovid, Met. xi. 90-145. It is obviousJowett1885v1: 9. 11. that Midas would have suffered equally if his touch had produced food or clothing or any other article of commerce. In his account of money Aristotle seems to be perplexed between its usefulness and its uselessness, and between the good and bad consequences which flow from it.

τὸ γὰρ νόμισμα στοιχεɩ̂ον καὶ πέρας τη̂ς ἀλλαγη̂ς.Jowett1885v1: 9. 12.

Money is the element, i.e. the instrument of exchange. It is also the limit or end of it. Exchange is not possible without money and seeks for nothing beyond it.

καὶ ἄπειρος δὴ οὑ̑τος ὁ πλον̂τος.Jowett1885v1: 9. 13.

There is no limit to the art of making money any more than to medicine or other arts; for we want to have as much health and wealth as we can. But there is a limit if we regard wealth as only a means to an end, i.e. to the maintenance of a household. The passage is not very clearly expressed, owing partly to the double meaning of the word πέρας, (1) ‘limit’ or ‘measure,’ as opposed to the infinite or indefinite ἄπειρον, and (2) ‘end’ as opposed to ‘means.’ Aristotle probably intends to say that the art of money making is unlimited, having no other end but wealth, which is also unlimited; whereas in the art of household management, the limit or end is fixed by natural needs.

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There is another confusion in this chapter. Aristotle tries to make a difference in kind between the legitimate and illegitimate use of exchange, but the difference is really one of degree. Trade is not rendered illegitimate by the use of coin, which is natural and necessary. The source of the confusion is that he never regards exchange on the great scale as the saving of labour, but only as the means of creating superfluous wealth.

ὥσπερ γὰρ ἡ ἰατρικὴ τον̂ ὑγιαίνειν εἰς ἄπειρόν ἐστι καὶ ἑκάστη τω̂νJowett1885v1: 9. 13. τεχνω̂ν τον̂ τέλους εἰς ἄπειρον (ὅτι μάλιστα γὰρ ἐκεɩ̂νο βούλονται ποιεɩ̂ν), τω̂ν δὲ πρὸς τὸ τέλος οὐκ εἰς ἄπειρον (πέρας γὰρ τὸ τέλος πάσαις), οὕτω καὶ ταύτης τη̂ς χρηματιστικη̂ς οὐκ ἔστι τον̂ τέλους πέρας, τέλος δὲ ὁ τοιον̂τος πλον̂τος καὶ χρημάτων κτη̂σις.

‘The art of money-making, like the other arts, is limited in the means, but unlimited in the end; as the physician seeks health without limit, so the money-maker seeks wealth without limit.’ Yet the analogy is defective; for there is no accumulation of health in the same sense in which there may be an accumulation of wealth. The physician stands really on the same footing with the manager of the household; for both equally seek to fulfil to the utmost their respective functions, the one to order the household, the other to improve the health of the patient, and there is a limit to both. The opposition of means and ends is also questionable; for the end may be regarded as the sum of the means, and would not an unlimited end, if such a conception is allowable, imply unlimited means, or the unlimited use of limited?

τη̂ς δ’ οἰκονομικη̂ς οὐ χρηματιστικη̂ς ἔστι πέρας· οὐ γὰρ τον̂το τη̂ς οἰκονομικη̂ςJowett1885v1: 9. 14. ἔργον.

Lit. ‘the art of household management which is not concerned with money-making has a limit; for this (sc. ὁ τοιον̂τος, the unlimited making of money described above) is not its business.’

ἐπαλλάττει γὰρ ἡ χρη̂σις τον̂ αὐτον̂ ον̓̂σα ἑκατέρα τη̂ς χρηματιστικη̂ς.Jowett1885v1: 9. 15.

‘For the two uses of money-making being concerned with the same thing, namely coin or wealth, they run into each other.’

ἡ χρη̂σις governs both τη̂ς χρηματιστικη̂ς and τον̂. αὐτον̂. The emendation of Bernays ἑκατέρᾳ τῃ̑ χρηματιστικῃ̑ is unnecessary.

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τη̂ς γὰρ αὐτη̂ς ἐστὶ χρήσεως κτη̂σις, ἀλλ’ οὐ κατὰ ταὐτόν, ἀλλὰ τη̂ς μὲνJowett1885v1: 9. 15. ἕτερον τέλος, τη̂ς δ’ ἡ αὔξησις.

χρήσεως κτη̂σις. ‘For acquisition belongs to the same use of χρηματιστική,’ i.e. in all acquisition chrematistic is used in the same way, though the ends differ, for the end in the one case is external, i.e. the supply of the household, in the other case, mere accumulation.

ὅσοι δὲ καὶ τον̂ εν̓̂ ζη̂ν ἐπιβάλλονται, τὸ πρὸς τὰς ἀπολαύσεις τὰς σωματικὰςJowett1885v1: 9. 16. ζητον̂σιν, ὥστ’ ἐπεὶ καὶ τον̂τ’ ἐν τῃ̑ κτήσει ϕαίνεται ὑπάρχειν κ.τ.λ.

Even good men desire pleasures, and therefore wealth, just because these (τον̂τ’) depend on wealth. Cp. τον̂το, § 15, referring to χρηματιστική.

ἀνδρίας γὰρ οὐ χρήματα ποιεɩ̂ν ἐστὶν ἀλλὰ θάρσος.Jowett1885v1: 9. 17.

I. e. whereas the virtue of courage, the art of medicine or of military command have severally ends of their own, they are perverted to the unnatural end of money-making.

δη̂λον δὲ καὶ τὸ ἀπορούμενον ἐξ ἀρχη̂ς, πότερον τον̂ οἰκονομικον̂ καὶ πολιτικον̂Jowett1885v1: 10. 1. ἐστὶν ἡ χρηματιστικὴ ἢ οὔ, ἀλλὰ δεɩ̂ τον̂το μὲν ὑπάρχειν κ.τ.λ.

τὸ ἀπορούμενον see supra c. 8. §§ 1, 2.

τον̂το, sc. τὰ χρήματα, understood from χρηματιστικὴ as infra § 3 τον̂το ὑπάρχειν refers to τὰ χρήματα. ἀλλὰ δεɩ̂ is the other alternative of the ἀπορία, implying the answer to the question: ‘whether the art of money-making is the business of the manager of the household and of the statesman or whether [this is not the case, but] the possession of wealth must be presupposed? [We reply, the latter.] For as the art of the statesman receives men from nature, even so must nature, that is to say land or sea or some other element, provide them with food.’

ὥσπερ γὰρ καὶ ἀνθρώπους οὐ ποιεɩ̂ ἡ πολιτική, ἀλλὰ λαβον̂σα παρὰ τη̂ςJowett1885v1: 10. 1. ϕύσεως χρη̂ται αὐτοɩ̂ς, οὕτω καὶ τροϕὴν τὴν ϕύσιν δεɩ̂ παραδον̂ναι γη̂ν ἢ θάλατταν ἢ ἄλλο τι.

The last words γη̂ν ἢ θάλατταν ἢ ἄλλο τι are either 1)* in apposition with τὴν ϕύσιν, or 2) accusatives after παραδον̂ναι. In the first case γη̂ν and θάλατταν are an explanation of τὴν ϕύσιν. In the second case τροϕὴν is a remote accusative, ‘nature gives land and sea for the supply of food.’ The latter way of taking the words is Edition: current; Page: [33]forced. Nature is here said to provide food, but no real distinction can be drawn between the provision of food by nature and the acquisition or appropriation of it by the labour of man, cp. § 3.

ἐκ δὲ τούτων, ὡς δεɩ̂, ταν̂τα διαθεɩ̂ναι προσήκει τὸν οἰκονόμον.Jowett1885v1: 10. 1.

ἐκ τούτων, ‘thereupon,’ i. e. ἐκ τον̂ λαβεɩ̂ν παρὰ ϕύσεως; ταν̂τα διαθεɩ̂ναι, ‘to order them,’ i. e. the things which nature gives [for the use of the household]; or ἐκ τούτων = ‘from what is given by nature.’ ταν̂τα διαθεɩ̂ναι, ‘to set in order,’ i. e. to select and arrange the things necessary for the household.

καὶ γὰρ ἀπορήσειεν ἄν τις.Jowett1885v1: 10. 2.

‘Were this otherwise’ (as in the translation) i. e. ‘if the duty of the manager of a household consisted in producing and not in using, then he would be equally concerned with money-making and with medicine. And so he is to a certain extent concerned with both, but unlike the physician or the maker of money only to a certain extent, whereas they pursue their vocations without limit.’

καὶ περὶ ὑγιείας.Jowett1885v1: 10. 3.

About health as well as about wealth.

μάλιστα δέ, καθάπερ εἴρηται πρότερον, δεɩ̂ ϕύσει τον̂το ὑπάρχειν.Jowett1885v1: 10. 3.

τον̂το refers to some general idea, such as ‘the means of life,’ to be gathered from τὰ χρήματα in the preceding sentence.

παντὶ γάρ, ἐξ οὑ̑ γίνεται, τροϕὴ τὸ λειπόμενόν ἐστιν.Jowett1885v1: 10. 3.

τὸ λειπόμενον = τὸ λειπόμενον ἐν ἐκείνῳ ἐξ οὑ̑ γίνεται, the residuum or that from which the offspring parts, i. e. milk, white of egg, etc.: cp. De Hist. Anim. i. 5, 489 b. 8, ᾠὸν . . ἐξ οὑ̑ γίγνεται τὸ γινόμενον ζῳ̑ον ἐκ μορίου τὴν ἀρχήν, τὸ δ’ ἄλλο τροϕὴ τῳ̑ γινομένῳ ἐστίν: and supra c. 8. § 10.

διὸ κατὰ ϕύσιν ἐστὶν ἡ χρηματιστικὴ πα̂σιν ἀπὸ τω̂ν καρπω̂ν καὶ τω̂νJowett1885v1: 10. 4. ζῴων.

Fruits and animals are the gifts of nature and intended for the subsistence of man (cp. c. 8): hence (διό), with some equivocation, the trade in them is said to be natural.

ὁ δὲ τόκος γίνεται νόμισμα νομίσματος.Jowett1885v1: 10. 5.

Cp. Arist. Nub. 1286, τον̂το δ’ ἔσθ’ ὁ τόκος τί θηρίον; Thesm. 845, ἀξία γον̂ν εἰ̂ τόκου τεκον̂σα τοιον̂τον τόκον.

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Cp. also Shakspere’s Merchant of Venice, Act i, Scene 3,—‘A breed of barren metal.’

It has been customary, since Bentham wrote, to denounce Usury Laws on the ground 1) that they are ineffectual, or worse, 2) that they are unjust both to lender and borrower, because they interfere with the natural rate of interest. But in primitive states of society, as in India at the present day, they may have been more needed and more easy to enforce. In a simple agricultural population where the want of capital is greatly felt, and land is the only security, the usurer becomes a tyrant: hence the detestation of usury. The other and better side of usury, that is to say, the advantage of transferring money at the market rate from those who cannot use it to those who can, was not understood by Aristotle any more than the advantage of exchanging commodities. Cp. Plat. Rep. viii. 555 E; Laws v. 742.

τὰ τοιαν̂τα τὴν μὲν θεωρίαν ἐλεύθερον ἔχει, τὴν δ’ ἐμπειρίαν ἀναγκαίαν.Jowett1885v1: 11. 1.

1*) ‘To speculate about such matters is a liberal pursuit; the practice of them is servile.’ In modern language ‘a gentleman may study political economy, but he must not keep a shop.’ Cp. infra § 5, περὶ ἑκάστου δὲ τούτων καθόλου μὲν εἴρηται καὶ νν̂ν, τὸ δὲ κατὰ μέρος ἀκριβολογεɩ̂σθαι χρήσιμον μὲν πρὸς τὰς ἐργασίας, ϕορτικὸν δὲ τὸ ἐνδιατρίβειν: and iv. 15. § 4, ἀλλὰ ταν̂τα διαϕέρει πρὸς μὲν τὰς χρήσεις οὐθὲν ὡς εἰπεɩ̂ν· οὐ γάρ πω κρίσις γέγονεν ἀμϕισβητουντων περὶ τον̂ ὀνόματος· ἔχει δέ τιν’ ἄλλην διανοητικὴν πραγματείαν: also iii. 8. § 1, τῳ̑ δὲ περὶ ἑκάστην μέθοδον ϕιλοσοϕον̂ντι καὶ μὴ μόνον ἀποβλέποντι πρὸς τὸ πράττειν οἰκεɩ̂όν ἐστι τὸ μὴ παρορα̂ν μηδέ τι καταλείπειν, ἀλλὰ δηλον̂ν τὴν περὶ ἕκαστον ἀλήθειαν.

Or again 2) ‘Speculation is free; but in practice we are limited by circumstances;’ i.e. speculation on such matters may go to any extent or take any direction, but in practice we must restrict ourselves to the necessities of the case, e. g. the nature of the soil, climate, neighbourhood, etc. § 5 infra may be quoted in defence of either explanation, the words χρήσιμον πρὸς τὰς ἐργασίας supporting the second, ϕορτικὸν τὸ ἐνδιατρίβειν the first. ἐμπειρίαν connects with ἔμπειρον which follows: ‘experience of live-stock is one of the useful parts of money-making.’

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SYNOPSIS OF THE VARIOUS DIVISIONS OF κτητική, in c. 11. §§ 1-4.

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ναυκληρία, ϕορτηγία.Jowett1885v1: 11. 3.

ναυκληρία = ‘commerce by sea,’ ϕορτηγία = ‘commerce by land.’ The word ναυκληρία may also be taken in the narrower sense of ‘owning of ships’; and ϕορτηγία in the sense of ‘carrying whether by sea or land.’ But this explanation of the words does not afford so natural a division.

διαϕέρει δὲ τούτων ἕτερα ἑτέρων τῳ̑ τὰ μὲν ἀσϕαλέστερα εἰ̂ναι, τὰ δὲJowett1885v1: 11. 3. πλείω πορίζειν τὴν ἐπικαρπίαν.

It is not certain whether in this sentence Aristotle is speaking of trades in general without reference to the three previous divisions, or, of the divisions themselves, commerce by sea being the more profitable, commerce by land the more secure mode of trading. The opposition of τὰ μὲν . . τὰ δὲ favours the more general application of the words.

οἱ̑ον ὑλοτομία τε καὶ πα̂σα μεταλλευτική. αὕτη δὲ πολλὰ ἤδη περιείληϕεJowett1885v1: 11. 4, 5. γένη· πολλὰ γὰρ εἴδη τω̂ν ἐκ γη̂ς μεταλλευομένων ἐστίν.

In these words Aristotle is illustrating ‘the third or mixed kind of chrematistic,’ which is concerned not only with fruits of the earth and animals, but with other products dug out of the earth and manufactured by man.

ἤδη, ‘mining again is not a simple art, but already—or, not to speak of other species—contains in itself many subdivisions.’

εἰσὶ δὲ τεχνικώταται μὲν τω̂ν ἐργασιω̂ν ὅπου ἐλάχιστον τη̂ς τύχης, βαναυσόταταιJowett1885v1: 11. 6, 7. δ’ ἐν αἱ̑ς τὰ σώματα λωβω̂νται μάλιστα, δουλικώταται δὲ ὅπου τον̂ σώματος πλεɩ̂σται χρήσεις, ἀγεννέσταται δὲ ὅπου ἐλάχιστον προσδεɩ̂ ἀρετη̂ς. ἐπεὶ δ’ ἐστὶν ἐνίοις γεγραμμένα περὶ τούτων, κ.τ.λ.

The connexion is with the word καθόλου in § 5. Aristotle, although he declines to go into the particulars of these arts, gives some general characteristics of them.

In the sentence which follows, the clause ἐπεὶ δ’ ἐστὶν skips the intervening passage εἰσὶ δὲ . . . ἀρετη̂ς, and goes back to the previous subject. In another author we might suspect a gloss. But there are many such dislocations in Aristotle’s Politics; e. g. iii. 4. §§ 11-13. For the meaning cp. Rhet. i. 4. 1359 b. 31, ἀναγκαɩ̂ον τω̂ν παρὰ τοɩ̂ς ἄλλοις εὑρημένων ἱστορικὸν εἰ̂ναι.

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οἱ̑ον Χάρητι δή.Jowett1885v1: 11. 7.

δὴ is to be taken with οἱ̑ον like ὅλως δή, οὕτω δή, καὶ δὴ with a slight emphasis, and sometimes with a word interposed, e. g. καὶ πλούτῳ δή, Nic. Eth. iv. 1. § 6.

Θάλεω τον̂ Μιλησίου.Jowett1885v1: 11. 8.

Thales is referred to in the Nic. Eth. vi. 7. § 5 and by Plato in the Theaetetus (p. 174 A) as a type of the unpractical philosopher. ‘But even he could have made a fortune, if he had pleased.’

τυγχάνει δὲ καθόλου τι ὄν.Jowett1885v1: 11. 8.

Cp. § 12. The device attributed to Thales is only an application of the general principle of creating a monopoly.

ἐπώλει μόνος, οὐ πολλὴν ποιήσας ὑπερβολήν κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 11. 11.

I. e. he bought up all the iron when it was very cheap, and having a monopoly sold it rather, but not very, dear.

ὅραμα Θάλεω.Jowett1885v1: 11. 12.

ὅραμα, which is the reading of all the MSS., is used in the metaphorical sense of ‘idea’ here required, only in Pseudo-Demosthenes, 1460. 26, perhaps a sufficient authority for the meaning of a word.

* εὕρημα (Camerarius): θεώρημα (Coraes): δρα̂μα (Prof. Campbell) may be suggested. Cp. Plat. Theaet. 150 A.

ἐπεὶ δὲ τρία μέρη, κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 12. 1.

The apodosis is lost; the suppressed thought that ‘all three parts are concerned with man’ is resumed in the next chapter.

καὶ γὰρ γυναικὸς ἄρχειν καὶ τέκνων.Jowett1885v1: 12. 1.

Sc. τὸν ἄνδρα. Supply for the construction either ἠ̑ν μέρος οἰκονομικη̂ς or εἴρηται αὐτὸν from the preceding words.

ἐξ ἴσου γὰρ εἰ̂ναι βούλεται τὴν ϕύσιν καὶ διαϕέρειν μηθέν. ὅμως δέ,Jowett1885v1: 12. 2. ὅταν τὸ μὲν ἄρχῃ τὸ δ’ ἄρχηται, ζητεɩ̂ διαϕορὰν εἰ̂ναι καὶ σχήμασι καὶ λόγοις καὶ τιμαɩ̂ς, ὥσπερ καὶ Ἄμασις εἰ̂πε τὸν περὶ τον̂ ποδανιπτη̂ρος λόγον.

βούλεται sc. ἡ πολιτεία or ἡ πολιτικὴ ἀρχή, understood from ἐν ταɩ̂ς πολιτικαɩ̂ς ἀρχαɩ̂ς: ‘where there is a πολιτεία, political equality is implied. All other differences, such as titles of honour, are temporary and official only.’ The construction of ζητεɩ̂ may be similarly explained. Or both may be taken impersonally.

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Ἄμασις, who made his foot-pan into a god, as he had himself been made into a king, cp. Herod. ii. 172. The connexion is as follows: ‘Among equals, where one rules and another is ruled, we make an artificial distinction of names and titles, but this is not the case in the relation of husband and wife, because the distinction between them exists already and is permanent.’

τὸ δ’ ἄρρεν ἀεὶ πρὸς τὸ θη̂λυ τον̂τον ἔχει τὸν τρόπον.Jowett1885v1: 12. 3.

Resuming the words in § 1 γυναικὸς μὲν πολιτικω̂ς, and adding the distinction that the relation between husband and wife, unlike that between ruler and subject in a πολιτεία, is permanent (ἀεί). This permanence of relation between husband and wife makes it rather an ‘aristocratical’ than a ‘constitutional’ rule, and in Nic. Eth. viii. 10. § 5 and Eud. Eth. vii. 9. § 4 it is so described.

καὶ τω̂ν ἄλλων τω̂ν τοιούτων ἕξεων.Jowett1885v1: 13. 2.

Supply ἀρετή τις before τω̂ν ἄλλων—assisted by οὐδεμία in the following clause. Cp. infra § 13, σκυτοτόμος δ’ οὐθείς, οὐδὲ τω̂ν ἄλλων τεχνιτω̂ν. The words τω̂ν τοιούτων are used inaccurately ‘of such habits,’ meaning the habits which have virtues like these.

ἀνάγκη μὲν μετέχειν ἀμϕοτέρους ἀρετη̂ς, ταύτης δ’ εἰ̂ναι διαϕοράς, ὥσπερJowett1885v1: 13. 5. καὶ τω̂ν ϕύσει ἀρχομένων.

‘Both require virtue, and of these virtues there will be different kinds since the natural subject differs [from the natural ruler]’; or, with Bernays, ‘corresponding to the difference in the subject classes,’ cp. infra clause 7. But why only in the subject?—a difficulty which seems to have been felt by those copyists or editors who, supported by Moerbeke, insert ἀρχόντων καὶ before ἀρχομένων. Better: ‘There will be differences of virtue in the ruling and subject classes, similar to those which [we have already noted to exist] in the natural subject.’

καὶ τον̂το εὐθὺς ὑϕήγηται περὶ τὴν ψυχήν.Jowett1885v1: 13. 6.

1) ‘*And this is immediately suggested by the soul’: or 2) ‘And this, without looking further, is the leading or guiding principle in the soul.’ There is a rule of superior and inferior, not only in states, but in the soul itself.

The verb ὑϕήγηται in this passage is taken passively by Bonitz, Edition: current; Page: [39]‘and this distinction was indicated in the soul.’ Cp. Theophrastus, Hist. Plant. i. 2. 3, δη̂λον ὅτι καθάπερ ὑϕήγηται περὶ τούτων λεκτέον. But in most other examples of its use the word must be, or is better, construed actively, and it is safer to take it so in this passage. Cp. supra c. 5. §§ 2-6.

ὥστε ϕύσει τὰ πλείω ἄρχοντα καὶ ἀρχόμενα. ἄλλον γὰρ τρόπον τὸ ἐλεύθερονJowett1885v1: 13. 6-8. τον̂ δούλου ἄρχει καὶ τὸ ἄρρεν τον̂ θήλεος καὶ ἀνὴρ παιδός· καὶ πα̂σιν ἐνυπάρχει μὲν τὰ μόρια τη̂ς ψυχη̂ς, ἀλλ’ ἐνυπάρχει διαϕερόντως. ὁ μὲν γὰρ δον̂λος ὅλως οὐκ ἔχει τὸ βουλευτικόν, τὸ δὲ θη̂λυ ἔχει μέν, ἀλλ’ ἄκυρον· ὁ δὲ παɩ̂ς ἔχει μέν, ἀλλ’ ἀτελές. ὁμοίως τοίνυν ἀναγκαɩ̂ον ἔχειν καὶ περὶ τὰς ἠθικὰς ἀρετάς.

By inserting ἐπεὶ before ϕύσει, altering τὰ πλείω ἄρχοντα into πλείω τὰ ἄρχοντα, and omitting ἀναγκαɩ̂ον before ἔχειν a few lines lower down, Bernays has ingeniously fused the whole train of thought with its many involutions, into a single consistent sentence. But in such a complex passage, an anacoluthon seems more probable, and Bernays’ alterations are considerable and unsupported by MS. authority. Cp. Nic. Eth. iii. 5. § 17, for a similar passage, which has also been arranged so as to form a continuous sentence; also c. 8. § 3; c. 12. § 1; iii. 9. § 6, and note. The words ἄλλον γὰρ τρόπον go back to ταύτης εἰ̂ναι διαϕοράς.

ὥστε ϕανερὸν ὅτι ἐστὶν ἠθικὴ ἀρετὴ τω̂ν εἰρημένων πάντων, καὶ οὐχ ἡJowett1885v1: 13. 9. αὐτὴ σωϕροσύνη κ.τ.λ.

‘Moral virtue is to be attributed to all these classes and [as they differ in character so] their virtues differ.’

καθόλου γὰρ οἱ λέγοντες κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 13. 10.

In the Meno of Plato (p. 73), Socrates argues for the necessity of some general definition of virtue against Gorgias, who, being unable to apprehend such a general idea, confuses the whole of virtue with its parts. Either from an imperfect recollection of the passage or perhaps also from the party spirit which made him or his school professional adversaries of Plato (see note on ii. 4. § 2), Aristotle takes a view of his meaning which, when compared with the context, is seen to be untenable. For the Platonic Socrates is maintaining what Aristotle is elsewhere quite ready to Edition: current; Page: [40]allow, — that there must be a common idea of virtue; this Gorgias the Sophist in the infancy of philosophy is unable to understand, and in reply can only enumerate separate virtues. The tendency in the Aristotelian writings to refer to Plato, the mention of Gorgias, and the opposition between the general idea of virtue and the particular virtues sufficiently prove that the passage in the Meno is intended.

καὶ ὁ μὲν δον̂λος τω̂ν ϕύσει σκυτοτόμος δ’ οὐθείς.Jowett1885v1: 13. 13.

Aristotle is contrasting the lot of the slave and of the artisan. The slave is in one respect better off than the artisan because he is directed by a master, whereas the artisan has no intelligence but his own by which to guide his life. He too is a slave without the advantages of slavery. Thus Socialist writers, like Lassalle and others, in recent times have contrasted unfavourably the lot of the modern operative with that of the mediæval serf. We may note in modern times the civilizing influence of domestic service on the homes and manners of the poor. Many a household servant in England has received an impress from a master or mistress, and in Aristotle’s language, ‘has derived a virtue from them.’ Cp. iii. 5. § 4, τω̂ν δ’ ἀναγκαίων οἱ μὲν ἑνὶ λειτουργον̂ντες τὰ τοιαν̂τα δον̂λοι, οἱ δὲ κοινοὶ βάναυσοι καὶ θη̂τες, where, in a similar spirit, Aristotle contrasts the duties of the artisan, which are rendered to the community, with the duties of the slave, which are rendered to the individual.

ἀλλ’ οὐ τὴν διδασκαλικὴν ἔχοντα τω̂ν ἔργων δεσποτικήν.Jowett1885v1: 13. 14.

These strange words may be translated literally: ‘But not in so far as he possesses an art of the master such as would direct the slave in his particular employment;’ i. e. it is not as the teacher of a craft but as a master that he imparts virtue to his slave.

The slave is relative to the master. His virtues are all received from him, and cannot be imparted by any chance instructor. Nor does the master instruct him in any art. But the artisan stands in no relation to another; he has a separate art (§ 13) which he exercises independently. He is without any ennobling influence external to himself, whereas the slave is inspired by his master.

διὸ λέγουσιν οὐ καλω̂ς οἱ λόγου τοὺς δούλους ἀποστερον̂ντες καὶJowett1885v1: 13. 14. Edition: current; Page: [41]ϕάσκοντες ἐπιτάξει χρη̂σθαι μόνον· νουθετητέον γὰρ μα̂λλον τοὺς δούλους ἢ τοὺς παɩ̂δας.

These words may mean: either 1)* ‘who do not allow us to converse with slaves,’ or 2) ‘who do not allow to slaves the gift of reason.’ In either case there is a reference to Plato, Laws, vi. 777, 778.

περὶ δὲ ἀνδρὸς καὶ γυναικὸς καὶ τέκνων καὶ πατρός, τη̂ς τε περὶ ἕκαστονJowett1885v1: 13. 15. αὐτω̂ν ἀρετη̂ς, καὶ τη̂ς πρὸς σϕα̂ς αὐτοὺς ὁμιλίας, τί τὸ καλω̂ς καὶ μὴ καλω̂ς ἐστί, καὶ πω̂ς δεɩ̂ τὸ μὲν εν̓̂ διώκειν τὸ δὲ κακω̂ς ϕεύγειν, ἐν τοɩ̂ς περὶ τὰς πολιτείας ἀναγκαɩ̂ον ἐπελθεɩ̂ν.

This is one of the many promises in the Politics which are unfulfilled. Cp. iv. 15. § 3, a passage which is sometimes quoted in this connexion. But the reference is only to the office of παιδονόμος and γυναικονόμος.

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BOOK II.

ἔτι δὲ τὸ ζητεɩ̂ν τι παρ’ αὐτὰς ἕτερον μὴ δοκῃ̑ πάντως εἰ̂ναι σοϕίζεσθαιJowett1885v1: 1. 1. βουλομένων.

τὸ ζητεɩ̂ν is the nominative of μὴ δοκῃ̑: πάντως is to be taken closely with μή, ‘and that our object in seeking for a new state is not at all to make a display of ingenuity; but to supply defects in states which are known to us, both in those which are actually existing and also in theoretical states like that of Plato.’ μὴ δοκῃ̑ and δοκω̂μεν are dependent on ἵνα.

ἐπιβαλέσθαι τὴν μέθοδον.Jowett1885v1: 1. 1.

‘To undertake’ or ‘take upon oneself,’ a curious and idiomatic use of the word, found also in Plato and Thucydides. See Bonitz (Liddell and Scott), s. v.

ὁ μὲν γὰρ τόπος εἱ̑ς ὁ τη̂ς μια̂ς πόλεως, οἱ δὲ πολɩ̂ται κοινωνοὶ τη̂ς μια̂ςJowett1885v1: 1. 2. πόλεως.

εἱ̑ς ὁ τη̂ς is required by the sense and is supported by the old Latin Translation. All the Greek MSS. however read ἰσότης.

ἐν τῃ̑ πολιτείᾳ τῃ̑ Πλάτωνος, either the title of the book (cp. iv. c. 4.Jowett1885v1: 1. 3. § 11; c. 7. § 1), or ‘in the state which is described by Plato.’

The comments of Aristotle on Plato’s Republic and Laws, contained in this and the following chapters, can hardly be dealt with properly in single notes. They are full of inaccuracies and inconsistencies. But the nature of these comments, which throw great light on the character of ancient criticism in general, will be best appreciated when they are brought together and compared with one another in a comprehensive manner. I have therefore reserved much of what has to be said about them for an essay ‘On the Edition: current; Page: [43]Criticisms of Plato in Aristotle.’ Both in the essay and in the notes I have been much indebted to Susemihl.

δι’ ἣν αἰτίαν ϕησὶ δεɩ̂ν νενομοθετη̂σθαι τὸν τρόπον τον̂τον ὁ Σωκράτης, οὐJowett1885v1: 2. 1. ϕαίνεται συμβαɩ̂νον ἐκ τω̂ν λόγων. ἔτι δὲ πρὸς τὸ τέλος ὅ ϕησι τῃ̑ πόλει δεɩ̂ν ὑπάρχειν, ὡς μὲν εἴρηται νν̂ν, ἀδύνατον. πω̂ς δὲ δεɩ̂ διελεɩ̂ν οὐδὲν διώρισται.

δι’ ἣν αἰτίαν, sc. unity.

‘The argument of Socrates does not show that these enactments are to be approved for the reason which he gives [viz. as tending to unity]; and, regarded as a means to the end which he attributes to the state, unless some new explanation of them is offered, they are impossible.’ Bernays places a comma after πρός, which he takes with ἔτι: cp. πρὸς τούτοις ἔτι (Meteorol. i. 8, 346 a. 10); πρὸς δὲ ἔτι (Herod. iii. 74). The construction is thus made simpler; but the adverbial use of πρὸς hardly ever occurs in Aristotle. ‘Moreover, the end, viz. unity, which he attributes to the state upon his own showing is impossible.’

The first of these propositions, τὸ μίαν ὅτι μάλιστα εἰ̂ναι τὴν πόλιν is discussed in the remainder of this chapter,—the second at the commencement of chapter 3.

ὡς μὲν εἴρηται νν̂ν, ‘as it is described in his book,’ or ‘as it is actually described.’ Cp. infra c. 5. § 23, νν̂ν γε οὐδὲν διώρισται.

πω̂ς δὲ δεɩ̂ διελεɩ̂ν. Sc. τὸ τέλος, or generally ‘what Plato means by unity.’

For the use of διελεɩ̂ν in the sense of ‘*to interpret,’ cp. Herod. vii. 16, εἰ δὲ ἄρα μή ἐστι τον̂το τοιον̂το οἱ̑ον ἐγὼ διαιρέω, ἀλλά τι τον̂ θεον̂ μετέχον, σὺ πα̂ν αὐτὸ συλλαβὼν εἴρηκας. διελεɩ̂ν may also be taken in the more common sense of ‘to distinguish,’ i.e. how we are to distinguish or define unity and plurality (cp. iii. 13. § 6: εἰ δὴ τὸν ἀριθμὸν εἰ̂εν ὀλίγοι πάμπαν οἱ τὴν ἀρετὴν ἔχοντες, τίνα δεɩ̂ διελεɩ̂ν τὸν τρόπον;).

οὐ γὰρ γίνεται πόλις ἐξ ὁμοίων.Jowett1885v1: 2. 3.

The equality among citizens which is elsewhere (iii. 16. § 2; iv. 11. § 8; vii. 8. § 4) said to be the true and natural principle, is not inconsistent with a difference of character and of pursuits.

διοίσει δὲ τῳ̑ τοιούτῳ καὶ πόλις ἔθνους, ὅταν μὴ κατὰ κώμας ὠ̂σι κεχωρισμένοιJowett1885v1: 2. 3. τὸ πλη̂θος, ἀλλ’ οἱ̑ον Ἀρκάδες.

The clause ὅταν μὴ κ.τ.λ. may be a description either 1)* of the Edition: current; Page: [44]ἔθνος, ‘when the inhabitants of a country are not yet distributed in villages’; or 2) of the πόλις, ‘when they are no longer dispersed in villages.’ According to 1), the Arcadians are placed below, according to 2), above the ordinary condition of village communities.

1) Taking the first rendering, we may compare Plato’s Symposium, 193 A, νυνὶ δὲ διὰ τὴν ἀδικίαν διῳκίσθημεν ὑπὸ τον̂ θεον̂ καθάπερ Ἀρκάδες ὑπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων. But Arcadia was also the most backward state in Hellas, the type of primitive simplicity. Hence, without referring to the dispersion of the Mantineans by the Lacedaemonians (Xen. Hell. v. 2. 6) it is possible that Aristotle is speaking, not of their actual, but of their primitive and traditional state. 2) On the other hand he may be using the Arcadians as an example, not of the ἔθνος but of the πόλις, and contrasting their condition, when centralized in Megalopolis by Epaminondas, with the ruder life of earlier times. They would certainly have furnished the latest illustration of a συνοίκισις. We may paraphrase ‘When they are not scattered in villages, but, like the Arcadians, have a central city.’

It may be argued on the other side that Aristotle would not have used the Arcadians who were the most backward of Hellenes, as the type of a civilized, but of a semi-barbarous, nation.

To Aristotle the ἔθνος is a lower stage than the πόλις. He had no idea of a nation in the higher sense; nor did he see how ill adapted the Greek πόλις was to the larger order of the world, which was springing up around him, or how completely it had outlived its objects.

ἐξ ὡ̑ν δὲ δεɩ̂ ἓν γενέσθαι, εἴδει διαϕέρει.Jowett1885v1: 2. 3.

The state like the nation is not a mere aggregate, but has an organic unity of higher and lower elements.

διόπερ τὸ ἴσον τὸ ἀντιπεπονθὸς σώζει τὰς πόλεις, ὥσπερ ἐν τοɩ̂ς ἠθικοɩ̂ςJowett1885v1: 2. 4. εἴρηται πρότερον.

Euclid in his 6th Book uses ἀντιπεπονθέναι to express the relation of reciprocal proportion. Probably the ethical significance of the term among the Pythagoreans was derived from its mathematical Edition: current; Page: [45]use. Cf. Nic. Eth. v. 5. § 1, and Alex. Aphrod. on Met. i. 5, τη̂ς μὲν δικαιοσύνης ἴδιον ὑπολαμβάνοντες τὸ ἀντιπεπονθός τε καὶ ἴσον, etc. (Scholia in Arist. Ed. Berol. 539 b. 12.)

ὥσπερ ἐν τοɩ̂ς ἠθικοɩ̂ς. Here, and in vii. 13. § 5, Aristotle quotes the Ethics in the Politics, as he quotes the Politics in the Rhetoric (i. 8, 1366 a. 21). But probably the references have been interpolated.

ὥσπερ ἂν εἰ μετέβαλλον οἱ σκυτεɩ̂ς καὶ οἱ τέκτονες καὶ μὴ οἱ αὐτοὶ ἀεὶJowett1885v1: 2. 5. σκυτοτόμοι καὶ τέκτονες ἠ̑σαν.

These words are a reflection on the proposed arrangement, not unlike the satirical remarks of Socrates in the Memorabilia (i. 2. § 9), and in the Republic ii. 374. But the connexion is imperfectly drawn out:—Aristotle, while making this reflection upon the inconvenience of the practice, admits in the next sentence that the alternation of rulers and subjects is in some cases the only arrangement possible. To Plato it seemed essential that the division between rulers and ruled should be permanent, like the division of labour in the arts, between one craftsman and another. Aristotle says, ‘yes, if possible,’ but this permanence is not always attainable, for where there is equality and freedom among the citizens, they must rule in turn (vii. c. 9; cp. also infra, c. 11. § 13).

ἐν οἱ̑ς δὲ μὴ δυνατὸν . . ἐξ ἀρχη̂ς.Jowett1885v1: 2. 6.

‘However desirable it may be that the same should rule, yet, if they cannot, but justice requires that all, being by nature equal, should share in the government, then they must rule by turns.’

ἐν τούτοις δὲ μιμεɩ̂σθαι τὸ ἐν μέρει τοὺς ἴσους εἴκειν ὁμοίως τοɩ̂ς ἐξJowett1885v1: 2. 6. ἀρχη̂ς.

ἐν τούτοις, sc. among those who are naturally equal and have a right to share in the government.

μιμεɩ̂σθαι, ‘to imitate,’ i.e. to come as near as we can to ‘this principle of succession,’ dependent on βέλτιον.

τοɩ̂ς ἐξ ἀρχη̂ς, sc. εἴκουσιν. Like ‘the original rulers, who have yielded to them;’ or, without supplying εἴκουσιν, nearly the same meaning may be obtained. Cp. Book iii. 6. § 9, a passage which helps to explain this, διὸ καὶ τὰς πολιτικὰς ἀρχάς, ὅταν ᾐ̑ κατ’ ἰσότητα τω̂ν Edition: current; Page: [46]πολιτω̂ν συνεστηκυɩ̂α καὶ καθ’ ὁμοιότητα, κατὰ μέρος ἀξιον̂σιν ἄρχειν, πρότερον μέν, ᾐ̑ πέϕυκεν, ἀξιον̂ντες ἐν μέρει λειτουργεɩ̂ν, καὶ σκοπεɩ̂ν τινὰ πάλιν τὸ αὑτον̂ ἀγαθόν, ὥσπερ πρότερον αὐτὸς ἄρχων ἐσκόπει τὸ ἐκείνου συμϕέρον.

τὸν αὐτὸν δὴ τρόπον ἀρχόντων ἕτεροι ἑτέρας ἄρχουσιν ἀρχάς.Jowett1885v1: 2. 7.

1) The equalisation of rulers and ruled is attained in two ways: a) by succession; b) by the variety of offices which the same person may hold,—that is to say, instead of going out of office, he may pass from one office to another, from higher to lower and conversely; the alderman may become a common councillor or the common councillor an alderman. Or, 2) the words are a passing thought suggested by ἄλλοι γενόμενοι, confirmatory of the view that the State consists of dissimilars. ‘There is a further variety; not only do they come into and go out of office, as if they were no longer the same persons, but they have different offices.’

εἰ μὲν ον̓̂ν ὡς ἕκαστος, τάχ’ ἂν εἴη μα̂λλον ὃ βούλεται ποιεɩ̂ν ὁ ΣωκράτηςJowett1885v1: 3. 2. . . . νν̂ν δ’ οὐχ οὕτω ϕήσουσιν κ.τ.λ.

‘When each man can speak of his own wife, his own son, or his own property, the clear conviction which he entertains may tend to produce unity, but this is not the meaning of those who would have all things in common; they mean “all,” not “each.” ’

τὸ γὰρ πάντες καὶ ἀμϕότερα καὶ περιττὰ καὶ ἄρτια διὰ τὸ διττὸν καὶ ἐνJowett1885v1: 3. 3. τοɩ̂ς λόγοις ἐριστικοὺς ποιεɩ̂ συλλογισμούς· διὸ ἐστὶ τὸ πάντας τὸ αὐτὸ λέγειν ὡδὶ μὲν καλόν, ἀλλ’ οὐ δυνατόν, ὡδὶ δ’ οὐθὲν ὁμονοητικόν.

The absolute unity of ‘all’ in the sense of ‘each’ is not what Plato intended, and is in fact impracticable. The unity of all in the abstract, i.e. of the whole state, excluding individuals, does not tend to harmony. Such a unity is really inconceivable; a state without individuals is a μάταιον εἰ̂δος. (Nic. Eth. i. 6. § 10.) The term ‘all,’ like the term ‘one,’ is ambiguous, and has a different meaning when applied to the state and to the individuals of whom the state is composed.

πάντες καὶ ἀμϕότερα. The fallacy is that these words may mean ‘all’ or ‘both,’ either in a collective or individual sense.

περιττὰ καὶ ἄρτια. The fallacy consists in assuming that odd and even are the same because two odd numbers when added together Edition: current; Page: [47]are even: e. g. the odd numbers, 5 + 7 = 12, which is an even number; or that five is both odd and even, because it is composed of three which is an odd and two which is an even number. See Arist. Sophist. Elench. c. 4. 162 a. 33. Cp. infra c. 5. § 27, οὐ γὰρ τω̂ν αὐτω̂ν τὸ εὐδαιμονεɩ̂ν ὡ̑νπερ τὸ ἄρτιον, κ.τ.λ.

καὶ ἐν τοɩ̂ς λόγοις κ.τ.λ. ‘For the word πάντες is fallacious, and indeed the use of this and other analogous terms is a source of contentious syllogisms in arguments.’ καί, ‘not only in this instance, but in arguments generally.’

The fallacy referred to is that of σύνθεσις and διαίρεσις, cp. Soph. Elench. c. 20. 177 a. 33 ff.

ἢ ὅσον ἑκάστῳ ἐπιβάλλει.Jowett1885v1: 3. 4.

Either, ‘only so far as comes in the way of,’ or, ‘is the business of each,’ or, with a slight difference of meaning, ‘only so far as it touches or affects each.’ Cp. i. 13. § 8, διὸ τὸν μὲν ἄρχοντα τελέαν ἔχειν δεɩ̂ τὴν ἠθικὴν ἀρετὴν τω̂ν δ’ ἄλλων ἕκαστον ὅσον ἐπιβάλλει αὐτοɩ̂ς.

καὶ οὑ̑τοι οὐχ ὡς ἑκάστου.Jowett1885v1: 3. 5.

‘Every man will have a thousand sons, and these do not properly belong to him individually, but equally to all.’

ἔτι οὕτως ἕκαστος ἐμὸς λέγει τὸν εν̓̂ πράττοντα τω̂ν πολιτω̂ν ἢ κακω̂ς,Jowett1885v1: 3. 5. ὁπόστος τυγχάνει τὸν ἀριθμὸν ὤν, οἱ̑ον ἐμὸς ἢ τον̂ δεɩ̂νος, τον̂τον τὸν τρόπον λέγων καθ’ ἕκαστον τω̂ν χιλίων.

οὕτως*, ‘on this principle’; ἐμὸς = ἐμός ἐστι. ‘Further, on this principle [of common parentage], each one says of the citizen who fares ill or well, “he is mine,” whatever fraction he himself may be of the whole number; I mean that (οἱ̑ον) he will say, “he is mine,” or, “his,” and this will be his way of speaking about each of Plato’s thousand citizens.’ The words have a reference to Plat. Rep. v. 463 E, μάλιστα συμϕωνήσουσιν ἑνός τινος ἢ εν̓̂ ἢ κακω̂ς πράττοντος . . . ὅτι τὸ ἐμὸν εν̓̂ πράττει ἢ τὸ ἐμὸν κακω̂ς. The citizen speaks as one in a thousand of all the rest: he gives a thousandth part of his affection to each and all of the thousand persons who are the objects of it. Or, to put the matter in another way: we may suppose the citizens to be conversing with each other: they say, ‘my son is doing well,’ or, ‘is not doing well,’ being each of them a thousandth part Edition: current; Page: [48]of the whole, and those of whom they speak being likewise each of them a thousandth part.

A different view of this passage has been taken in the Text. More stress is laid on the words τὸν εν̓̂ ἢ κακω̂ς πράττοντα: the parent is supposed to appropriate the youth who is doing well, and to disown the one who is doing badly: ἐμὸς λέγει τὸν εν̓̂ ἢ κακω̂ς πράττοντα = ἐμὸς λέγει τὸν εν̓̂ πράττοντα, οὐκ ἐμὸς λέγει τὸν κακω̂ς πράττοντα. It must be remembered that, according to Aristotle, the true children are liable to be discovered by their likeness to their parents.

τω̂ν χιλίων, as if Plato had made his state to consist of a thousand citizens; cp. infra c. 6. § 5. This is only an inference from Rep. iv. 423 A, in which Plato says that the ideal state, even if consisting of no more than a thousand soldiers, would be invincible.

ὁ μὲν γὰρ υἱόν κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 3. 7.

‘In Plato’s state they are all “mine”: in ordinary states there are many sorts of relationship, and the same person may be a father or a brother or a cousin of some one or other; there are likewise remoter degrees of affinity, and remoter still the tie of fellow wardsman or fellow tribesman. Even a distant cousinship is preferable to that shadow of a relationship which supersedes them all.’

ὁ δ’ ἀνεψιόν, ἢ κατ’ ἄλλην τινὰ συγγένειαν.Jowett1885v1: 3. 7.

The variety of human relations as ordinarily conceived is contrasted with the monotony of Plato’s society in which the state and the family are identified.

κρεɩ̂ττον γὰρ ἴδιον ἀνεψιὸν εἰ̂ναι ἢ τὸν τρόπον τον̂τον υἱόν.Jowett1885v1: 3. 7.

A resumption of πότερον οὕτω κρεɩ̂ττον; ‘Is not the present practice better? for it is better to have a cousin of your own than to have a son after Plato’s fashion.’

ϕασί τινες . . τω̂ν τὰς τη̂ς γη̂ς περιόδους πραγματευομένων εἰ̂ναί τισι τω̂νJowett1885v1: 3. 9. ἄνω Λιβύων κοινὰς τὰς γυναɩ̂κας, τὰ μέντοι γενόμενα τέκνα διαιρεɩ̂σθαι κατὰ τὰς ὁμοιότητας.

Cp. Herod. iv. 180, τῳ̑ ἂν οἴκῃ τω̂ν ἀνδρω̂ν τὸ παιδίον, τούτου παɩ̂ς νομίζεται, who is speaking, however, not of Upper, but of Lower Libya.

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ὡ̑ν οὐδὲν ὅσιόν ἐστι γίνεσθαι πρὸς πατέρας καὶ μητέρας καὶ τοὺς μὴJowett1885v1: 4. 1. πόρρω τη̂ς συγγενείας ὄντας, ὥσπερ πρὸς τοὺς ἄπωθεν.

‘Crimes of violence are worse in the republic of Plato because they are attended with impiety, and they are more likely to be committed because natural relationships are undiscoverable.’ Aristotle here mixes up Plato’s point of view and his own. He does not remark that Plato having abolished family relations is not really chargeable with the occurrence of offences which arise out of them. Perhaps he would have retorted that the natural relationship could not be thus abolished.

καὶ γενομένων, τω̂ν μὲν γνωριζόντων ἐνδέχεται τὰς νομιζομένας γίνεσθαιJowett1885v1: 4. 1. λύσεις, τω̂ν δὲ μηδεμίαν.

τω̂ν δὲ is opposed to τω̂ν μέν, though not parallel with it = ‘but in the other case,’ as if τω̂ν μὲν without γνωριζόντων had preceded. Or a comma may be placed after τω̂ν μέν, and γνωριζόντων may be separated from it. ‘And when offences take place, in the one case men having knowledge of them, the customary expiations may be made, in the other case they cannot.’

ἄτοπον δὲ καὶ τὸ κοινοὺς ποιήσαντα τοὺς υἱοὺς τὸ συνεɩ̂ναι μόνον ἀϕελεɩ̂νJowett1885v1: 4. 2. τω̂ν ἐρώντων, τὸ δ’ ἐρα̂ν μὴ κωλν̂σαι, μηδὲ τὰς χρήσεις τὰς ἄλλας, ἃς πατρὶ πρὸς υἱὸν εἰ̂ναι πάντων ἐστὶν ἀπρεπέστατον καὶ ἀδελϕῳ̑ πρὸς ἀδελϕόν· ἐπεὶ καὶ τὸ ἐρα̂ν μόνον.

The instance quoted, πατρὶ πρὸς υἱόν, shews that the reference is to Rep. iii. 403, but Aristotle has been hasty or forgetful in his citation. Plato does not say that he will allow the practice of lovers to prevail between father and son, or brother and brother, but that the endearments of lovers shall be only such as might be practised without offence between members of the same family. τὸ ἐρα̂ν evidently in the lover’s sense of the word.

ἔοικε δὲ μα̂λλον κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 4. 4.

‘If the legislator desire to keep the inferior classes in a state of weakness, and communism is a source, not of strength, but of weakness, then it is better adapted to them than to the guardians’— that is, according to Aristotle’s view of communism, not Plato’s. Cp. vii. 9. § 8; c. 10. § 13 where he argues that the legislator should Edition: current; Page: [50]destroy as far as possible any tie of race among the slave population. And the traditional policy of slave-holding countries has been to deprive the slave of education and of family rights.

τοιούτους.Jowett1885v1: 4. 4.

Sc. ἡ̑ττον ϕιλικοὺς gathered from ἡ̑ττον ϕιλία.

καὶ δι’ ἣν αἰτίαν ὁ Σωκράτης οὕτως οἴεται δεɩ̂ν τάττειν τὰ περὶ τὰ τέκνα.Jowett1885v1: 4. 5.

Supply τοὐναντίον (from the preceding) τη̂ς αἰτίας δι’ ἥν, viz. unity. Cp. supra c. 2. § 1, καὶ δι’ ἣν αἰτίαν ϕησὶ δεɩ̂ν νενομοθετη̂σθαι τὸν τρόπον τον̂τον ὁ Σωκράτης οὐ ϕαίνεται συμβαɩ̂νον ἐκ τω̂ν λόγων.

δ καὶ δοκεɩ̂ κἀκεɩ̂νος εἰ̂ναί ϕησι τη̂ς ϕιλίας ἔργον, καθάπερ ἐν τοɩ̂ς ἐρωτικοɩ̂ςJowett1885v1: 4. 6, 7. λόγοις ἴσμεν λέγοντα τὸν Ἀριστοϕάνην ὡς τω̂ν ἐρώντων διὰ τὸ σϕόδρα ϕιλεɩ̂ν ἐπιθυμούντων συμϕν̂ναι καὶ γενέσθαι ἐκ δύο ὄντων ἀμϕοτέρους ἕνα. ἐνταν̂θα μὲν ον̓̂ν ἀνάγκη ἀμϕοτέρους ἐϕθάρθαι ἢ τὸν ἕνα· ἐν δὲ τῃ̑ πόλει τὴν ϕιλίαν ἀναγκαɩ̂ον ὑδαρη̂ γίνεσθαι διὰ τὴν κοινωνίαν τὴν τοιαύτην, καὶ ἥκιστα λέγειν τὸν ἐμὸν ἢ υἱὸν πατέρα ἢ πατέρα υἱόν.

Socrates wishes to have the city entirely one: now such a unity is either attained or not attained: if attained like that of the lovers in the Symposium (called here ἐρωτικοὶ λόγοι), p. 192, it would be suicidal. But it is not attained, for he only succeeds in creating a very loose tie between his citizens.

ὡς τω̂ν ἐρώντων, a rare construction after λέγειν. Cp. Plat. Men o 95 E, ὡς διδακτον̂ οὔσης τη̂ς ἀρετη̂ς λέγει.

ἢ τὸν ἕνα. ‘If they are to be absorbed in one another, both individualities cannot subsist, though one may.’

οὕτω συμβαίνει καὶ τὴν οἰκειότητα τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους τὴν ἀπὸ τω̂ν ὀνομάτωνJowett1885v1: 4. 8. τούτων διαϕροντίζειν ἥκιστα ἀναγκαɩ̂ον ὂν ἐν τῃ̑ πολιτείᾳ τῃ̑ τοιαύτῃ, ἢ πατέρα ὡς υἱω̂ν ἢ υἱὸν ὡς πατρός, ἢ ὡς ἀδελϕοὺς ἀλλήλων.

ἀναγκαɩ̂ον ὂν is to be taken with συμβαίνει, ἥκιστα with διαϕροντίζειν. The latter word has two constructions, 1) with τινὰ for subject, and οἰκειότητα as object; 2) with πατέρα, υἱόν for subjects, and the genitives υἱω̂ν, πατρὸς following, e. g. ἢ πατέρα διαϕροντίζειν ὡς υἱω̂ν.

τό τε ἴδιον καὶ τὸ ἀγαπητόν.Jowett1885v1: 4. 9.

ἀγαπητόν, ‘that which is to be cherished or valued,’ like ἀγαπητὸς in Plat. (?) Alcibiades I. 131 E, οὔτ’ ἐγένετο, ὡς ἔοικεν, Ἀλκιβιάδῃ τῳ̑ Edition: current; Page: [51]Κλεινίου ἐραστὴς οὔτ’ ἔστιν ἀλλ’ ἢ εἱ̑ς μόνος, καὶ οὑ̑τος ἀγαπητός, Σωκράτης ὁ Σωϕρονίσκου καὶ Φαιναρέτης: and Rhet. i. 7, 1365 b. 19, οὐκ ἴση ζημία, ἄν τις τὸν ἑτερόϕθαλμον τυϕλώσῃ καὶ τὸν δύ’ ἔχοντα· ἀγαπητὸν γὰρ ἀϕῄρηται: also Homer (Odyssey ii. 365) μον̂νος ἐὼν ἀγαπητός. Compare the English ‘dear.’ Or, more simply, ἀγαπητὸν may also be taken as answering to ϕιλείν: ‘men love an object which is naturally to be loved.’

καὶ πάλιν οἱ παρὰ τοɩ̂ς ϕύλαξιν [εἰς] τοὺς ἄλλους πολίτας.Jowett1885v1: 4. 10.

Aristotle is referring to the case of the citizens who pass from one rank to another. Those who are raised to the condition of the guardians and those who are degraded from it have both lost the natural relationships of brothers and sisters, parents and children. But the natural relations still exist although the names of them have disappeared; and therefore they are now less likely to be respected. Here again Aristotle is confusing his own point of view with that of Plato.

παρὰ τοɩ̂ς ϕύλαξιν must be explained as a confusion of rest and motion, lit. ‘those who [having been transferred from the other citizens] are now among the guardians.’ The words εἰς τοὺς ἄλλους πολίτας have been explained as a pleonasm = ‘in relation to the other citizens’ (οὐ προσαγορεύουσιν ἀδελϕούς, κ.τ.λ.), ‘they do not call them brothers.’ But the use of εἰς in a different sense in two successive lines is objectionable. It is possible that the words εἰς τοὺς ἄλλους πολίτας are an error of the copyist, who may have repeated the words of the previous line. The omission of εἰς (which is wanting in Moerbeke and in two good MSS., Ms. P1, but inserted as a correction in one of them, and found in all the rest) is the best way of amending the passage.

κἂν ᾐ̑ ἐκεɩ̂να χωρίς,Jowett1885v1: 5. 2.

sc. τὰ περὶ τὰ τέκνα καὶ τὰς γυναɩ̂κας.

πότερον . . τάς τε κτήσεις κοινὰς εἰ̂ναι βέλτιον καὶ τὰς χρήσεις.Jowett1885v1: 5. 2.

These words are a statement of the general question which is afterwards subdivided into three cases, though the carelessness of the language might at first sight lead to the inference that Aristotle is putting the third case only. Hence Bernays has been led, unnecessarily, Edition: current; Page: [52]to alter the reading. The change made by him of τε into γε and of καὶ into κατὰ impairs the parallelism of κτήσεις and χρήσεις (τάς γε κτήσεις κοινὰς εἰ̂ναι βελτιον κατὰ τὰς χρήσεις). The three cases are: 1) the soil divided, produce common: 2) soil common, produce divided: 3) soil and produce alike common.

ὅπερ ἔνια ποιεɩ̂ τω̂ν ἐθνω̂ν.Jowett1885v1: 5. 2.

ἔθνη as in i. 2. § 6, a vague expression for βάρβαροι and generally opposed to πόλεις or Ἕλληνες: also any loosely organised people, ii. 2. § 3; applied to the more general divisions of Hellas, vii. 7. § 4. The cases of Sparta, infra § 7, and of Tarentum, vi. 5. § 10, are not in point, even if their practice could be regarded as communism.

ἑτέρων μὲν ον̓̂ν ὄντων τω̂ν γεωργούντων ἄλλος ἂν εἴη τρόπος καὶ ῥᾴων.Jowett1885v1: 5. 3.

If the land were cultivated by serfs there would be no disputes among the cultivators, for having no property, they would have nothing to quarrel about.

τω̂ν συναποδήμων κοινωνίαι· σχεδὸν γὰρ οἱ πλεɩ̂στοι διαϕερόμενοι κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 5. 4.

Either* ‘fellow-travellers’ or ‘fellow-settlers in a foreign city.’ Whether the κοινωνίαι were formed for the purposes of business or only of companionship is not determined. With the words σχεδὸν γὰρ κ.τ.λ. supply προσκρούουσι.

καὶ ἐπικοσμηθὲν . . διενέγκαι.Jowett1885v1: 5. 5.

A condensed expression put for ὃν δὲ νν̂ν τρόπον ἔχει, διαϕέρει, καὶ ἐπικοσμηθὲν (‘when it has been improved’), οὐ μικρὸν ἂν διενέγκαι.

αἱ μὲν γὰρ ἐπιμέλειαι διῃρημέναι τὰ ἐγκλήματα πρὸς ἀλλήλους οὐJowett1885v1: 5. 6. ποιήσουσιν.

Either 1), ‘for the division of labour will give rise to no complaints,’ i. e. will prevent complaints, ἐπιμέλειαι being taken as the nominative to οὐ ποιήσουσιν: or 2) regarding (as the words πρὸς ἀλλήλους and the following clause μα̂λλον δ’ ἐπιδώσουσιν seem to indicate) αἱ μὲν ἐπιμέλειαι as nom. absolute, or the construction of the sentence as changing, we may translate, ‘Every one having a distinct occupation, men will not complain of one another.’

δι’ ἀρετὴν δέ.Jowett1885v1: 5. 6.

‘But where there is virtue there will be in practice community of goods among friends.’

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ὑπογεγραμμένον.Jowett1885v1: 5. 6.

‘Sketched out or faintly indicated.’ For ὑπογράϕειν, cp. De Gen. Anim. ii. 6, 743 b. 24, οἱ γραϕεɩ̂ς ὑπογράψαντες ταɩ̂ς γραμμαɩ̂ς οὕτως ἐναλείϕουσι τοɩ̂ς χρώμασι τὸ ζῳ̑ον.

οἱ̑ον καὶ ἐν Λακεδαίμονι τοɩ̂ς τε δούλοις χρω̂νται τοɩ̂ς ἀλλήλων ὡς εἰπεɩ̂νJowett1885v1: 5. 7. ἰδίοις, ἔτι δ’ ἵπποις καὶ κυσίν, κἂν δεηθω̂σιν ἐϕοδίων ἐν τοɩ̂ς ἀγροɩ̂ς κατὰ τὴν χώραν.

χώρα as opposed to πόλις:—‘When on a journey in the country, they take the produce in the fields.’ The apodosis (i. e. some such words as χρω̂νται ἐϕοδίοις) is omitted. Cp. Xen. Respub. Lac. 6, §§ 1, 3, 4, Ἐναντία γε μὴν ἔγνω καὶ τάδε τοɩ̂ς πλείστοις. Ἐν μὲν γὰρ ταɩ̂ς ἄλλαις πόλεσι τω̂ν ἑαυτον̂ ἕκαστος καὶ παίδων καὶ οἰκετω̂ν καὶ χρημάτων ἄρχουσιν· ὁ δὲ Λυκον̂ργος, κατασκευάσαι βουλόμενος ὡς ἂν μηδὲν βλάπτοντες ἀπολαύοιέν τι οἱ πολɩ̂ται ἀλλήλων ἀγαθόν, ἐποίησε παίδων ἕκαστον ὁμοίως τω̂ν ἑαυτον̂ καὶ τω̂ν ἀλλοτρίων ἄρχειν. . . . . . ἐποίησε δὲ καὶ οἰκέταις, εἴ τις δεηθείη, χρη̂σθαι καὶ τοɩ̂ς ἀλλοτρίοις. Καὶ κυνω̂ν δὲ θηρευτικω̂ν συνη̂ψε κοινωνίαν· ὥστε οἱ μὲν δεόμενοι παρακαλον̂σιν ἐπὶ θήραν, ὁ δὲ μὴ αὐτὸς σχολάζων ἡδέως ἐκπέμπει. Καὶ ἵπποις δὲ ὡσαύτως χρω̂νται· ὁ γὰρ ἀσθενήσας ἢ δεηθεὶς ὀχήματος ἢ ταχύ ποι βουληθεὶς ἀϕικέσθαι, ἤν που ἴδῃ ἵππον ὄντα, λαβὼν καὶ χρησάμενος καλω̂ς ἀποκαθίστησιν, κ.τ.λ. Also Plat. Laws, viii. 845 A, ἐὰν δὲ ξένος ἐπιδημήσας ὀπώρας ἐπιθυμῃ̑ ϕαγεɩ̂ν διαπορευόμενος τὰς ὁδούς, τη̂ς μὲν γενναίας ἁπτέσθω, ἐὰν βούληται, με[Editor: illegible character] ἑνὸς ἀκολούθου χωρὶς τιμη̂ς, ξένια δεχόμενος, τη̂ς δὲ ἀγροίκου λεγομένης καὶ τω̂ν τοιούτων ὁ νόμος εἰργέτω μὴ κοινωνεɩ̂ν ἡμɩ̂ν τοὺς ξένους.

ὅπως δὲ γίνωνται τοιον̂τοι.Jowett1885v1: 5. 8.

‘Of such an unselfish character as to place their property at the service of others.’

τὸ δὲ ϕίλαυτον εἰ̂ναι ψέγεται δικαίως, κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 5. 9.

Cp. Nic. Eth. ix. 8; Rhet. i. 11. § 26; Plato’s Laws, v. 731 E.

τω̂ν τοιούτων.Jowett1885v1: 5. 9.

‘Not only money, but anything towards which there can be an excess of love.’ Cp. note on i. 1. § 2.

ἀναιρον̂σιν ἔργα . . σωϕροσύνης περὶ τὰς γυναɩ̂κας.Jowett1885v1: 5. 10.

Yet Plato in his Republic aimed really at an impossible strictness Edition: current; Page: [54]in the relation of the sexes, and is very far from allowing his guardians to indulge in sensuality.

Εὐπρόσωπος μὲν ον̓̂ν ἡ τοιαύτη νομοθεσία καὶ ϕιλάνθρωπος ἂν εἰ̂ναιJowett1885v1: 5. 11. δόξειεν· ὁ γὰρ ἀκροώμενος ἄσμενος ἀποδέχεται, νομίζων ἔσεσθαι ϕιλίαν τινὰ θαυμαστὴν πα̂σι πρὸς ἅπαντας, ἄλλως τε καὶ ὅταν κατηγορῃ̑ τις τω̂ν νν̂ν ὑπαρχόντων ἐν ταɩ̂ς πολιτείαις κακω̂ν ὡς γινομένων διὰ τὸ μὴ κοινὴν εἰ̂ναι τὴν οὐσίαν, λέγω δὲ δίκας τε πρὸς ἀλλήλους περὶ συμβολαίων καὶ ψευδομαρτυριω̂ν κρίσεις καὶ πλουσίων κολακείας.

The flow and regularity of this sentence remind us of the opening of Book vii, noticed by Bernays. Cp. for a similar regularity supra c. 1.

Mankind quickly become enamoured of socialistic theories, especially when they are interspersed with attacks on existing institutions. Cp. Plat. Rep. v. 464, 465; iv. 425.

ὡ̑ν οὐδὲν γίνεται διὰ τὴν ἀκοινωνησίαν ἀλλὰ διὰ τὴν μοχθηρίαν.Jowett1885v1: 5. 12.

A similar unwillingness to ascribe to institutions what is due to human nature may be remarked elsewhere: e.g. c. 7. § 8, ἔτι δ’ εἴ τις καὶ τὴν μετρίαν τάξειεν οὐσίαν πα̂σιν, οὐδὲν ὄϕελος· μα̂λλον γὰρ δεɩ̂ τὰς ἐπιθυμίας ὁμαλίζειν ἢ τὰς οὐσίας κ.τ.λ.

The emphatic negative ὡ̑ν οὐδὲν γίνεται for ἃ οὐ γίνεται is curious.

ἀλλὰ θεωρον̂μεν ὀλίγους τους ἐκ τω̂ν κοινωνιω̂ν διαϕερομένους πρὸς πολλοὺςJowett1885v1: 5. 12. συμβάλλοντες τοὺς κεκτημένους ἰδίᾳ τὰς κτῄσεις.

To what Aristotle may be alluding is not very clear. He may have remarked that there were more quarrels among Pythagorean sects, as well as among friends who had become fellow-travellers, than among other men. A similar reflection has often been made on the religious communities of later times. Or he may be referring to disputes arising in ‘guilds’ or ‘clubs,’ or partnerships in business. διαϕερομένους is to be repeated with κεκτημένους. The meaning is that the owners of common property are comparatively few, and that therefore their quarrels, though relatively more frequent, do not so often come under our notice.

ἀλλὰ δεɩ̂ πλη̂θος ὄν, ὥσπερ εἴρηται πρότερον, διὰ τὴν παιδείαν κοινὴν καὶJowett1885v1: 5. 15. μίαν ποιεɩ̂ν.

Aristotle takes up a position half way between the communism Edition: current; Page: [55]of Plato and the existing practice of states. He would have men lend or give to their neighbours more than they do, but he would not enforce by law a community of goods; he would unite them by education, but would not destroy family life.

ὥσπερ τὰ περὶ τὰς κτήσεις ἐν Λακεδαίμονι καὶ Κρήτῃ τοɩ̂ς συσσιτίοις ὁJowett1885v1: 5. 15. νομοθέτης ἐκοίνωσεν.

This remark more truly applies to Crete, where the common tables were provided at the public expense (c. 10. § 7), than to Sparta, where he who could not afford to contribute to his mess lost the rights of citizenship (c. 9. §§ 30-32). Still in both there was a common mode of life; and an element of communism was introduced by the legislator. Compare also the remarkable description of the effect of Lacedaemonian training (iv. 9. §§ 6-9) in producing the same simple habits of life both among rich and poor; and Xen. De Rep. Laced. 6. §§ 1, 3, 4.

πάντα γὰρ σχεδὸν εὕρηται μέν, ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν οὐ συνη̂κται, τοɩ̂ς δ’ οὐJowett1885v1: 5. 16. χρω̂νται γινώσκοντες.

οὐ συνη̂κται, lit. ‘they have not been put together,’ implying that no comparison has been made of them, nor inference drawn from them. In other cases the inference has been drawn, but not applied to a practical use. As in Pol. vii. 10. § 7, and Metaph. xi. 8, 1074 b. 8 (ὡ̑ν εἴ τις χωρίσας αὐτὸ λάβοι μόνον τὸ πρω̂τον, ὅτι θεοὺς ἂοντο τὰς πρώτας οὐσίας εἰ̂ναι, θείως ἂν εἰρη̂σθαι νομίσειεν, καὶ κατὰ τὸ εἰκὸς πολλάκις εὑρημένης εἰς τὸ δυνατὸν ἑκάστης καὶ τέχνης καὶ ϕιλοσοϕίας καὶ πάλιν ϕθειρομένων καὶ ταύτας τὰς δόξας ἐκείνων οἱ̑ον λείψανα περισεσω̂σθαι μέχρι τον̂ νν̂ν), and several other passages, Aristotle supposes the inventions of arts and laws to have been made many times over. Compare Plat. Laws iii. 677 A foll.

μάλιστα δ’ ἂν γένοιτο ϕανερόν, εἴ τις τοɩ̂ς ἔργοις ἴδοι τὴν τοιαύτηνJowett1885v1: 5. 17. πολιτείαν κατασκευαζομένην.

‘In the actual process of creation.’

Cp. Plat. Tim. 19 B, προσέοικε δὲ δή τινί μοι τοιῳ̑δε τὸ πάθος, οἱ̑ον εἴ τις ζῳ̑α καλά που θεασάμενος, εἴτε ὑπὸ γραϕη̂ς εἰργασμένα εἴτε καὶ ζω̂ντα ἀληθινω̂ς, ἡσυχίαν δὲ ἄγοντα, εἰς ἐπιθυμίαν ἀϕίκοιτο θεάσασθαι κινούμενά τε αὐτὰ καί τι τω̂ν τοɩ̂ς σώμασι δοκούντων προσήκειν κατὰ τὴν ἀγωνίαν ἀθλον̂ντα. ταὐτὸν καὶ ἐγὼ πέπονθα πρὸς τὴν πόλιν ἣν διήλθομεν.

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μὴ μερίζων αὐτὰ καὶ χωρίζων.Jowett1885v1: 5. 17.

αὐτὰ refers to some general subject gathered from τὴν τοιαύτην πολιτείαν. The neuter is supported by τὰ μὲν and τὰ δέ, which follow.

ὅπερ καὶ νν̂ν Λακεδαιμόνιοι ποιεɩ̂ν ἐπιχειρον̂σιν.Jowett1885v1: 5. 17.

1)* ‘Which already,’ i.e. as a matter of fact, without having recourse to Plato’s ideal, the Lacedaemonians are actually carrying out; or 2), ‘which at this very time the Lacedaemonians are trying to carry out [as though they had fallen into desuetude]’ (Schneider). For the use of νν̂ν compare ii. 8. 6.

ἐπιχειρον̂σιν according to 1), (as often in Plato. See Ast’s Lexicon) is used pleonastically = ‘do carry out.’ So τω̂ν ἐπιχειρησάντων νεωτερίζειν (v. 7. § 13) = τω̂ν νεωτερισάντων. And Plato’s Phaedrus, 265 E, μὴ ἐπιχειρεɩ̂ν καταγνύναι μέρος μηδέν.

ποιεɩ̂ γὰρ τοὺς μὲν ϕύλακας οἱ̑ον ϕρουρούς, τοὺς δὲ γεωργοὺς καὶ τοὺςJowett1885v1: 5. 20. τεχνίτας καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους πολίτας.

1)* The emphasis is on τοὺς μὲν and τοὺς δέ. ‘He makes one class to consist of the guardians, who are a sort of garrison, and he makes husbandmen, [or, ‘to these he opposes the husbandmen’] and the artisans and the rest of the citizens.’ 2) Bernays translates, ‘For he makes the guardians a sort of garrison and the husbandmen and the artisans and the others, citizens [held in check by the garrison],’ making a pause at τοὺς ἄλλους. Cp. Rep. iv. 419. But the opposition between ϕρουροὺς and πολίτας is harsh. For the ϕρουροὶ or ϕύλακες had a special right to the name citizens, whereas the husbandmen, as is implied in §§ 23, 28, are hardly to be reckoned in the State at all. Cp. c. 6. §§ 2, 3. Yet it may be argued on the other hand, that Aristotle has only an imperfect recollection of Plato; that he ‘snatches’ at the word ϕρουρον̂ντας, and puts into the mouth of Socrates an objection which really proceeds from Adeimantus, though afterwards paradoxically admitted by Socrates himself. Nor is it possible to set any limits to the misinterpretations of Plato passing under the name of Aristotle. The first way of taking the passage is confirmed by c. 8. § 2 infra: ἐποίει γὰρ ἓν μὲν μέρος τεχνίτας, ἓν δὲ γεωργούς, τρίτον δὲ τὸ προπολεμον̂ν καὶ τὰ ὅπλα ἔχον.

ἀλλὰ γὰρ εἴτ’ ἀναγκαɩ̂α ταν̂θ’ ὁμοίως εἴτε μή, νν̂ν γ’ οὐδὲν διώρισται.Jowett1885v1: 5. 23.

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Here, again, the antecedent to ταν̂τα is to be gathered generally from the context, = ‘whether these communistic institutions are equally necessary for the inferior and for the superior classes,’ &c. Cp. note on i. 2. § 2.

νν̂ν γε.Jowett1885v1: 5. 23.

‘As far, at least, as his book shows.’ Cp. supra c. 2. § 1.

καὶ περὶ τω̂ν ἐχομένων.Jowett1885v1: 5. 23.

Sc. οὐδὲν διώρισται from the previous sentence. ‘And as to matters connected with these, what is to be their government, what their education, what their laws, nothing has been determined.’ A repetition of § 18. The emendation ἀρχομένων (Congreve) is unnecessary and out of place; for Aristotle has already disposed of the subject class in § 22, and at § 24 he returns to speak of the members of the state generally.

κἂν εἰ κοιναὶ αἱ κτήσεις καὶ αἱ τω̂ν γεωργω̂ν γυναɩ̂κες.Jowett1885v1: 5. 24.

Sc. τίς οἰκονομήσει; or more generally, ‘What then’? Two cases are supposed: 1) what if wives are common and possessions private; and 2) what if possessions and wives are both common.

ἄτοπον δὲ καὶ τὸ ἐκ τω̂ν θηρίων ποιεɩ̂σθαι τὴν παραβολήν, ὅτι δεɩ̂ τὰJowett1885v1: 5. 24. αὐτὰ ἐπιτηδεύειν τὰς γυναɩ̂κας τοɩ̂ς ἀνδράσιν οἱ̑ς οἰκονομίας οὐδὲν μέτεστιν.

The language is not exact; ποιεɩ̂σθαι τὴν παραβολὴν = to argue from the comparison of the animals. οἱ̑ς: sc. τοɩ̂ς θηρίοις.

‘The rulers must always be the same; for they cannot changeJowett1885v1: 5. 26. the metal or quality which is infused into their souls by nature.’ But then Plato supposes the whole ruling class to be guardians, divided only as young and old into warriors and counsellors (as in the state described in vii. 9. § 5); and he provides for exceptional merit by the transfer from one class to another. The actual governing class are men advanced in years (Rep. vii. 536 ff.), and Aristotle himself acknowledges (vii. 14. § 5) that the division of functions between young and old is natural, and that the young wait their turn and do not rebel against such an arrangement.

ἔτι δὲ καὶ τὴν εὐδαιμονίαν ἀϕαιρούμενος τω̂ν ϕυλάκων, ὅλην ϕησὶ δεɩ̂νJowett1885v1: 5. 27. εὐδαίμονα ποιεɩ̂ν τὴν πόλιν τὸν νομοθέτην. ἀδύνατον δὲ εὐδαιμονεɩ̂ν ὅλην, μὴ τω̂ν πλείστων ἢ μὴ πάντων μερω̂ν ἢ τινω̂ν ἐχόντων τὴν εὐδαιμονίαν.

This passage, like many others in the Politics, involves a misconception Edition: current; Page: [58]of Plato’s meaning. The literalism of Aristotle prevents him from seeing that Plato does not really take away the happiness of individuals in affirming that the happiness of the state must be considered first. He takes it away that he may afterwards restore a larger measure of it. He is only insisting that the doctrine of the priority of the whole to the part, which Aristotle holds in common with him (cp. Pol. i. 2. § 13), should be carried out in practice. Compare also Rep. iv. 420 B, C, and Politics vii. 9. § 7, (τὸ μὲν γὰρ εὐδαιμονεɩ̂ν ἀναγκαɩ̂ον ὑπάρχειν μετὰ τη̂ς ἀρετη̂ς, εὐδαίμονα δὲ πόλιν οὐκ εἰς μέρος τι βλέψαντας δεɩ̂ λέγειν αὐτη̂ς ἀλλ’ εἰς πάντας τοὺς πολίτας) where Aristotle appears to coincide with Plato in the doctrine which he here repudiates.

ὡ̑νπερ τὸ ἄρτιον, κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 5. 27.

Aristotle means to say that the even number may exist in the whole though not always in the parts (cp. note on c. 3. § 3 supra); but happiness must always exist in both.

Socrates is here spoken of by implication (ὀλίγα δὲ περὶ τη̂ςJowett1885v1: 6. 1-4. πολιτείας εἴρηκεν, § 4) as if he were the chief speaker in the Laws, though he is not introduced at all. The Laws are quoted as Plato’s in c. 7. § 4.

καὶ γὰρ ἐν τῃ̑ πολιτείᾳ περὶ ὀλίγων πάμπαν διώρικεν ὁ Σωκράτης.Jowett1885v1: 6. 1.

The list which follows is a very inadequate summary of the subjects contained in the Republic. Probably the metaphysical and imaginative portions of the work appeared to Aristotle ποιητικαὶ μεταϕοραὶ (Met. c. 9. 991 a. 22) and alien from politics.

τὸ δὲ εἰς τὸ προπολεμον̂ν μέρος· τρίτον δ’ ἐκ τούτων τὸ βουλευόμενον καὶJowett1885v1: 6. 2. κύριον τη̂ς πόλεως.

‘And a third class taken from the warriors,’ (τω̂ν προπολεμούντων).

περὶ δὲ τω̂ν γεωργω̂ν καὶ τω̂ν τεχνιτω̂ν, πότερον οὐδεμια̂ς ἢ μετέχουσίJowett1885v1: 6. 3. τινος ἀρχη̂ς . . . ο[Editor: illegible character]δὲν διώρικεν.

Yet Plato has expressly foretold, emphasizing his words by the declaration of an oracle, ‘that when a man of brass or iron guards the State it will then be destroyed’ (Rep. iii. 415, and supra c. 5. § 26), by which he clearly means that the third and fourth classes Edition: current; Page: [59]are to be excluded from office. Nor would he have thought for a moment of a shoemaker, or agricultural labourer, exercising political rights. On the other hand, it is true to say that Plato has nowhere defined the position of the lower classes: he has thus evaded the question of slavery to which Aristotle was keenly alive. He acknowledges the difficulty of this question in the Laws v. 776 ff.

τοɩ̂ς ἔξωθεν λόγοις.Jowett1885v1: 6. 3.

I. e. with digressions, such as the attack upon the poets (Books ii and iii), the theory of knowledge (v, vi, vii), the doctrine of immortality (x). To Aristotle these appear irrelevant, though naturally entering into Plato’s conception of the state, which includes philosophy and religion as well as politics.

τω̂ν δὲ νόμων τὸ μὲν πλεɩ̂στον μέρος νόμοι τυγχάνουσιν ὄντες, ὀλίγα δὲJowett1885v1: 6. 4. περὶ τη̂ς πολιτείας εἴρηκεν.

This statement is far from accurate. The truth is that in the Laws of Plato a nearly equal space is given to the constitution and to legislation; the latter half of the fifth book, the sixth, seventh, eighth, and a portion of the twelfth book being devoted to the constitution; the ninth, tenth, eleventh and the remainder of the twelfth to legislation.

καὶ ταύτην βουλόμενος κοινοτέραν ποιεɩ̂ν ταɩ̂ς πόλεσι κατὰ μικρὸνJowett1885v1: 6. 4. περιάλει πάλιν πρὸς τὴν ἑτέραν πολιτείαν.

For a similar use of the word κοινοτέραν cp. c. 6. § 16, εἰ μὲν ον̓̂ν ὡς κοινοτάτην ταύτην κατασκευάζει ταɩ̂ς πόλεσι τω̂ν ἄλλων πολιτείαν, κ.τ.λ.

ἑτέραν πολιτείαν, sc. the Republic. The idea of good, the rule of philosophers, the second education in dialectic, the doctrine of another life, are the chief speculative elements, as the community of property, and of women and children, are the chief social or practical elements, of the Republic which vanish in the Laws (Laws v. 739). The spirit of the Republic is more ideal and poetical, of the Laws more ethical and religious. Plato may be said to ‘bring round the Laws to the Republic’ in the assimilation of male and female education, in the syssitia for women, in the assertion of the priority of the soul to the body and of her fellowship with the gods; in the final revelation of the unity of knowledge to Edition: current; Page: [60]which he introduces his guardians at the end of the work (Laws xii. 965 ff.).

τὴν μὲν χιλίων.Jowett1885v1: 6. 5.

Cp. note on c. 3. § 5, supra.

τὸ μὲν ον̓̂ν περιττόν κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 6. 6.

This and the noble passage in the Nic. Eth. i. 6. § 1 (προσάντους τη̂ς τοιαύτης ζητήσεως γινομένης διὰ τὸ ϕίλους ἄνδρας εἰσαγαγεɩ̂ν τὰ εἴδη. Δόξειε δ’ ἂν ἴσως βέλτιον εἰ̂ναι καὶ δεɩ̂ν ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ γε τη̂ς ἀληθείας καὶ τὰ οἰκεɩ̂α ἀναιρεɩ̂ν, ἄλλως τε καὶ ϕιλοσόϕους ὄντας· ἀμϕοɩ̂ν γὰρ ὄντοιν ϕίλοιν ὅσιον προτιμα̂ν τὴν ἀλήθειαν·) are a sufficient confutation of the idle calumnies spread abroad in later times respecting the quarrels of Plato and Aristotle, which only reflect the odium philosophicum of their respective schools. Cp. note, i. 13. § 10.

χώρας δεήσει τοɩ̂ς τοσούτοις Βαβυλωνίας κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 6. 6.

A strange remark: Aristotle himself mentions, apparently without surprise, that according to the ancient tradition the Spartan citizens had once numbered ten thousand, and he has himself testified that the country could support thirty thousand hoplites and fifteen hundred cavalry (c. 9. §§ 16, 17). Nor were the 5000 or rather 5040 citizens to be maintained in idleness, for each of them had to cultivate his lot.

δεɩ̂ μὲν ον̓̂ν ὑποτίθεσθαι κατ’ εὐχήν, μηδὲν μέντοι ἀδύνατον.Jowett1885v1: 6. 7.

Even the best state, according to Aristotle, is limited by the number of citizens who can readily act together and by other conditions. These conditions he accuses Plato of having disregarded. Cp. vii. 4. § 2, and 4. § 11.

Plato would not have admitted the impracticability of his ideal state. It might be hard to realise, but was not impossible, Rep. v. 471-474. In the Laws he resigns his ideal, though with reluctance, and acknowledging the conditions of actual life, he allows that there must be a second-best and even a third-best sample of states; Laws v. 739.

ἔτι δὲ καλω̂ς ἔχει προσθεɩ̂ναι καὶ πρὸς τοὺς γειτνιω̂ντας τόπους, εἰ δεɩ̂ τὴνJowett1885v1: 6. 7. πόλιν ζη̂ν βίον πολιτικόν.

Compare vii. 6. § 7, εἰ γὰρ ἡγεμονικὸν καὶ πολιτικὸν ζήσεται βίον κ.τ.λ. Edition: current; Page: [61][sc. ἡ πόλις]. The two passages mutually confirm each other and the comparison of them shows that neither here, with Muretus, nor in vii. 6. § 7, with Bekker (2nd edition), do we need to substitute πολεμικὸν for πολιτικὸν which in both passages is used to express International Relations. The addition of μὴ μονωτικὸν or μὴ μονώτερον in some MSS. after πολιτικὸν appears to be a gloss, probably suggested by vii. 2. § 16.

The same criticism—that a state must have a foreign as well as a domestic policy, is made once more on Phaleas in c. 7. § 14. Nations and cities can no more get rid of other nations and cities than man (except by going into the wilderness) can tear himself from the society of his fellows. Cp. Mazzini’s forcible saying, ‘Non-interference is political suicide.’

εἰ δέ τις μὴ τοιον̂τον ἀποδέχεται βίον, μήτε τὸν ἴδιον μήτε τὸν κοινὸν τη̂ςJowett1885v1: 6. 8. πόλεως . . ἀπελθον̂σιν.

‘But if a person does not accept the life of action either for individuals or for states, still the country must be protected against her enemies.’ In modern language, ‘however much we may dislike war and the use of arms, there are cases in which the resistance to an enemy becomes a duty.’

ἀπελθον̂σιν, i.e. ‘lest they renew the attempt.’

καὶ τὸ πλη̂θος δὲ τη̂ς κτήσεως ὁρα̂ν δεɩ̂, μήποτε βέλτιον ἑτέρως διορίσαιJowett1885v1: 6. 8. τῳ̑ σαϕω̂ς μα̂λλον.

Literally, ‘Would it not be better to define the amount of property differently by defining it more clearly?’

ὥσπερ ἂν εἴ τις εἰ̂πεν ὥστε ζη̂ν εν̓̂· τον̂το γάρ ἐστι καθόλου μα̂λλον.Jowett1885v1: 6. 8.

It is doubtful whether these words are to be taken 1) as an illustration of the want of clearness in Plato’s definition, or 2) as a correction of it; e.g. 1) ‘this is only saying, “enough to enable a man to live well.” ’ But this explanation seems to require that the following words τον̂το γάρ ἐστι καθόλου μα̂λλον should be translated ‘this however is too general’ (Bernays), giving a sense to μα̂λλον (= μα̂λλον ἢ δεɩ̂) which is doubtful unless suggested by the context, as in Rep. iii. 410 E, Phaedo 63 D. 2)* ‘By the confused expression “Enough to live upon with temperance,” he means only “enough to live upon well or virtuously; for this is the more general idea.” ’

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ἕξεις αἱρεταί.Jowett1885v1: 6. 9.

The MSS. give ἀρεταί, corrected by Bekker from a marginal note in a copy of the Aldine edition into αἱρεταί. But the words ἕξεις αἱρεταί are unmeaning. It is possible that ἕξεις may be the true reading and ἀρεταὶ the gloss or vice versâ. See note on text.

ἀϕεɩ̂ναι τὴν τεκνοποιίαν.Jowett1885v1: 6. 10.

Another inaccurate criticism. For Plato expressly provides that the overplus of population should be sent to colonies (Laws v. 740).

δεɩ̂ δὲ τον̂τ’ οὐχ ὁμοίως ἀκριβω̂ς ἔχειν περὶ τὰς πόλεις τότε καὶ νν̂ν.Jowett1885v1: 6. 11.

‘But this matter ought not to be regulated with the same strictness then and now,’ i.e. it ought to be regulated with greater strictness in the imaginary state of the Laws than in existing states.

παράζυγας.Jowett1885v1: 6. 11.

‘For whom there is no place at the banquet of life.’—Malthus.

τον̂το δὲ τιθέναι τὸ πλη̂θος ἀποβλέποντα πρὸς τὰς τύχας, ἂν συμβαίνῃJowett1885v1: 6. 12. τελευτα̂ν τινὰς τω̂ν γεννηθέντων, καὶ πρὸς τὴν τω̂ν ἄλλων ἀτεκνίαν.

τω̂ν ἄλλων, ‘the sterility of others,’ i.e. of others than those who have children, implied in the word γεννηθέντων,—‘the death of some of the children and the sterility of some of the married couples.’

Φείδων μὲν ον̓̂ν ὁ Κορίνθιος, ὢν νομοθέτης τω̂ν ἀρχαιοτάτων, τοὺς οἴκουςJowett1885v1: 6. 13. ἴσους ᾠήθη δεɩ̂ν διαμένειν καὶ τὸ πλη̂θος τω̂ν πολιτω̂ν, καὶ εἰ τὸ πρω̂τον τοὺς κλήρους ἀνίσους εἰ̂χον πάντες κατὰ μέγεθος.

ἴσους and ἀνίσους are here used in slightly different senses, ἴσους referring to the numbers of the families, ἀνίσους to the size of the lot. ‘He thought that the number of the families should be the same, even although the original size of the lot was different.’ That is to say he accepted the existing distribution of property among families, however disproportioned, and did not allow it to be afterwards altered.

Of Pheidon the Corinthian nothing is known; he has been identified with Pheidon the tyrant of Argos on the ground that Corinth lay in the Argive dominions (Müller, Dorians i. 7. § 15). But no evidence is adduced of this assertion. The word Κορίνθιος may have been a slip: (cp. for a similar or worse error, infra c. 11. Edition: current; Page: [63]§§ 2, 15; v. 12. §§ 12, 14); but such a slip would be remarkable in a writer who has elsewhere called Pheidon tyrant of Argos, v. 10. § 6.

περὶ μὲν τούτων . . λεκτέον ὕστερον.Jowett1885v1: 6. 14.

There is no adequate fulfilment of this promise to resume the question hereafter. But cp. vii. 5. § 1; 10. § 11; 16. § 15.

ϕησὶ γὰρ δεɩ̂ν κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 6. 14.

Aristotle is finding fault with Plato’s vagueness:—‘He says nothing but that the governors and governed should be made of a different wool.’

τὴν πα̂σαν οὐσίαν ἐϕίησι γίνεσθαι μείζονα μέχρι πενταπλασίας.Jowett1885v1: 6. 15.

Cp. Laws, v. 744 E, where the proprietor is allowed to acquire (κτα̂σθαι) four times the value of his original inheritance. If we add in the original inheritance which was not acquired, the limit of property will be fivefold. There is no reason for supposing any mistake in this statement (Susemihl) or in c. 7. § 4.

καὶ τὴν τω̂ν οἰκοπέδων δὲ διαίρεσιν δεɩ̂ σκοπεɩ̂ν, μή ποτ’ οὐ συμϕέρῃJowett1885v1: 6. 15. πρὸς οἰκονομίαν.

One of the homesteads is to be in the city, another on the border (v. 745 E), the first to be the dwelling of the elders, the second of the son of the house (vi. 776 A). A plan similar to the one which he condemns is adopted by Aristotle in vii. 10. § 11: cp. note on text, in which the inconsistency of the two passages is pointed out.

ἐκ γὰρ τω̂ν ὁπλιτευόντων ἐστίν.Jowett1885v1: 6. 16.

The normal idea of a πολιτεία is that it consists of the free citizens who carry arms and are its natural defenders. Cp. iii. 7. §§ 3, 4, ὅταν δὲ τὸ πλη̂θος πρὸς τὸ κοινὸν πολιτεύηται συμϕέρον, καλεɩ̂ται τὸ κοινὸν ὄνομα πασω̂ν τω̂ν πολιτειω̂ν, πολιτεία· συμβαίνει δ’ εὐλόγως· ἕνα μὲν γὰρ διαϕέρειν κατ’ ἀρετὴν ἢ ὀλίγους ἐνδέχεται, πλείους δ’ ἤδη χαλεπὸν ἠκριβω̂σθαι πρὸς πα̂σαν ἀρετήν, ἀλλὰ μάλιστα τὴν πολεμικήν· αὕτη γὰρ ἐν πλήθει γίγνεται· διόπερ κατὰ ταύτην τὴν πολιτείαν κυριώτατον τὸ προπολεμον̂ν, καὶ μετέχουσιν αὐτη̂ς οἱ κεκτημένοι τὰ ὅπλα, and see also Ib. c. 17. § 4; iv. 13. § 7; and Nic. Eth. viii. 10. 6.

τὴν γὰρ πρώτην πολιτείαν.Jowett1885v1: 6. 16.

The same as the ἑτέρα πολιτεία (§ 4), i. e. the Republic of Plato.

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Here the Spartan is spoken of as a mixed constitution; in iv.Jowett1885v1: 6. 17. c. 9. § 7, as a combination of aristocracy and democracy. So uncritical writers of the last century extol the English constitution as comprehending the elements of every other. It was thought by other nations as well as by ourselves to be an ideal which Europe should copy. But so far from being the fulfilment of a perfect design, it was really the growth of accident; the merit lay not in any wisdom of our ancestors, but in the willingness of the people to conform to circumstances which was so wanting among the Spartans…; With the criticisms of Aristotle on the Lacedaemonian constitution it is interesting to compare the very similar criticism of Plato in the Laws, iv. 712 D, E, καὶ μὴν ξυννοω̂ν γε, ὠ̂ ξένε, τὴν ἐν Λακεδαίμονι πολιτείαν οὐκ ἔχω σοι ϕράζειν οὕτως, ἥντινα προσαγορεύειν αὐτὴν δεɩ̂· καὶ γὰρ τυραννίδι δοκεɩ̂ μοι προσεοικέναι· τὸ γὰρ τω̂ν ἐϕόρων θαυμαστὸν ὡς τυραννικὸν ἐν αὐτῃ̑ γέγονε· καί τις ἐνίοτέ μοι ϕαίνεται πασω̂ν τω̂ν πόλεων δημοκρατουμένῃ μάλιστ’ ἐοικέναι. τὸ δ’ αν̓̂ μὴ ϕάναι ἀριστοκρατίαν αὐτὴν εἰ̂ναι παντάπασιν ἄτοπον. καὶ μὴν δὴ βασιλεία γε διὰ βίου τ’ ἐστὶν ἐν αὐτῃ̑ καὶ ἀρχαιοτάτη πασω̂ν καὶ πρὸς πάντων ἀνθρώπων καὶ ἡμω̂ν αὐτω̂ν λεγομένη. ἐγὼ δὲ οὕτω νν̂ν ἐξαίϕνης ἂν ἐρωτηθεὶς ὄντως, ὅπερ εἰ̂πον, οὐκ ἔχω διωρισάμενος εἰπεɩ̂ν τίς τούτων ἐστὶ τω̂ν πολιτειω̂ν. Cp. Cic. de Rep. ii. 23.

ἐν δὲ τοɩ̂ς νόμοις εἴρηται τούτοις ὡς δέον συγκεɩ̂σθαι τὴν ἀρίστην πολιτείανJowett1885v1: 6. 18. ἐκ δημοκρατίας καὶ τυραννίδος.

This is not really said, though in Laws (iv. 710 ff.) Plato sketches an imaginary tyrant who is to mould the state to virtue.

ϕέρειν ἄρχοντας.Jowett1885v1: 6. 19.

ϕέρειν = ‘to vote for,’ used here as in Plato and Demosthenes with the accusative of the person.

αἱρον̂νται μὲν γὰρ πάντες ἐπάναγκες, ἀλλ’ ἐκ τον̂ πρώτου τιμήματος, εἰ̂ταJowett1885v1: 6. 20. πάλιν ἴσους ἐκ τον̂ δευτέρου, εἰ̂τ’ ἐκ τω̂ν τρίτων. πλὴν οὐ πα̂σιν ἐπάναγκες ἠ̑ν τοɩ̂ς ἐκ τω̂ν τρίτων ἢ τετάρτων, ἐκ δὲ τον̂ τετάρτου τω̂ν τετάρτων μόνοις ἐπάναγκες τοɩ̂ς πρώτοις καὶ τοɩ̂ς δευτέροις.

The general meaning is that the higher the qualification of the elected, the lower may be the qualification of the electors, or, vice versâ, the lower the qualification of the elected, the higher must be the qualification of the electors; they should balance one another.

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There remain, however, some difficulties in reconciling the text of the Politics with the statements of Plato.

What Plato says in the Laws (756) may be shortly stated as follows: ‘For those who are to be elected out of the 1st and 2nd classes, all are compelled to vote and are liable to penalties if they abstain from voting: for those who are to be elected out of the 3rd class, only the three first classes are compelled to vote and are liable to penalties; for those who are to be elected out of the 4th class only the two first classes.

The text of the Politics as given by Bekker (which is that of all the MSS.) does not agree with the corresponding passage of Plato and in one place at least is corrupt.

1) The words ἐκ τον̂ τετάρτου τω̂ν τετάρτων can hardly be right if we are to get any sense out of the passage at all. Either τον̂ τετάρτου or τω̂ν τετάρτων must be omitted. Probably we should omit the latter, for τον̂ τετάρτου agrees best with τον̂ πρώτου τιμήματος and τον̂ δευτέρου antea, and τω̂ν τετάρτων may have crept into the text from the preceding τετάρτων. Either alternative is simpler than reading τεττάρων (for τετάρτων) as in 2nd Ald. edition.

But 2) if we are to make the passage agree with Plato, we should further omit τρίτων ἢ before τετάρτων. Cp. Laws, 756 D, where nothing is said about the third class.

Finally, we must allow that Aristotle may not have remembered or may have misunderstood the words of Plato. Such a supposition cannot be thought far-fetched, when we consider the numerous passages in which he has done unintentional injustice to his master, Pol. i. 13. § 10; ii. 4. § 2; ii. 5. § 27; ii. 6. § 5, etc. The words οὐ πα̂σιν ἐπάναγκες, sc. αἱρεɩ̂σθαι, do not imply that some of the class were compelled to vote. They are used as they are in Anal. Pr. ii. 15, 63, b 26 for the particular negative proposition, which is called by Aristotle indifferently τὸ οὐ παντὶ and τὸ οὐ τινί, from which of course we can logically infer nothing as to the particular affirmative.

ὡς μὲν ον̓̂ν οὐκ ἐκ δημοκρατίας καὶ μοναρχίας δεɩ̂ συνιστάναι τὴν τοιαύτηνJowett1885v1: 6. 22. πολιτείαν, ἐκ τούτων ϕανερὸν καὶ τω̂ν ὕστερον ῥηθησομένων, ὅταν ἐπιβάλλῃ περὶ τη̂ς τοιαύτης πολιτείας ἡ σκέψις.

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ἐκ τούτων. Whether the inference be true or false, it is difficult to elicit from the words which have preceded the grounds for maintaining that a polity should not be made up of democracy and monarchy. Strictly speaking they are only a more detailed statement of this proposition, not an argument in support of it.

In the passage which follows (ὅταν ἐπιβάλλῃ), Aristotle is looking forward to the discussion of what he calls πολιτεία, or ‘constitutional government,’ which like the constitution of the Laws, falls short of the ideal state, but is in advance of most existing forms.

τοιαύτης, ‘a state similar to that in the Laws.’

τω̂ν ὕστερον ῥηθησομένων.Jowett1885v1: 6. 22.

Mixed constitutions are treated of in iv. cc. 7-9, but the promise seems hardly to be fulfilled in that place.

ἔχει δὲ καὶ περὶ τὴν αἵρεσιν τω̂ν ἀρχόντων τὸ ἐξ αἱρετω̂ν αἱρετοὺς ἐπικίνδυνον·Jowett1885v1: 6. 22. εἰ γάρ τινες συστη̂ναι θέλουσι καὶ μέτριοι τὸ πλη̂θος, ἀεὶ κατὰ τὴν τούτων αἱρεθήσονται βούλησιν.

Cp. Mill’s Representative Government, chap. ix (Should there be two stages of election?), ‘The comparatively small number of persons in whose hands, at last, the election of a member of parliament would reside, could not but afford additional facilities to intrigue.’ The double election of representatives is thought to be a safeguard against democracy ; it is really a source of danger and suspicion, and weakens the national interest in politics. It seems often to supersede itself. Thus the election of the President of the United States by Electoral Colleges has passed into a mere form of universal suffrage. The only case in which such elections succeed is where the electors have other important functions (like the American State Legislatures, to which the election of the Senate is entrusted), and therefore cannot be appointed under a pledge to vote for an individual.

For the indefinite use of ἐπικίνδυνον cp. Thuc. i. 137, ἐπειδὴ ἐν τῳ̑ ἀσϕαλεɩ̂ μὲν ἐμοί, ἐκείνῳ δὲ ἐν ἐπικινδύνῳ πάλιν ἡ ἀποκομιδὴ ἐγένετο.

αἱ μὲν ἰδιωτω̂ν αἱ δὲ ϕιλοσόϕων καὶ πολιτικω̂ν.Jowett1885v1: 7. 1.

ἰδιώτης is opposed both to philosophers and statesmen, as in Plato to δημιουργὸς (Laws 921 B) and to ποιητὴς (Phaedr. 258 D), and in Thucydides (ii. 48) to ἰατρός. ‘ἰδιω̂ται’ such as Phaleas Edition: current; Page: [67]and Hippodamus; ‘philosophers’ such as Pittacus or perhaps Pythagoras; ‘statesmen’ such as Solon or Lycurgus (cp. infra, c. 12. § 1).

διὸ Φαλέας ὁ Χαλκηδόνιος τον̂τ’ εἰσήνεγκε πρω̂τος.Jowett1885v1: 7. 2.

A sentence apparently inconsequential but really a condensation of two propositions. ‘Therefore Phaleas the Chalcedonian introduced this, sc. the regulation of property, he being the first to do it.’

Nothing is known of Phaleas from other sources. The manner in which Aristotle speaks of him in this passage (§ 2 ϕησὶ γάρ, § 8 εἴποι ἂν ὁ Φαλέας, οἴεται γὰρ) would lead us to the inference that he was not a legislator but the writer of a book; and this inference is further confirmed by c. 12. § 1, in which Aristotle (?) places first, and in a class by themselves, the private individuals who had treated of laws, apparently meaning Phaleas and Hippodamus. Whether Phaleas was earlier than Hippodamus is uncertain. It is true that Hippodamus is described as the first of those not statesmen who treated of ‘the best state,’ c. 8. § 1. But the stress may be laid on the words περὶ τη̂ς πολιτείας τη̂ς ἀρίστης, ‘Hippodamus was the first, not of political writers, but the first who treated of the perfect state’ which would be consistent with the claim of Phaleas to be an earlier writer on the subject of politics in general.

We cannot argue with Grote (Pt. II. c. 6, vol. ii. p. 523) that because Phaleas was the first who wrote or speculated about the equal division of land, therefore the legislation of Lycurgus or the ancient Dorian institutions may not have anticipated him in fact.

κατοικιζομέναις, sc. ταɩ̂ς πόλεσι or πολιτείαις, an emphatic present,Jowett1885v1: 7. 3. ‘when in process of settlement.’

τῳ̑ τὰς προɩ̂κας τοὺς μὲν πλουσίους διδόναι μὲν λαμβάνειν δὲ μή κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 7. 3.

Cp. the Babylonian ‘marriage-market’ in Hdt. i. 196.

ἔργον γὰρ μὴ νεωτεροποιοὺς εἰ̂ναι τοὺς τοιούτους.Jowett1885v1: 7. 5.

With this passage compare v. 12. § 17 where Aristotle criticizes rather captiously the remark of Plato ‘that loss of fortune is a source of revolutions,’ to which he replies that ‘it is only dangerous when it affects the leaders of the state.’

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οἱ̑ον καὶ Σόλων ἐνομοθέτησεν κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 7. 6.

Mr. Grote (iii. pt. ii. chap. 11, p. 179) thinks that these words refer only to the annulment of mortgages. But they clearly imply that Solon restricted or attempted to restrict the amount of land which might be held by individuals. Although there is no other evidence of this fact, the silence of antiquity cannot be taken as decisive against the statement of Aristotle, and is certainly no reason for explaining away the plain meaning of his words, whether he was correctly informed or not.

ἔτι δὲ τοὺς παλαιοὺς κλήρους διασώζειν.Jowett1885v1: 7. 7.

Dependent on νόμοι εἰσί, gathered from the preceding sentence. The preservation of the lot tended to maintain the equality of property; hence the transition from the one subject to the other.

οὐ γὰρ ἔτι συνέβαινεν ἀπὸ τω̂ν ὡρισμένων τιμημάτων εἰς τὰς ἀρχὰς βαδίζειν.Jowett1885v1: 7. 7.

The meaning is as follows:—Originally the Leucadian citizens had a lot which was their qualification for office. They were afterwards allowed to sell this lot, and still retained the right of holding office, when they had lost their qualification.

ἀλλὰ τήν τε παιδείαν ἥτις ἔσται δεɩ̂ λέγειν, καὶ τὸ μίαν εἰ̂ναι καὶ τὴν αὐτὴνJowett1885v1: 7. 9. οὐδὲν ὄϕελος.

So in modern times reflections are often made on the evils of education unless based on moral and religious principles. Yet it was a noble thought of an early thinker like Phaleas that there should be equal education for all.

καὶ τὸ μίαν κ.τ.λ. ‘Moreover there is no point in saying that it is one and the same, for it may be bad.’

τοὐναντίον δὲ περὶ ἑκάτερον· οἱ μὲν γὰρ πολλοὶ διὰ τὸ περὶ τὰς κτήσειςJowett1885v1: 7. 10. ἄνισον, οἱ δὲ χαρίεντες περὶ τω̂ν τιμω̂ν, ἐὰν ἴσαι.

The opposition here intended is between the inequality of property by which the many are offended, and the equality of honour which offends the higher classes.

περὶ ἑκάτερον, sc. τὰς κτήσεις καὶ τὰς τιμάς.

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οὐ τοὶνυν διὰ ταύτην μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἂν ἐπιθυμοɩ̂εν, ἵνα χαίρωσι ταɩ̂ς ἄνευJowett1885v1: 7. 12. λυπω̂ν ἡδοναɩ̂ς. Τί ον̓̂ν ἄκος τω̂ν τριω̂ν τούτων;

The words καὶ ἂν ἐπιθυμοɩ̂εν, though rather weak, are found in all MSS. and are therefore probably genuine. They are omitted however by Bernays, and have been variously corrected, καὶ ἄνευ ἐπιθυμιω̂ν (Bojesen), sc. ἀδικήσουσιν, an ingenious conjecture; ἂν μὴ ἐπιθυμω̂σιν (Schneider), too great a departure from the MSS.; ἀνεπιθύμητοι (also Bojesen), too rare a word.

The general meaning is plain: ‘And therefore, i.e. not only to still pain, but also to gain pleasure, they will desire pleasures to which no pains are annexed.’ The three motives are, 1) necessity, 2) desire of things not necessary, 3) desire of painless pleasures.

οὐκ ἂν ἐπιζητοɩ̂εν εἰ μὴ παρὰ ϕιλοσοϕίας ἄκος.Jowett1885v1: 7. 12.

‘They will look for a cure from philosophy and go no further.’

οἱ̑ον τυραννον̂σιν οὐχ ἵνα μὴ ῥιγω̂σιν. Διὸ καὶ αἱ τιμαὶ μεγάλαι.Jowett1885v1: 7. 13.

Cp. the Story of Jason, who said πεινη̂ν ὅτε μὴ τυραννοɩ̂, iii. 4. § 9 and note. So Daniel Manin (quoted by Stahr) used to say of himself that ‘he knew nothing except how to govern.’ ‘And as is the greatness of the crime, so is the honour given to the tyrannicide.’

δεɩ̂ δὲ καὶ πρὸς τοὺς γειτνιω̂ντας κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 7. 14.

A favourite idea of Aristotle. Cp. supra c. 6. § 7.

ἀλλ’ οὕτως ὡς ἂν καὶ μὴ ἐχόντων τοσαύτην οὐσίαν.Jowett1885v1: 7. 16.

= ἀλλ’ οὕτως ποιεɩ̂ν ὡς ἂν ποιοɩ̂εν καὶ μὴ ἐχόντων τοσαύτην οὐσίαν, the more general word ποιεɩ̂ν being understood from πολεμεɩ̂ν.

‘That your enemies should act as they would do if you had not so great an amount of property,’ i.e. that your wealth should be no temptation. Cp. Plat. Rep. iv. 422, where he argues that trained warriors will be always too much for wealthy citizens.

Eubulus, by birth a Bithynian, was the tyrant of Atarneus inJowett1885v1: 7. 17. Mysia, and was succeeded by Hermias his slave, whose niece or adopted daughter Aristotle is said to have married; Eubulus revolted from Persia, and was besieged by Autophradates, the Satrap of Lydia. See Strabo, xiii. 610, Suidas s. v. Ἀριστοτέλης.

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διωβελία.Jowett1885v1: 7. 19.

The diobelia was the ordinary payment of two obols for attendance on the assembly and the courts, and also for theatrical entertainments. These payments seem in the later days of Athens, and even during the Peloponnesian war, to have amounted to three obols, and some of them to have been as high as a drachma. They were also made much more frequently than in ‘the good old times.’ Cp. Schol. in Aristoph. Vesp. 684, where it is said on the authority of Aristotle in [the] Politics that the sum given was originally three obols, but afterwards varied at different times: also cp. Lucian Dem. Encom. 36; Prooem. Dem. 1459, 27, a remarkable place; and other passages quoted by Boeckh, ‘Public Economy,’ Eng. Tr. vol. i. ed. 1, pp. 296 ff.

τω̂ν ον̓̂ν τοιούτων ἀρχή κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 7. 20.

If ἀρχὴ be retained, τω̂ν τοιούτων refers to some idea of reform vaguely implied in the previous sentences. ἄκη conj. Scaliger, ἀρκεɩ̂ Coraes.

ἀλλ’ εἴπερ δεɩ̂ δημοσίους εἰ̂ναι, τοὺς τὰ κοινὰ ἐργαζομένους δεɩ̂ καθάπερ ἐνJowett1885v1: 7. 23. Ἐπιδάμνῳ τε, καὶ ὡς Διόϕαντός ποτε κατεσκεύαζεν Ἀθήνησι, τον̂τον ἔχειν τὸν τρόπον.

Bernays places a comma after εἴπερ, and omits the second δεɩ̂, placing a καὶ before καθάπερ. ‘But if this is so (i. e. if artisans are to be public slaves), those who are to be engaged in public works should be slaves.’ Nearly the same meaning may be got from the text, *if we place a comma after εἰ̂ναι and remove the comma after ἐργαζομένους: ‘But if artisans are to be public slaves, those who are engaged in public works should form this class.’

τον̂τον ἔχειν τὸν τρόπον, sc. δημοσίους εἰ̂ναι. This Diophantus, or ‘some one else of the same name, about whom nothing is known, was Archon at Athens in the year 395.

Stobaeus has preserved some fragments of a work περὶ πολιτείας,Jowett1885v1: 8. 1. which bear the name of ‘Hippodamus the Pythagorean’ (Florileg. xliii. pp. 248-251, xcviii. p. 534, Mullach. Fragm. Philos. Graec. vol. ii. p. 11). But there can be little doubt that they are, as Schneider says, the pious fraud of some later writer. The Edition: current; Page: [71]portions cited by Stobaeus will be enough to show the character of such performances. These fragments disagree in several points with the statements of Aristotle; such as the threefold division of the citizens into councillors, auxiliaries, and artisans (cp. the Republic of Plato), and the subdivision of each class into three other classes; the three principles of honesty, justice, utility, and the three instruments by which civil society is knit together, reason, habit, law. Of all this and of a good deal else, there is no trace in Aristotle, although the triplets are also found in Stobaeus. Considerable differences are not however inconsistent with the genuineness of the fragments. A more suspicious circumstance is the character of the philosophical distinctions, such as the opposition of καλόν, δίκαιον, and συμϕέρον, which could hardly have existed before the time of Socrates, and a certain later tone of thought.

Hippodamus Περὶ Πολιτείας.

‘In my opinion the whole state is divided into three parts: one the “Good”—that is, those who govern the commonwealth by mind; another, those who rule by force; a third part, those who supply and furnish necessaries. The first class I call councillors; the second, “allies” or warriors; the third, artisans. To the two former classes belong those who lead a freeman’s life: to the latter those who work for their living. The councillors are the best, the artisans the worst, the warriors are in a mean. The councillors must rule, the artisans must be ruled, while the warriors must rule and be ruled in turn. For the councillors settle beforehand what is to be done: the warriors rule over the artisans, because they fight for the state, but in so far as they must be guided, they have to submit to rule.

‘Each of these parts again has three divisions: of the councillors there are 1) the supreme council; 2) the magistrates; 3) the common councillors. The first has the presidency, and deliberates about all matters before they are carried to the assembly. The second comprises all those who are or have been magistrates. The third, the common councillors, are the mass of senators who receive the measures which the upper council have prepared, and vote upon and determine matters which come before Edition: current; Page: [72]them for decision. In a word, the upper council refers matters to the common council, and the common council, through the general, to the assembly. In like manner there are three divisions of the warrior or military class: the officers, the fighters in the front ranks, and lastly the common herd of soldiers, who are the larger number. The officers are the class which furnishes generals and colonels and captains and the front rank of soldiers, and generally all those who have authority. The soldiers of the front rank are the whole class of the bravest, most spirited, and most courageous men; the common herd of soldiers are the remaining multitude. Again, of the class who work for their living, some are husbandmen and tillers of the ground; others mechanics, who supply tools and instruments for the needs of life; others traders and merchants, who export superfluous productions to foreign countries, and import necessaries into their own. The framework of the political community then is composed of such and so many parts; we will therefore proceed to speak of the harmony and unison of them.

‘Now every political community exactly resembles a stringed instrument, in that it needs arrangement and harmony and touch and frequent practice. Of the character and number of the elements which form the arrangement of the state I have already spoken. The state is harmonized by these three things — reason (λόγος), moral habit, law, and by these three man is educated and becomes better. Reason gives instruction and implants impulses towards virtue. The law partly deters men from crime by the restraint of fear, partly attracts and invites them by rewards and gifts. Habits and pursuits form and mould the soul, and produce a character by constant action. All these three must have regard to the honourable and the expedient and the just; and each of the three must aim at them all if possible, or, if this is not possible, at one or two. So will reason and habit and law all be honourable and just and expedient; but the honourable must always be first esteemed; secondly, the just; thirdly, the expedient. And generally our aim should be to render the city by these qualities as far as possible harmonious, and deliver it from the love of quarrelling Edition: current; Page: [73]and strife, and make it at unity with itself. This will come to pass if the passions of the youthful soul are trained by endurance in pleasures and pains and conformed to moderation;—if the amount of wealth is small, and the revenue derived from the cultivation of the soil; — if the virtuous fill the offices in which virtue is needed, the skilful those in which skill is needed, the rich those in which lavish expenditure and profusion are needed; and to all these, when they have filled in due manner their proper offices, due honour be assigned. Now the causes of virtue are three: fear, desire, shame. The law creates fear, moral habits, shame (for those who have been trained in right habits are ashamed to do wrong); reason implants desire. For it is a motive power, at once giving the reason and attracting the soul, especially when it is combined with exhortation. Wherefore also we must prepare for the souls of the young guilds and common meals, and places of living and meeting together, military as well as civil, and the elders must be harmonized with them, since the young want prudence and training, the old, cheerfulness and quiet enjoyment.’

Aristotle’s account of the character and attainments of Hippodamus may be compared with the passage in the Lesser Hippias of Plato(?) (368 A foll.), in which Hippias is described as acquainted with every conceivable art and science. The personal description of Hippodamus also bears an odd resemblance to the statement of Diogenes Laertius about Aristotle himself—τραυλὸς τὴν ϕωνὴν . . . ἀλλὰ καὶ ἰσχνοσκελής . . . ἠ̑ν, καὶ μικρόμματος, ἐσθη̂τί τε ἐπισήμῳ χρώμενος καὶ δακτυλίοις καὶ κουρᾳ̑ (v. 1. § 2 init.).

The quantity of the name Hippod[Editor: illegible character]mus, though unimportant, is a somewhat difficult question. In Aristophanes (Knights 327) the a is long, yet if the name be a compound of δη̂μος, it is hard to give any meaning to it. It has been thought that Aristophanes has altered the quantity for the sake of the joke.

Mention occurs of the Ἱπποδάμειος ἀγορὰ at the Piraeus in Andoc. de Myst. § 45, p. 7, Xen. Hell. ii. 4. § 11, and Dem.(?) adv. Timoth. § 22, p. 1190. A tradition is preserved by Strabo (xiv. 653, ὡς ϕασίν), that the architect of the Piraeus was the architect of the Edition: current; Page: [74]magnificent city of Rhodes. The scholiast on Knights 327 who supposes the Hippodamus of Aristophanes to be the person here mentioned, supposes him also to have designed the Piraeus at the time of the Persian War (κατὰ τὰ Μηδικά); but he had probably no special means of information and only ‘combined’ the two facts that Hippodamus was the architect of the Piraeus and that Themistocles was the original author of the proposal to improve the harbour. Hippodamus is also called ‘the Thurian’ in Hesychius. The city of Thurii was founded in 445 b.c. and Rhodes was built in 406 b.c. If therefore Hippodamus was a Thurian and also the builder of Rhodes he must have designed not the original works of the Piraeus, but the improvements made at a later date, such as was the middle wall in the age of Pericles, b.c. 444. This latter date is more in accordance with the half Sophist, half Pythagorean character which is attributed to Hippodamus. It is also more in accordance with the words of Aristotle in vii. 11. § 6, ἡ δὲ τω̂ν ἰδίων οἰκήσεων διάθεσις ἡδίων μὲν νομίζεται . . . ἂν εὔτομος ᾐ̑ καὶ κατὰ τὸν νεώτερον καὶ τὸν Ἱπποδάμειον τρόπον, where it is implied that the Hippodamean plan of arranging cities in straight streets was comparatively recent. Cp. for the whole subject C. F. Hermann de Hippodamo Milesio.

καὶ κόσμῳ πολυτελεɩ̂, ἔτι δὲ ἐσθη̂τος εὐτελον̂ς κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 8. 1.

There is no reason for suspecting corruption. The eccentricity of Hippodamus consisted in combining expensiveness and simplicity: ἐσθη̂τος is dependent on some such word as χρήσει to be supplied from κόσμῳ.

διῄρει δ’ εἰς τρία μέρη τὴν χώραν, τὴν μὲν ἱεράν, τὴν δὲ δημοσίαν, τὴν δ’Jowett1885v1: 8. 3. ἰδίαν.

The division of the land proposed in the Seventh Book (c. 10. § 11) is nearly similar to that of Hippodamus.

δικαστήριον ἓν τὸ κύριον.Jowett1885v1: 8. 4.

Plato in the Laws also establishes an appeal, vi. 767 C. ‘The final judgment shall rest with that court, which has been established for those who are unable to get rid of their suits either in the courts of the neighbours or of the tribes.’

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τὰς δὲ κρίσεις ἐν τοɩ̂ς δικαστηρίοις κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 8. 5.

See infra note on §§ 14, 15. Though the principle of Hippodamus is condemned by Aristotle as unsuited to the Athenian popular courts of law, it prevailed in the more advanced jurisprudence of the Romans in which the judges were allowed to give a sentence of n. l. or non liquet, whence the Scotch verdict of ‘not proven.’ The ideas of Hippodamus certainly show great legislative ingenuity in an age when such a quality was extremely rare.

ὡς οὔπω τον̂το παρ’ ἄλλοις νενομοθετημένον· ἔστι δὲ καὶ ἐν ἈθήναιςJowett1885v1: 8. 6. οὑ̑τος ὁ νόμος νν̂ν καὶ ἐν ἑτέραις τω̂ν πόλεων.

Aristotle intends to say that Hippodamus proposed this law as a novelty of which he claimed the credit, whereas it already existed at Athens and elsewhere. The meaning is clear, though the form of the sentence is not perfectly logical: ‘*But this law actually exists in Athens at the present day,’ and this is considered as sufficient proof that it existed at the time of Hippodamus. Or 2) without any opposition but with less point: ‘And this law now exists at Athens.’ Cp. Thuc. ii. 46.

τοὺς δ’ αἱρεθέντας ἐπιμελεɩ̂σθαι κοινω̂ν καὶ ξενικω̂ν καὶ ὀρϕανικω̂ν.Jowett1885v1: 8. 7.

I. e. ‘They were to watch over the public interests and over the interests of persons who had no legal status.’

Aristotle, after his rather onesided manner of attacking anJowett1885v1: 8. 10, 11. opponent, raises several ἀπορίαι respecting the three classes of Hippodamus. ‘How can the two inferior classes, who have no arms, maintain their independence? For many offices they are obviously unfitted: and if they have no share in the state how can they be loyal citizens? Granting that the artisans have a raison d’étre, what place in the state can be claimed by the husbandmen and why should they have land of their own? If the soldiers cultivate their own lands, there will be no distinction between them and the husbandmen; this, however, is not the intention of the legislator: if there are separate cultivators of the public lands, then there are not three, but four classes. The husbandmen are practically slaves who will be at the mercy of the warriors; and if so, why should they elect the magistrates? They will have no attachment to the state and must be kept down by force.’

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To these ἀπορίαι he finds no answer. He adds one or two more: ‘How can the husbandmen produce enough for themselves and the warriors? And why, if they can, should there be any distinction between their lots and those of the soldiers?’

γεωργήσει δύο οἰκίας.Jowett1885v1: 8. 12.

Either οἰκία is here used like οἰ̂κος in the sense of ‘property’ or ‘inheritance’; or γεωργήσει must be taken to mean ‘maintains by agriculture.’ (Cp. for a similar use of οἰκία Dem. de Falsâ Leg. καρπουμένη τὰς τω̂ν χρωμένων οἰκίας: and for another singular use of γεωργέω, i. 8. § 6, ὥσπερ γεωργίαν ζω̂σαν γεωργον̂ντες.) If neither of these explanations is deemed satisfactory, we must suppose a corruption of the text, which may be corrected by reading εἰς δύο οἰκίας (Bernays), or δύσιν οἰκίαις. The old Latin translation ‘ministrabit’ has suggested the emendation ὑπουργήσει. This is no better, or rather worse, Greek than γεωργήσει in the sense given above.

τον̂το δ’ ἐν μὲν τῃ̑ διαίτῃ καὶ πλείοσιν ἐνδέχεται.Jowett1885v1: 8. 13.

‘This is an arbitration is possible, even although the judges are many.’

ὁ μὲν γὰρ εἴκοσι μνα̂ς, ὁ δὲ δικαστὴς κρίνει δέκα μνα̂ς, ἢ ὁ μὲν πλέον, ὁ δ’Jowett1885v1: 8. 14. ἔλασσον, ἄλλος δὲ πέντε, ὁ δὲ τέτταρας.

ὁ μὲν γὰρ clearly refers to the litigant, sc. ὀϕείλεσθαι οἴεται. But in what follows, the words ἢ ὁ μὲν πλ[Editor: illegible character]ον ὁ δὲ ἔλασσον may refer either 1) to the difference between the judges and the litigant or 2*) to the differences of the judges among themselves. In the first case ἢ ὁ μὲν πλέον ὁ δὲ ἔλασσον is a generalised statement of the words which have preceded, ὁ μὲν γὰρ εἴκοσι μνα̂ς, ὁ δὲ δικαστὴς κρίνει δέκα μνα̂ς. But in the second case the words are restricted to ὁ δὲ δικαστὴς κρίνει δέκα μνα̂ς, ἄλλος δὲ πέντε, ὁ δὲ τέτταρας. Anyhow there is a colloquial irregularity, the words ἄλλος δὲ πέντε κ.τ.λ. having crept in out of place, as an illustration of the general principle ὁ μὲν πλέον κ.τ.λ. already stated.

εὔόϕθαλμον ἀκον̂σαι μόνον.Jowett1885v1: 8. 16.

A confusion of language: cp. εὐπρόσωπος (c. 5. § 11).

ἔχει γὰρ συκοϕαντίας.Jowett1885v1: 8. 16.

That Hippodamus was speaking of political discoveries and not Edition: current; Page: [77]of inventions in the arts, is clear from the context. Hippodamus’ error was derived from the analogy of the arts, § 18. We can easily understand the danger of rewarding discoveries such as were made in the conspiracy of the Hermae at Athens or in the days of the Popish Plot in England. Aristotle admits that there have been and will be changes in government, but he advocates caution and insists that law should be based on custom.

αἱ τέχναι πα̂σαι καὶ αἱ δυνάμεις.Jowett1885v1: 8. 18.

Every art and science is also a power to make or become; hence the word δύναμις being the more general term is constantly associated with both τέχνη and ἐπιστήμη.

ζητον̂σι δ’ ὅλως οὐ τὸ πάτριον ἀλλὰ τἀγαθὸν πάντες.Jowett1885v1: 8. 21.

This statement goes beyond the truth. For the traditions of families or clans are very slow in giving way, as e.g. in the constitution of Lycurgus or Solon, to a sense of the common good. It is rarely and for a brief space that nations wake up to the feeling of their own nationality, or are touched by the enthusiasm of humanity.

ὁμοίους εἰ̂ναι καὶ τοὺς τυχόντας καὶ τοὺς ἀνοήτους, ὥσπερ καὶ λέγεταιJowett1885v1: 8. 21. κατὰ τω̂ν γηγενω̂ν.

ὁμοίους has been altered by Bernays into ὀλίγους but without reason. It may be taken 1) as = ὁμοίους τοɩ̂ς γηγενέσι, or, 2)* ὁμοίους may be joined with καὶ τοὺς τυχόντυς = ‘no better than simple or common persons.’ Cp. Hdt. vii. 50, γνώμῃσι ἐχρέοντο ὁμοίῃσι καὶ σύ. Plat. Theaet. 154 A, ἄλλῳ ἀνθρώπῳ ἀ̑ρ’ ὅμοιον καὶ σοὶ ϕαίνεται ὁτιον̂ν.

ὥσπερ γὰρ καὶ περὶ τὰς ἄλλας τέχνας, καὶ τὴν πολιτικὴν τάξιν ἀδύνατονJowett1885v1: 8. 22. ἀκριβω̂ς πάντα γραϕη̂ναι.

1)* If we take πάντα as subject, τὴν πολιτικὴν τάξιν may be the remote object of γραϕη̂ναι, or the words may be governed by περὶ of which the force is continued from περὶ τὰς ἄλλας τέχνας. Or 2) τὴν πολιτικὴν τάξιν may be the subject of γραϕη̂ναι, in which case πάντα is to be taken adverbially.

οὐ γὰρ τοσον̂τον ὠϕελήσεται κινήσας, ὅσον βλαβήσεται τοɩ̂ς ἄρχουσινJowett1885v1: 8. 23. ἀπειθεɩ̂ν ἐθισθείς.

Cp. Thuc. iii. 37, μηδὲ γνωσόμεθα, ὅτι χείροσι νόμοις ἀκινήτοις χρωμένη πόλις κρείσσων ἐστὶν ἢ καλω̂ς ἔχουσιν ἀκύροις.

Edition: current; Page: [78]

κινήσας, sc. ὁ πολίτης gathered from the previous sentence.

ὁ γὰρ νόμος ἰσχὺν οὐδεμίαν ἔχει πρὸς τὸ πείθεσθαι πλὴν παρὰ τὸ ἔθος,Jowett1885v1: 8. 24, 25. τον̂το δ’ οὐ γίνεται εἰ μὴ διὰ χρόνου πλη̂θος, ὥστε τὸ ῥᾳδίως μεταβάλλειν ἐκ τω̂ν ὑπαρχόντων νόμων εἰς ἑτέρους νόμους καινοὺς ἀσθενη̂ ποιεɩ̂ν ἐστὶ τὴν τον̂ νόμου δύναμιν . . ἔχει μεγάλην διαϕοράν.

Cp. Plat. Laws i. 634 D, εἱ̑ς τω̂ν καλλίστων ἂν εἴη νόμων μὴ ζητεɩ̂ν τω̂ν νέων μηδένα ἐα̂ν, ποɩ̂α καλω̂ς αὐτω̂ν ἢ μὴ καλω̂ς ἔχει and Arist. Met. ii. 3, 995 a. 3, ἡλίκην δὲ ἰσχὺν ἔχει τὸ σύνηθες οἱ νόμοι δηλον̂σιν, ἐν οἱ̑ς τὰ μυθώδη καὶ παιδαριώδη μεɩ̂ζον ἰσχύει τον̂ γινώσκειν περὶ αὐτω̂ν διὰ τὸ ἔθος.

ἔχει μεγάλην διαϕοράν, lit. ‘makes a great difference.’

In this chapter Aristotle tacitly assumes or perhaps acquiesces inJowett1885v1: 9. 1. the popular belief that Lycurgus is the author of all Spartan institutions. He was supposed to be the founder of the Spartan constitution, as Solon of the Athenian, or as King Alfred of the ancient English laws. The Ephoralty is apparently attributed to him; yet elsewhere (v. 11. §§ 2, 3) Theopompus, a later king of Sparta, is said to have introduced this new power into the state.

εἴ τι πρὸς τὴν ὑπόθεσιν καὶ τὸν τρόπον ὑπεναντίως τη̂ς προκειμένης αὐτοɩ̂ςJowett1885v1: 9. 1. πολιτείας.

εἴ τι, sc. νενομοθέτηται: καὶ τὸν τρόπον following πρὸς τὴν ὑπόθεσιν. προκειμένης αὐτοɩ̂ς, i.e. 1)* ‘which is proposed to the citizens,’ πολίταις understood from πολιτειω̂ν supra; or 2) ‘which legislators set before themselves’ referring to νομοθέται implied in νενομοθέτηται: cp. ἡ ὑπόθεσις τον̂ νομοθέτου at the end of this chapter (§ 33).

τὴν τω̂ν ἀναγκαίων σχολήν.Jowett1885v1: 9. 2.

‘Leisure or relief from the necessary cares of life.’ The construction is singular and rare in prose, yet not really different from ἔν τινι σχολῃ̑ κακον̂ of Soph. Oed. Tyr. 1286. So Plat. Rep. ii. 370 C ὅταν εἱ̑ς ἕν, σχολὴν τω̂ν ἄλλων ἄγων, πράττῃ.

ἥ τε γὰρ Θετταλω̂ν πενεστεία πολλάκις ἐπέθετο τοɩ̂ς Θετταλοɩ̂ς, ὁμοίως δὲJowett1885v1: 9. 2. καὶ τοɩ̂ς Λάκωσιν οἱ Εἵλωτες· ὥσπερ γὰρ ἐϕεδρεύοντες τοɩ̂ς ἀτυχήμασι διατελον̂σιν.

Cp. Laws vi. 776 C, D: ‘I am not surprised, Megillus, for the state of Helots among the Lacedaemonians is of all Hellenic forms of slavery the most controverted and disputed about, some approving Edition: current; Page: [79]and some condemning it; there is less dispute about the slavery which exists among the Heracleots, who have subjugated the Mariandynians, and about the Thessalian Penestae.’ Yet in this passage of Aristotle the Penestae are spoken of as constantly revolting from their masters.

περὶ δὲ τοὺς Κρη̂τας οὐδέν πω τοιον̂τον συμβέβηκεν· αἴτιον δ’ ἴσως τὸJowett1885v1: 9. 3. τὰς γειτνιώσας πόλεις, καίπερ πολεμούσας ἀλλήλαις, μηδεμίαν εἰ̂ναι σύμμαχον τοɩ̂ς ἀϕισταμένοις διὰ τὸ μὴ συμϕέρειν καὶ αὐταɩ̂ς κεκτημέναις περιοίκους· τοɩ̂ς δὲ Λάκωσιν οἱ γειτνιω̂ντες ἐχθροὶ πάντες ἠ̑σαν, Ἀργεɩ̂οι καὶ Μεσσήνιοι καὶ Ἀρκάδες.

The argument is that in Crete, where all the states had their Perioeci or subject class, no attempt was ever made to raise a servile insurrection when they went to war, because such a measure would have been contrary to the interests of both parties. The Cretans were the inhabitants of an island and there were no out-siders to encourage revolt among the slaves (cp. c. 10. § 15, ἀλλὰ καθάπερ εἴρηται σώζεται διὰ τὸν τόπον). Probably also a sort of international custom prevailed among them, arising from their common necessity, of not raising the slaves in their wars with one another. The Argives and the other Peloponnesian states, when at war, were always receiving the insurgent Helots. But the Argive subject population, like the Cretan, were not equally ready to rise, and indeed were at times admitted to the governing body (cp. v. 3. § 7, καὶ ἐν Ἄργει τω̂ν ἐν τῃ̑ ἑβδόμῃ ἀπολομένων ὑπὸ Κλεομένους τον̂ Λάκωνος ἠναγκάσθησαν παραδέξασθαι τω̂ν περιοίκων τινάς). We may also remark that in c. 5. § 19 supra, Aristotle incidentally observes that the Cretan slaves were comparatively well treated, although forbidden gymnastics and the use of arms.

The word ‘perioeci’ appears to have been used in Crete to denote generally an inferior class, who were not, as at Sparta, distinguished from Helots or slaves. This is confirmed by c. 10. § 5, γεωργον̂σί τε γὰρ τοɩ̂ς μὲν (sc. Λακεδαιμονίοις) Εἵλωτες, τοɩ̂ς δὲ Κρη̂σιν οἱ περίοικοι. But compare also Sosicrates [b.c. 200-128] preserved in Athenaeus (vi. c. 84. fin., p. 263), τὴν μὲν κοινὴν δουλείαν οἱ Κρη̂τες καλον̂σι μνοίαν, τὴν δὲ ἰδίαν ἀϕαμιώτας, τοὺς δὲ περιοίκους ὑπηκόους. The use of the term μνοία in Sosicrates is confirmed by the celebrated Edition: current; Page: [80]Scolium of Hybrias the Cretan (Bergk 27), τούτῳ (sc. τῳ̑ ξίϕει) δεσπότας μνωΐας κέκλημαι. Cp. also Athen. vi. 267, where the term μνῴτης is said by Hermon to be applied to ‘well-born’ serfs: εὐγενεɩ̂ς οἰκέται.

καὶ αὐταɩ̂ς κεκτημέναις περιοίκους. ‘Since they too have perioeci.’

With these criticisms we may compare Aristotle’s proposal (vii.Jowett1885v1: 9. 4. 9. § 8 and 10. §§ 13, 14) in the description of his own state, that the husbandmen should be either slaves or foreign perioeci.

ὥσπερ γὰρ οἰκίας μέρος ἀνὴρ καὶ γυνή.Jowett1885v1: 9. 5.

The singular μέρος is used by attraction with the singular ἀνήρ.

For the general subject, cp. Laws vi. 780 E ff.: ‘For in your country, Cleinias and Megillus, the common tables of men are a heaven-born and admirable institution, but you are mistaken in leaving the women unregulated by law. They have no similar institution of public tables in the light of day, and just that part of the human race which is by nature prone to secrecy and stealth on account of their weakness—I mean the female sex — has been left without regulation by the legislator, which is a great mistake. And, in consequence of this neglect, many things have grown lax among you, which might have been far better if they had been only regulated by law; for the neglect of regulations about women may not only be regarded as a neglect of half the entire matter, but in proportion as woman’s nature is inferior to that of men in capacity of virtue, in that proportion is she more important than the two halves put together.

Cp. also Rhet. i. 5, 1361 a. 10, ὅσοις γὰρ τὰ κατὰ γυναɩ̂κας ϕαν̂λα ὥσπερ Λακεδαιμονίοις, σχεδὸν κατὰ τὸ ἥμισυ οὐκ εὐδαιμονον̂σι: and supra i. 13. § 16; also Eur. Andr. 595,

οὐδ’ ἄν, εἰ βούλοιτό τις,

σώϕρων γένοιτο Σπαρτιατίδων κόρη.

ἐπὶ τη̂ς ἀρχη̂ς αὐτω̂ν.Jowett1885v1: 9. 8.

Translated in the text, as by interpreters generally*, ‘in the days of their greatness,’ i. e. in the fourth century b. c. after the taking of Athens when Sparta had the hegemony of Hellas. But is not the passage rather to be explained ‘many things in their government were ordered by women’? (Schlosser). For why should Edition: current; Page: [81]women be more powerful in the days of their greatness than in their degeneracy? To which it may be replied that the very greatness of the empire made the evil more conspicuous. According to the latter of the two explanations ἀρχη̂ς corresponds to ἄρχειν in what follows.

This use of the genitive is not uncommon: cp. ἐπὶ στρατια̂ς Arist. Wasps 557; τοὺς ἐπὶ τω̂ν πραγμάτων, sc. ὄντας, Dem. 309. 10.

For the conduct of the Spartan women in the invasion ofJowett1885v1: 9. 10. Epaminondas: compare Xenophon, himself the eulogist of Sparta, Hell. vi. 5. § 28, τω̂ν δὲ ἐκ τη̂ς πόλεως αἱ μὲν γυναɩ̂κες οὐδὲ τὸν καπνὸν ὁρω̂σαι ἠνείχοντο, ἅτε οὐδέποτε ἰδον̂σαι πολεμίους, and Plutarch, Ages. 31, who has preserved a similar tradition, οὐχ ἡ̑ττον δὲ τούτων ἐλύπουν τὸν Ἀγησίλαον οἱ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν θόρυβοι καὶ κραυγαὶ καὶ διαδρομαὶ τω̂ν πρεσβυτέρων δυσανασχετούντων τὰ γινόμενα, καὶ τω̂ν γυναικω̂ν οὐ δυναμένων ἡσυχάζειν, ἀλλὰ παντάπασιν ἐκϕρόνων οὐσω̂ν πρός τε τὴν κραυγὴν καὶ τὸ πν̂ρ τω̂ν πολεμίων.

χρήσιμοι μὲν γὰρ οὐδὲν ἠ̑σαν, ὥσπερ ἐν ἑτέραις πόλεσιν, θόρυβον δὲJowett1885v1: 9. 10. παρεɩ̂χον πλείω τω̂ν πολεμίων.

Either 1)* ‘For, unlike the women in other cities, they were utterly useless’; or 2) ‘For, like the women of other cities, they were utterly useless; and they caused more confusion than the enemy.’

The employment of the men on military service, which renderedJowett1885v1: 9. 11. it more easy for Lycurgus to bring them under his institutions, is supposed to have caused the disorder of the women which made it more difficult to control them. Yet we may fairly doubt whether this notion is anything more than a speculation of Aristotle or some of his predecessors (ϕασὶ μέν), striving to account for a seemingly contradictory phenomenon. For there could have been no trustworthy tradition of the time before Lycurgus. It is observable that Aristotle, if his words are construed strictly, supposes Lycurgus to have lived after the time of the Messenian and Argive wars. Clinton, Fasti Hellenici, vol. i., p. 143 note w, considers the words καὶ Μεσσηνίονς in § 11 to be an interpolation. But this assumption of interpolation is only due to the exigencies of chronology. The testimony of Aristotle may be summed up as follows: on the one Edition: current; Page: [82]hand he favours the traditional date; for he connects the name of Charillus an ancient king with that of Lycurgus c. 10. § 2: and on the other hand it is very possible that he may not have known, or may not have remembered the date of the Messenian Wars.

Grote (p. 2. c. 6, p. 516, n. 3) defends the Spartan women against the charges of Aristotle and Plato (the ϕιλολάκων) Laws vii. p. 806, reiterated by Plutarch (Ages. c. 31), and even supposes that ‘their demonstration on that trying occasion (i.e. the invasion of Laconia) may have arisen quite as much from the agony of wounded honour as from fear.’ Yet surely Aristotle writing not forty years afterwards, who is to a certain extent supported by the contemporary Xenophon (vi. 5, 28 see above), could hardly have been mistaken about a matter which was likely to have been notorious in Hellas.

αἰτίαι μὲν ον̓̂ν εἰσὶν αὑ̑ται τω̂ν γενομένων.Jowett1885v1: 9. 12.

Sc. the women:* or ‘these are the causes’ (αὑ̑ται by attraction for ταν̂τα). The first way of taking the words gives more point to the clause which follows.

τίνι δεɩ̂ συγγνώμην ἔχειν.Jowett1885v1: 9. 12.

‘We have not to consider whether we are to blame Lycurgus, or to blame the women; but whether such a state of things is right.’

οὐ μόνον ἀπρέπειάν τινα ποιεɩ̂ν τη̂ς πολιτείας αὐτὴν καθ’ αὑτήν.Jowett1885v1: 9. 13.

αὐτὴν καθ’ αὑτὴν must agree with πολιτείαν understood in ἀπρέπειάν τινα ποιεɩ̂ν τη̂ς πολιτείας, these words being equivalent to ἀπρεπη̂ ποιεɩ̂ν τὴν πολιτείαν: or αὐτη̂ς, which appears to have been the reading of the old translator (ipsius), may be adopted instead of αὐτήν.

μετὰ γὰρ τὰ νν̂ν ῥηθέντα τοɩ̂ς περὶ τὴν ἀνωμαλίαν τη̂ς κτήσεως ἐπιτιμήσειεν Jowett1885v1: 9. 13. ἄν τις.

1)* The mention of avarice, or 2) the mention of women naturally leads Aristotle to speak of the inequality of property. The connexion is either 1) that avarice tends to inequality or 2) that inequality is produced by the great number of heiresses.

Plutarch (Agis, c. 5) apparently ascribes to the Ephor EpitadeusJowett1885v1: 9. 14. the law which enabled a Spartan to give or bequeath his property as he pleased. Either Aristotle has followed a different tradition. Edition: current; Page: [83]or the legislator is only a figure of speech for the institution (cp. supra, note at beginning of chapter).

τω̂ν τ’ ἐπικλήρων.Jowett1885v1: 9. 15.

Cp. Nic. Eth. viii. 10. § 5, ἐνίοτε δὲ ἄρχουσιν αἱ γυναɩ̂κες ἐπίκληροι ον̓̂σαι.

ἢ καὶ μετρίαν.Jowett1885v1: 9. 15.

‘Or even a moderate one.’ καὶ is here qualifying. ‘Better have no dowries or small ones, or you may even go so far as to have moderate ones.’

νν̂ν δὲ ἔξεστι δον̂ναι τὴν ἐπίκληρον ὅτῳ ἂν βούληται.Jowett1885v1: 9. 15.

νν̂ν, not ‘now,’ as opposed to some former time, but ‘as the law stands.’ See note on c. 5. § 23 supra. δον̂ναι, sc. τινά.

‘A man may give his heiress to any one whom he pleases’: i.e. heiresses may be married by their relatives to rich men, and the evil of accumulating property in a few hands will thus be increased. Herodotus, vi. 57, says that the giving away of an heiress whom her father had not betrothed was a privilege of the kings of Sparta. There may have been a difference in the custom before and after the days of Epitadeus (cp. note on § 14), though this is not expressed by the particle νν̂ν.

οὐδὲ χίλιοι τὸ πλη̂θος ἠ̑σαν, sc. ἐπὶ τη̂ς Θηβαίων ἐμβολη̂ς, §§ 10, 16.Jowett1885v1: 9. 16.

γέγονε δὲ διὰ τω̂ν ἔργων αὐτω̂ν δη̂λον ὅτι ϕαύλως αὐτοɩ̂ς εἰ̂χε τὰ περὶJowett1885v1: 9. 16. τὴν τάξιν ταύτην.

τὰ περὶ τὴν τάξιν ταύτην, sc. their arrangements respecting property described in the previous sentence. For the use of ταύτην with a vague antecedent, cp. below ταύτην τὴν διόρθωσιν: also i. 2. § 2.

μίαν πληγήν.Jowett1885v1: 9. 16.

The battle of Leuctra (b.c. 371) at which, according to Xenophon, Hellen, vi. 4. § 15, one thousand Lacedaemonians and four hundred out of seven hundred Spartans perished. The population of Sparta was gradually diminishing. In the time of Agis IV. reg. 240-248 b.c. according to Plutarch (Agis, c. 5), the Spartans were but 700, and only about 100 retained their lots.

ἐπὶ μὲν τω̂ν προτέρων βασιλέων μετεδίδοσαν τη̂ς πολιτείας.Jowett1885v1: 9. 17.

Yet Herodotus (ix. 35) affirms that Tisamenus of Elis, the Edition: current; Page: [84]prophet, and Hegias, were the only foreigners admitted to the rights of citizenship at Sparta. According to Plutarch, Dion was also made a Spartan citizen (Dio, c. 17).

καί ϕασιν εἰ̂ναί ποτε τοɩ̂ς Σπαρτιάταις καὶ μυρίους.Jowett1885v1: 9. 17.

The ancient number of Spartan citizens is variously given: here at 10,000; in Herod. vii. 234, at 8,000; according to a tradition preserved by Plutarch (Lycurg. c. 8), there were 9,000 lots which are said to have been distributed partly by Lycurgus, partly by Polydorus, the colleague of the king Theopompus.

ὑπεναντίος δὲ καὶ ὁ περὶ τὴη τεκνοποιίαν νόμος πρὸς ταύτην τὴνJowett1885v1: 9. 18. διόρθωσιν.

At Sparta the accumulation of property in a few hands tended to disturb the equality of the lots. The encouragement of large families, though acting in an opposite way, had a similar effect. According to Aristotle, depopulation and overpopulation alike conspired to defeat the intention of Lycurgus. Yet it does not seem that the great inducements to have families were practically successful; perhaps because the Spartans intermarried too much.

Like Plato and Phaleas, the Spartan legislator is accused of neglecting population. (Cp. supra c. 6. §§ 12, 13, and c. 7. §§ 4-8.) It is clearly implied in the tone of the whole argument (against Mr. Grote, vol. ii. c. 6) that there was an original equality of property, but that it could not be maintained; cp. τὰς κτήσεις ἰσάζοντα, 6. § 10; τη̂ς χώρας οὕτω διῃρημένης, 9. § 19; and so Plato, Laws 684 D.

διὰ τὴν ἀπορίαν ὤνιοι ἠ̑σαν.Jowett1885v1: 9. 19.

Cp. Thuc. i. 131, etc. where we are told that Pausanias trusted to escape by bribery, πιστεύων χρήμασιν διαλύσειν τὴν διαβολήν. Also Rhet. iii. 18. § 6, 1419 a. 31, Καὶ ὡς ὁ Λάκων εὐθυνόμενος τη̂ς ἐϕορίας, ἐρωτώμενος εἰ δοκον̂σιν αὐτῳ̑ δικαίως ἀπολωλέναι ἅτεροι, ἔϕη. Ὁ δέ, ‘οὐκον̂ν σὺ τούτοις ταὐτὰ ἔθου;’ Καὶ ὃς ἔϕη. ‘οὐκον̂ν δικαίως ἄν,’ ἔϕη ‘καὶ σὺ ἀπόλοιο;’ ‘οὐ δη̂τα,’ ἔϕη, ‘οἱ μὲν γὰρ χρήματα λαβόντες ταν̂τα ἔπραξαν, ἐγὼ δ’ οὐκ, ἀλλὰ γνώμῃ.’

καὶ νν̂ν δ’ ἐν τοɩ̂ς Ἀνδρίοις.Jowett1885v1: 9. 20.

Ἀνδρίοι is a proper name, probably referring to some matter in Edition: current; Page: [85]which the Andrians were concerned. It is unlikely that Aristotle would have used the archaic word ἄνδρια for ϕιδίτια or συσσίτια. For this use of the word ἄνδρια cp. c. 10. § 5, καὶ τό γε ἀρχαɩ̂ον ἐκάλουν οἱ Λάκωνες οὐ ϕιδίτια ἀλλ’ ἄνδρια, καθάπερ οἱ Κρη̂τες, ᾐ̑ καὶ δη̂λον ὅτι ὲκεɩ̂θεν ἐλήλυθεν.

The event to which Aristotle refers is wholly unknown to us, though the strange expression which he uses indicates the great importance of it (ὅσον ἐϕ’ ἑαυτοɩ̂ς ὅλην τὴν πόλιν ἀπώλεσαν).

ὥστε καὶ ταύτῃ συνεπιβλάπτεσθαι τὴν πολιτείαν.Jowett1885v1: 9. 20.

‘So that in this way, as well as by the venality of the Ephors, together with the royal office the whole constitution was injured.’

δεɩ̂ γὰρ τὴν πολιτείαν τὴν μέλλουσαν σώζεσθαι πάντα βούλεσθαι τὰJowett1885v1: 9. 22. μέρη τη̂ς πόλεως εἰ̂ναι καὶ διαμένειν ταὐτά.

The nominatives which occur in the next sentence, οἱ μὲν ον̓̂ν βασιλεɩ̂ς, οἱ δὲ καλοὶ κἀγαθοί, κ.τ.λ. show that the corresponding words τὰ μέρη τη̂ς πόλεως are the subject of βούλεσθαι = δεɩ̂ πάντα τὰ μέρη τη̂ς πόλεως βούλεσθαι τὴν πολιτείαν σώζεσθαι καὶ διαμένειν ταὐτά.

ταὐτὰ is to be taken adverbially with διαμένειν = κατὰ ταὐτά.

ἀ̑θλον γὰρ ἡ ἀρχὴ αὕτη τη̂ς ἀρετη̂ς ἐστίν.Jowett1885v1: 9. 22.

Nearly the same words occur in Demosthenes, c. Lept. § 119, p. 489, where speaking of the γερουσία, he says, ἐκεɩ̂ μὲν γάρ ἐστι τη̂ς ἀρετη̂ς ἀ̑θλον τη̂ς πολιτείας κυρίῳ γενέσθαι μετὰ τω̂ν ὁμοίων.

παιδαριώδης γάρ ἐστι λίαν.Jowett1885v1: 9. 23.

It is not known how the Ephors were elected. Possibly in the same way as the γέροντες (vide note on § 27 infra), which Aristotle likewise calls παιδαριώδης. Plato, Laws iii. 692 A, says that the Ephoralty is ἐγγὺς τη̂ς κληρωτη̂ς δυνάμεως, by which he seems to mean that the election to the Ephoralty was almost as indiscriminate as if it had been by lot.

As in the funeral oration of Pericles, the Spartan discipline isJowett1885v1: 9. 24. everywhere described as one of unnatural constraint. There was no public opinion about right and wrong which regulated the lives of men. Hence, when the constraint of law was removed and they were no longer ἀρχόμενοι but ἄρχοντες, the citizens of Sparta seem Edition: current; Page: [86]to have lost their character and to have fallen into every sort of corruption and immorality. The love of money and the propensity to secret luxury were kindred elements in the Spartan nature.

τὸν τρόπον δὲ τον̂τον πεπαιδευμένων ὥστε καὶ τὸν νομοθέτην αὐτὸν ἀπιστεɩ̂νJowett1885v1: 9. 25. ὡς οὐκ ἀγαθοɩ̂ς ἀνδράσιν, οὐκ ἀσϕαλές.

‘But when men are so educated that the legislator himself cannot trust them, and implies that they are not good men, there is a danger.’ The remark is resumed and justified in § 30 (ὅτι δ’ ὁ νομοθέτης, κ.τ.λ.), by the general suspicion of their citizens which the Spartan government always showed, and also (§ 26) by the circumstance that the Gerontes were placed under the control of the Ephors.

οὐκ ἀσϕαλές, sc. τὸ κυρίους αὐτοὺς εἰ̂ναι μεγάλων.

δόξειε δ’ ἄν κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 9. 26.

The discussion about the Ephors and Gerontes is a sort of dialogue, in which objections are stated and answers given, but the two sides of the argument are not distinctly opposed.

ἔτι δὲ καὶ τὴν αἵρεσιν ἣν ποιον̂νται τω̂ν γερόντων, κατά τε τὴν κρίσιν ἐστὶJowett1885v1: 9. 27. παιδαριώδης κ.τ.λ.

For the mode of the election cp. Plut. Lycurg. c. 26: ‘The election took place after this fashion: When the assembly had met, certain persons selected for the purpose were shut up in a building near at hand, so that they could not see or be seen, but could only hear the shouting of the assembly. For, as with other matters (cp. Thuc. i. 87, κρίνουσι γὰρ βοῃ̑ καὶ οὐ ψήϕῳ), the Lacedaemonians decided by acclamation between the competitors. One by one the candidates were brought in, according to an order fixed by lot, and walked, without speaking, through the assembly. The persons who were shut up marked on tablets the greatness of the shout given in each case, not knowing for whom it was being given, but only that this was the first or the second or the third in order of the candidates. He was elected who was received with the loudest and longest acclamations.’

δεɩ̂ γὰρ καὶ βουλόμενον καὶ μὴ βουλόμενον ἄρχειν τὸν ἄξιον τη̂ς ἀρχη̂ς.Jowett1885v1: 9. 27.

Cp. Plat. Rep. 345 E ff., 347 D.

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νν̂ν δ’ ὅπερ καὶ περὶ τὴν ἄλλην πολιτείαν ὁ νομοθέτης ϕαίνεται ποιω̂ν·Jowett1885v1: 9. 28. ϕιλοτίμους γὰρ κατασκευάζων τοὺς πολίτας τούτοις κέχρηται πρὸς τὴν α[Editor: illegible character]ρεσιν τω̂ν γερόντων.

According to the view of Aristotle and of Plato nobody should seek to rule, but everybody if he is wanted should be compelled to rule. Yet this is rather a counsel of perfection than a principle of practical politics. And it seems hardly fair to condemn the work of Lycurgus, because like every other Greek state, Sparta had elections and candidatures.

διόπερ ἐξέπεμπον συμπρεσβευτὰς τοὺς ἐχθρούς.Jowett1885v1: 9. 30.

συμπρεσβευτὰς does not refer to the kings, but is an illustration of the same jealousy which made the Spartans consider the dissensions of the kings to be the salvation of their state. διόπερ = ‘by reason of a like suspicion.’

It has been argued that Aristotle in this section is criticising the kings only. And we might translate (with Bernays and others) ‘they sent enemies as colleagues of the king,’ e.g. in such cases as that of Agis (Thuc. v. 63). But these could hardly be described as συμπρεσβευταί, any more than the Ephors who, according to Xenophon (de Rep. Lac. c. 13. § 5), were the companions of the king—not his active counsellors, but spectators or controllers of his actions.

Ancient historians are apt to invent causes for the facts which tradition has handed down. Cp. note on c. 9. § 11 supra; also v. 11. § 2; Herod. v. 69; Thuc. i. 11, &c. It may be easily believed that there were frequent παραπρεσβεɩ̂αι among Spartans, but that these were the result of a deeply-laid policy is the fancy of later writers. Still less can we suppose the double royalty which clearly originated in the ancient history of Sparta to be the work of the legislator. Compare the Laws (iii. 691 D) of Plato (who probably first suggested the notion of a special design), ‘A god who watched over Sparta gave you two families of kings instead of one and thus brought you within the limits of moderation.’

τὴν σύνοδον.Jowett1885v1: 9. 31.

Either 1) the gathering for meals; or 2) the contribution, as in Hdt. i. 64.

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βούλεται μὲν γὰρ δημοκρατικὸν εἰ̂ναι τὸ κατασκεύασμα τω̂ν συσσιτίων.Jowett1885v1: 9. 32.

It may be admitted that the common meals had a sort of leveling or equalizing tendency; but this could hardly have been the original intention of them, whether they were first instituted at Sparta by Lycurgus or not (cp. vii. 10. § 2 ff.). They are more naturally connected with the life of a camp (§ 11) and the brotherhood of arms. They may also be the survival of a patriarchal life.

The remark that the office of admiral was a second royaltyJowett1885v1: 9. 33. appears to be justified chiefly by the personal greatness of Lysander. Teleutias the brother of Agesilaus was also a distinguished man. It cannot be supposed that Eurybiades or Cnemus or Alcidas or Astyochus were formidable rivals to the king.

τούτου δὲ ἁμάρτημα οὐκ ἔλαττον· νομίζουσι μὲν γὰρ γίνεσθαι τἀγαθὰ τὰJowett1885v1: 9. 35. περιμάχητα δι’ ἀρετη̂ς μα̂λλον ἢ κακίας· καὶ τον̂το μὲν καλω̂ς, ὅτι μέντοι ταν̂τα κρείττω τη̂ς ἀρετη̂ς ὑπολαμβάνουσιν, οὐ καλω̂ς.

‘The Spartans were right in thinking that the goods of life are to be acquired by virtue, but not right in thinking that they are better than virtue’ (cp. vii. c. 2. and c. 14). The ‘not less error’ is that they degrade the end into a means; they not only prefer military virtue to every other, but the goods for which they are striving to the virtue by which they are obtained.

τὴν μὲν γὰρ πόλιν πεποίηκεν ἀχρήματον, τοὺς δ’ ἰδιώτας ϕιλοχρημάτους.Jowett1885v1: 9. 37.

It is quite true that many Spartans, Pausanias, Pleistoanax, Astyochus, Cleandridas, Gylippus and others were guilty of taking bribes. But it is hard to see how their crime is attributable to the legislator. Not the institutions of Lycurgus, but the failure of them was the real source of the evil.

The love of money to whatever cause attributable was held to be characteristic of Sparta in antiquity. The saying χρήματα χρήματ’ ἀνὴρ is placed by Alcaeus (Fr. 50) in the mouth of a Spartan, and the oracle ἁ ϕιλοχρηματία Σπάρταν ὀλεɩ̂ ἄλλο δὲ οὐδὲν is quoted in the Aristotelian Πολιτεɩ̂αι fr. Rei. Lac. 1559 b. 28.

πάρεγγυς μέν ἐστι ταύτης.Jowett1885v1: 10. 1.

Polyb. vi. 45 denies the resemblance between Crete and Lacedaemon, Ἐπὶ δὲ τὴν τω̂ν Κρητω̂ν μεταβάντες (πολιτείαν) ἄξιον ἐπιστη̂σαι Edition: current; Page: [89]κατὰ δύο τρόπους πω̂ς οἱ λογιώτατοι τω̂ν ἀρχαίων συγγραϕέων Ἔϕορος, Ξενοϕω̂ν, Καλλισθένης, Πλάτων, πρω̂τον μὲν ὁμοίαν εἰ̂ναί ϕασι καὶ τὴν αὐτὴν τῃ̑ Λακεδαιμονίων, δεύτερον δ’ ἐπαινετὴν ὑπάρχουσαν ἀποϕαίνουσιν. ὡ̑ν οὐδέτερον ἀληθὲς εἰ̂ναί μοι δοκεɩ̂. He contrasts the two states in several particulars; 1) the equal distribution of land in Sparta did not exist in Crete; 2) the greed of wealth which existed in Crete is said, strangely enough, to have been unknown at Sparta; 3) the hereditary monarchy of Sparta is contrasted with the life tenure of the γέροντες; 4) the harmony which prevailed at Sparta is contrasted with the rebellions and civil wars of Crete.

τὸ δὲ πλεɩ̂ον ἡ̑ττον γλαϕυρω̂ς.Jowett1885v1: 10. 1.

Compare what is said of Charondas in c. 12. § 11, τῃ̑ ἀκριβείᾳ τω̂ν νόμων ἐστὶ γλαϕυρώτερος καὶ τω̂ν νν̂ν νομοθετω̂ν.

According to this view the Spartan institutions are not DorianJowett1885v1: 10. 2. but Pre-Dorian, having been established originally by Minos; received from him by the Lacedaemonian colony of Lyctus in Crete, and borrowed from the Lyctians by Lycurgus.

διὸ καὶ νν̂ν οἱ περίοικοι τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον χρω̂νται αὐτοɩ̂ς, ὡς κατασκευάσαντοςJowett1885v1: 10. 3. Μίνω πρώτου τὴν τάξιν τω̂ν νόμων.

The connexion is as follows:—The Lacedaemonian Laws are borrowed from the Cretan. Among the Lyctians, a colony of the Lacedaemonians who settled in Crete and whom Lycurgus is said to have visited, these laws were already in existence, and he adopted them. And even at this day, the laws of Minos are still in force among the subject population or aborigines of Crete. διὸ is unemphatic; the logical form outruns the meaning.

Either the laws of Minos had ceased to be enforced among the freemen of Crete or the freemen of Crete had themselves changed (Bernays); and therefore any vestiges of the original law were only to be found among the ancient population. Thus communistic usages may be observed among the peasants of India and Russia, which have disappeared in the higher classes. Yet Aristotle also speaks of the common meals in Crete as still continuing. Does he refer only to the survival of them among the Perioeci? By Dosiades (b.c.?) the Cretan Syssitia are described as still existing Edition: current; Page: [90](see the passage quoted in note on § 6). Aristotle supposes that Lycurgus went to Crete before he gave laws to Sparta. According to other accounts his travels, like those of Solon, were subsequent to his legislation.

Ephorus, the contemporary of Aristotle [see fragment quoted in Strabo x. 480], argues at length that the Spartan Institutions originally existed in Crete but that they were perfected in Sparta, and that they deteriorated in Cnossus and other Cretan cities; both writers agree in the general view that the Cretan institutions are older than the Spartan and in several other particulars, e.g. that the Lyctians were a Lacedaemonian colony, that the common meals were called Ἄνδρια or Ἀνδρεɩ̂α, that the Cretan institutions had decayed in their great towns but survived among the Perioeci; and also in the similarity of offices at Lacedaemon and Crete. The great resemblance between this account and that of Aristotle seems to indicate a common unknown source.

The existence of the same institutions in Sparta and Crete and the greater antiquity of the Cretan Minos may have led to the belief in their Cretan origin. Others deemed such an opinion unworthy of Sparta and argued plausibly that the greater could not have been derived from the less; Strabo l.c.

Δοκεɩ̂ δ’ ἡ νη̂σος καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἀρχὴν τὴν Ἑλληνικὴν πεϕυκέναι καὶ κεɩ̂σθαιJowett1885v1: 10. 3. καλω̂ς.

Aristotle, like Herodotus, Thucydides, Aeschylus, is not indisposed to a geographical digression; cp. vii. 10. §§ 3-5.

It may be observed that the remark is not perfectly consistent with §§ 15, 16. The ‘silver streak’ and ‘the empire of the sea’ are the symbols of two different policies.

Διὸ καὶ τὴν τη̂ς θαλάσσης ἀρχὴν κατέσχεν ὁ Μίνως.Jowett1885v1: 10. 4.

Cp. Herod. iii. 122, Thuc. i. 4.

γεωργον̂σί τε γὰρ τοɩ̂ς μὲν εἵλωτες τοɩ̂ς δὲ Κρησὶν οἱ περίοικοι.Jowett1885v1: 10. 5.

But if Sosicrates, a writer of the second century b.c., quoted by Athenaeus vi. 84 is to be trusted, Aristotle is here at fault in his use of terms; τὴν μὲν κοινὴν δουλείαν οἱ Κρη̂τες καλον̂σι μνοίαν, τὴν δὲ ἰδίαν ἀϕαμιώτας, τοὺς δὲ περιοίκους ὑπηκόους: see c. 9. § 3.

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ᾐ̑ καὶ δη̂λον ὅτι ἐκεɩ̂θεν ἐλήλυθεν.Jowett1885v1: 10. 5.

These words may be compared with the passage in Book vii. 10. § 2, ἀρχαία δ’ ἔοικεν εἰ̂ναι καὶ τω̂ν συσσιτίων ἡ τάξις, τὰ μὲν περὶ Κρήτην γενόμενα περὶ τὴν Μίνω βασιλείαν, τὰ δὲ περὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν πολλῳ̑ παλαιότερα τούτων. In both passages Aristotle says that the common meals came from Crete to Sparta.

οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἔϕοροι τὴν αὐτὴν ἔχουσι δύναμιν τοɩ̂ς ἐν τῃ̑ Κρήτῃ καλουμένοιςJowett1885v1: 10. 6. κόσμοις.

The office of the Cosmi is identified by Aristotle with that of the Ephors. But the resemblance between them is very slight. The fact that at Sparta there were kings, while in Crete the kingly power, if it ever existed at all, had long been abolished, makes an essential difference. The Ephors were democratic, the Cosmi were oligarchical officers. And although both the Ephors and the Cosmi were an executive body, yet the Ephors, unlike the Cosmi, never acquired the military command, which was retained by the Spartan kings. Aristotle observes that the Cosmi were chosen out of certain families, the Ephors out of all the Spartans, a circumstance to which he ascribes the popularity of the latter institution.

οὓς καλον̂σιν οἱ Κρη̂τες βουλήν.Jowett1885v1: 10. 6.

Yet we are told that the term βουλὴ was generally used to signify ‘the council in a democracy.’ Cp. iv. 15. § 11 and vi. 8. § 17, also v. 1. § 10, [at Epidamnus] ἀντὶ τω̂ν ϕυλάρχων βουλὴν ἐποίησεν. In the Cretan use of the term βουλὴ there may be a survival of the Homeric meaning of the word.

βασιλεία δὲ πρότερον μὲν ἠ̑ν.Jowett1885v1: 10. 6.

Probably an inference from the legendary fame of Minos. No other king of Crete is mentioned.

Dosiades, quoted by Ath. iv. c. 22. p. 143, gives the following account of the Cretan Syssitia: ‘The Lyctians collect the materials for their common meals in the following manner: Every one brings a tenth of the produce of the soil into the guild (ἑταιρία) to which he belongs, and to this [are added] the revenues of the city, which the municipal authorities distribute to the several households. Further, each of the slaves contributes a poll-tax of an Edition: current; Page: [92]Aeginetan stater. All the citizens are divided among these guilds which they call andreia. A woman takes care of the syssitia with three or four of the common people to help in waiting; and each of these has two attendants, called καλοϕόροι, to carry wood for him. Everywhere in Crete there are two buildings for the syssitia, one called the andreion, the other, which is used for the reception of strangers, the dormitory (κοιμητήριον). And first of all they set out two tables in the room for the syssitia, called “strangers’ tables,” at which any strangers who are present take their place. Next to these come the tables for the rest. An equal portion is set before every man: the children receive a half portion of meat, but touch nothing else. On every table a large vessel is set full of diluted wine: from this all who sit at that table drink in common; and when the meal is finished another cup is put on. The children too drink in common from another bowl. The elders may, if they like, drink more. The best of the viands are taken by the woman who superintends the syssitia in the sight of all, and placed before those who have distinguished themselves in war or council. After dinner their habit is first of all to consult about state affairs, and then to recount their deeds in battle and tell the praise of their heroes. Thus they teach the youth to be valiant.’

ὥστ’ ἐκ κοινον̂ τρέϕεσθαι πάντας, καὶ γυναɩ̂κας καὶ παɩ̂δας καὶ ἄνδρας.Jowett1885v1: 10. 8.

ἐκ κοινον̂, ‘out of a common stock’; not necessarily at common tables. The syssitia or common meals of women are said by Aristotle in chap. 12 to be an invention of Plato in the Laws, and if so they could hardly have existed at Crete. Nor is there any allusion to them in the fragment of Dosiades (supra). The name ἄνδρια or ἀνδρεɩ̂α also affords a presumption against the admission of women to the public tables. But if the words ἐκ κοινον̂ are interpreted as above, there is no reason that with Oncken (Staatslehre der Arist. ii. 386) we should suppose the words γυναɩ̂κας καὶ παɩ̂δας on this ground to be spurious; nor is such a mode of textual criticism legitimate.

πρὸς δὲ τὴν ὀλιγοσιτίαν.Jowett1885v1: 10. 9.

The connexion appears to be as follows: ‘And as there were so many mouths to feed,’ the legislator had many devices for Edition: current; Page: [93]encouraging moderation in food, which he thought a good thing, as well as for keeping down population.

τὴν πρὸς τοὺς ἄρρενας ποιήσας ὁμιλίαν, περὶ ἡ̑ς εἰ ϕαύλως ἢ μὴ ϕαύλωςJowett1885v1: 10. 9. ἕτερος ἔσται τον̂ διασκέψασθαι καιρός.

If these words refer to this work, the promise contained in them is unfulfilled. Nothing is said on the subject in Book vii. c. 16, when the question of population is discussed. The promise, however, is somewhat generally expressed; like the end of c. 8. § 25 supra, Διὸ νν̂ν μὲν ἀϕω̂μεν ταύτην τὴν σκέψιν, ἄλλων γάρ ἐστι καιρω̂ν.

ἐνταν̂θα δ’ οὐκ ἐξ ἁπάντων αἱρον̂νται τοὺς κόσμους ἀλλ’ ἐκ τινω̂ν γενω̂ν, καὶJowett1885v1: 10. 10-12. τοὺς γέροντας ἐκ τω̂ν κεκοσμηκότων. περὶ ὡ̑ν τοὺς αὐτοὺς ἄν τις εἴπειε λόγους καὶ περὶ τω̂ν ἐν Λακεδαίμονι γινομένων. τὸ γὰρ ἀνυπεύθυνον, καὶ τὸ διὰ βίου μεɩ̂ζόν ἐστι γέρας τη̂ς ἀξίας αὐτοɩ̂ς. . . τὸ δ’ ἡσυχάζειν, κ.τ.λ.

περὶ ὡ̑ν. Do these words refer to* the γέροντες (Susemihl, Bernays) or to the κόσμοι (Stahr)? The connexion would lead us to suppose the latter; for what precedes and what follows can only be explained on this supposition. Yet the Cosmi appear not to have held office for life (cp. γέροντας ἐκ τω̂ν κεκοσμηκότων), perhaps only for a year (Polyb. vi. 46), though nothing short of a revolution could get rid of them; see infra, § 14. It is better to suppose that Aristotle has ‘gone off upon a word’ as at c. 9. § 30, and is here speaking of the γέροντες, but returns to his original subject at τὸ δ’ ἡσυχάζειν. περὶ ὡ̑ν and γινομένων have also been taken as neuters: ‘about which things,’ i. e. the mode of electing: but this explanation does not agree with the next words, which relate, not to the mode of election, but to the irresponsibility of the office.

καὶ τὸ μὴ κατὰ γράμματα ἄρχειν, ἀλλ’ αὐτογνώμονας ἐπισϕαλές.Jowett1885v1: 10. 11.

Cp. c. 9. § 23 where similar words are applied not, as here, to the Cosmi and elders, but to the Ephors. Another more general censure is passed on the γέροντες, § 25.

οὐδὲ γὰρ λήμματός τι τοɩ̂ς κόσμοις ὥσπερ τοɩ̂ς ἐϕόροις, πόρρω γ’ ἀποικον̂σινJowett1885v1: 10. 12. ἐν νήσῳ τω̂ν διαϕθερούντων.

Yet to say that the Cosmi could not be bribed because they lived in an island appears to be rather far-fetched. Probably Aristotle is thinking of the bribery of Hellenes by foreign powers, Edition: current; Page: [94]and for this there was little opportunity because the Cretans were isolated from the world.

οὐ γὰρ ἀσϕαλὴς ὁ κανών.Jowett1885v1: 10. 13.

The expression is not quite accurate, for the caprice of an individual cannot be called a κανών. He means that to make the caprice of man a rule is unsafe.

πάντων δὲ ϕαυλότατον τὸ τη̂ς ἀκοσμίας τω̂ν δυνατω̂ν, ἣν καθιστα̂σιJowett1885v1: 10. 14. πολλάκις ὅταν μὴ δίκας βούλωνται δον̂ναι.

The words ἣν καθιστα̂σι πολλάκις which follow and the preceding ἐκβάλλουσι συστάντες τινὲς show that the expression τὸ τη̂ς ἀκοσμίας τω̂ν δυνατω̂ν means not the insubordination of the notables, but the temporary abrogation of the office of Cosmi by their violence, or, possibly, their defiance of its authority.

ἔστι δ’ ἐπικίνδυνος οὕτως ἔχουσα πόλις τω̂ν βουλομένων ἐπιτίθεσθαι καὶJowett1885v1: 10. 15. δυναμένων.

Translated in the English text: ‘A city is in a dangerous condition, when those who are willing are also able to attack her.’ More correctly, ‘A city which may at any time fall into anarchy (οὕτως ἔχουσα) is in a dangerous condition when those who are willing are also able to attack her.’

Διὸ καὶ τὸ τω̂ν περιοίκων μένει.Jowett1885v1: 10. 16.

‘And this is also a reason why the condition of the Perioeci remains unchanged.’

οὔτε γὰρ ἐξωτερικη̂ς ἀρχη̂ς κοινωνον̂σι.Jowett1885v1: 10. 16.

Either 1*) have no foreign domains; or 2) have no relation to any foreign power. The language is not quite clear or accurate; for although a nation may possess foreign dominions it cannot ‘share’ in them. The Cretans were not members either of the Delian or of the Lacedaemonian confederacy.

νεωστί τε πόλεμος ξενικὸς διαβέβηκεν εἰς τὴν νη̂σον.Jowett1885v1: 10. 16.

The date of this event is said to be b. c. 343 when Phalaecus, the Phocian leader, accompanied by his mercenaries, crossed into Crete and took service with the inhabitants of Cnossus against those of Lyctus over whom he gained a victory, but shortly afterwards Edition: current; Page: [95]perished (Diod. xvi. 62, 63). This however is rather a civil than a ‘foreign war.’ Others refer the words to the war in the time of Agis II. (b.c. 330), or to the Cretan rising against Alexander.

νεωστί τε refers to σώζεται διὰ τὸν τόπον, ‘Quite lately [her isolation did not save her,] foreign mercenaries brought war into the island.’

καὶ πολλὰ περιττω̂ς πρὸς τοὺς ἄλλους.Jowett1885v1: 11. 1.

‘And in many respects their government is remarkable when compared with those of other nations’ or ‘with the others of whom I have been speaking.’ For the use of περιττός, cp. c. 6. § 6.

αὑ̑ται γὰρ αἱ πολιτεɩ̂αι τρεɩ̂ς ἀλλήλαις τε σύνεγγύς πώς εἰσι.Jowett1885v1: 11. 1.

Yet the differences are far more striking than the resemblances, which seem to be only ‘the common tables,’ the analogous office of kings at Sparta and Carthage, and the council of Elders. The real similarity to one another of any of these institutions may be doubted (see note on § 3 infra): while the entire difference in spirit is not noticed by Aristotle. The Semitic trading aristocracy has little in common with the Hellenic military aristocracy; the prosperity of Carthage with the poverty and backwardness of Crete. But in the beginnings of reflection mankind saw resemblances more readily than differences. Hence they were led to identify religions, philosophies, political institutions which were really unlike though they bore the impress of a common human nature.

σημεɩ̂ον δὲ πολιτείας συντεταγμένης.Jowett1885v1: 11. 2.

‘And the proof that they were an organized state’ or ‘that they had a regular constitution.’ The insertion of εν̓̂ before συντεταγμένης (Schneider) is unnecessary. Cp. supra ii. 9. § 22.

τὸν δη̂μον ἔχουσαν agrees with some word such as πόλιν understoodJowett1885v1: 11. 2. from πολιτείαν = ‘the city with its democracy.’ There is no need to change ἔχουσαν into ἑκόντα (Bernays) or ἑκούσιον (Spengel).

μήτε στάσιν γεγενη̂σθαι.Jowett1885v1: 11. 2.

For the inconsistency of these words with another statement of Aristotle (v. 12. § 12) that ‘the Carthaginians changed from a tyranny into an aristocracy,’ which is also irreconcileable with the further statement in v. 12. § 14, that they never had a revolution, see note in loco.

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ἔχει δὲ παραπλήσια τῃ̑ Λακωνικῃ̑ πολιτείᾳ τὰ μὲν συσσίτια τω̂ν ἑταιριω̂νJowett1885v1: 11. 3. τοɩ̂ς ϕειδιτίοις, τὴν δὲ τω̂ν ἑκατὸν καὶ τεττάρων ἀρχὴν τοɩ̂ς ἐϕόροις . . τοὺς δὲ βασιλεɩ̂ς καὶ τὴν γερουσίαν ἀνάλογον τοɩ̂ς ἐκεɩ̂ βασιλεν̂σι καὶ γέρουσιν.

Yet there could hardly have been much resemblance between the common tables of guilds or societies in the great commercial city of Carthage, and the ‘camp life’ of the Spartan syssitia; or between the five ephors of Sparta and the hundred and four councillors of Carthage: or between kings who were generals and elected for life at Sparta and the so called kings or suffetes who seem to have been elected annually and were not military officers at Carthage, but are distinguished from them, infra § 9.

οὐ χεɩ̂ρον.Jowett1885v1: 11. 3.

Is to be taken as an adverb agreeing with the sentence, ‘and this is an improvement.’

καὶ βέλτιον δὲ τοὺς βασιλεɩ̂ς μήτε κατὰ τὸ αὐτὸ εἰ̂ναι γένος, μηδὲ τον̂τοJowett1885v1: 11. 4. τὸ τυχόν, εἴ τε διαϕέρον ἐκ τούτων αἱρετοὺς μα̂λλον ἢ καθ’ ἡλικίαν.

The true meaning of this rather perplexed passage is probably that given in the English text which may be gathered from the words as they stand. With διαϕέρον supply τὸ γένος ἐστί. The correction of Bernays, τυχόν, εἰς δὲ γερουσίαν ἐκ πλουσίων αἱρετοὺς is too great a departure from the MSS. Lesser corrections, εἰ δέ, ἀλλ’ εἴ τι, εἴτι have some foundation in the Latin Version, but are unnecessary. εἴ τε is to be read as two words and answers to μήτε, as διαϕέρον does to μηδὲ τον̂το τὸ τυχόν. ‘It is a great advantage that the kings are not all of the same family and that their family is no ordinary one, and if there be an extraordinary family, that the kings are elected out of it and not appointed by seniority.’

μεγάλων γὰρ κύριοι καθεστω̂τες, ἂν εὐτελεɩ̂ς ὠ̂σι, μεγάλα βλάπτουσι καὶJowett1885v1: 11. 4. ἔβλαψαν ἤδη τὴν πόλιν τὴν τω̂ν Λακεδαιμονίων.

He elsewhere speaks of the Spartan monarchy in a somewhat different spirit (iii. 14. § 3, 15. § 1 ff.). The praise here given to the elective Monarchy or Consulate of the Carthaginians at the expense of the Spartan kingship is considerably modified by the fact mentioned in § 10, that they not unfrequently sold the highest offices for money.

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τω̂ν δὲ πρὸς τὴν ὑπόθεσιν τη̂ς ἀριστοκρατίας καὶ τη̂ς πολιτείας,Jowett1885v1: 11. 5.

sc. ἐπιτιμηθέντων ἂν κ.τ.λ. Lit. ‘But of the things which would be censured when compared with the ideal of aristocracy and constitutional government, etc.’

The constitution of Carthage was an aristocracy in the lowerJowett1885v1: 11. 5. sense, and like Aristotle’s own πολιτεία, a combination of oligarchy and democracy (iv. 8. § 9, v. 7. §§ 5-7). While acknowledging that wealth should be an element in the constitution, because it is the condition of leisure, Aristotle objects to the sale of places and the other abuses which arose out of it at Carthage. The Carthaginian constitution is expressly called an ‘aristocracy’ in iv. 7. § 4, because it has regard to virtue as well as to wealth and numbers; and once more (in v. 12. § 14) a democracy in which, as in other democracies, trade was not prohibited. According to Aristotle the people had the power 1) of debating questions laid before them; 2) of deciding between the kings and nobles when they disagreed about the introduction of measures, but 3) they had not the power of initiation.

ἐν ταɩ̂ς ἑτέραις πολιτείαις.Jowett1885v1: 11. 6.

Sc. Crete and Sparta. Cp. supra § 5, ταɩ̂ς εἰρημέναις πολιτείαις.

τὸ δὲ τὰς πενταρχίας κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 11. 7.

Of these pentarchies, or of the manner in which they held office before and after the regular term of their magistracy had expired, nothing is known. We may conjecture that they were divisions or committees of the γερουσία. Their position may be illustrated by that of the Cretan Cosmi, who became members of the γερουσία when their term of office had expired (cp. c. 10. § 10).

τὴν τω̂ν ἑκατόν.Jowett1885v1: 11. 7.

Possibly the same which he had previously (§ 3) called the magistracy of 104. The magistracy here spoken of is termed μεγίστη ἀρχή, the other is said to consist of great officers who are compared with the Ephors. If the two institutions are assumed to be the same, we might adduce for an example of a like inaccuracy in number, a passage, c. 6. § 5, where the citizens in Plato’s Laws who number 5040 are called the 5000. Edition: current; Page: [98]But it is not certain that they can be identified. According to Livy and Justin the ordo judicum consisted of 100. ‘Centum ex numero senatorum judices deliguntur.’ Justin xix. 2. (Cp. Livy xxxiii. 46.) They were appointed about the year b.c. 450, to counteract the house of Mago, and are spoken of as a new institution. These facts rather lead to the inference that the 100 are not the same with the magistracy of 104, which was probably more ancient. But in our almost entire ignorance of early Carthaginian history the question becomes unimportant.

καὶ τὸ τὰς δίκας ὑπὸ τω̂ν ἀρχείων δικάζεσθαι πάσας [ἀριστοκρατικόν], καὶJowett1885v1: 11. 7. μὴ ἄλλας ὑπ’ ἄλλων, καθάπερ ἐν Λακεδαίμονι.

Either 1)* καθάπερ ἐν Λακεδαίμονι refers to the immediately preceding clause, μὴ ἄλλας ὑπ’ ἄλλων:—or 2), to the words δίκας ὑπὸ τω̂ν ἀρχείων δικάζεσθαι πάσας, in which case καὶ . . . ἄλλων must be taken as an explanatory parenthesis.

According to the first view, Aristotle is opposing Carthage and Lacedaemon. In Carthage all cases are tried by the same board or college of magistrates (or by the magistrates collectively), whereas in Lacedaemon some magistrates try one case and some another. The former is the more aristocratical, the second the more oligarchical mode of proceeding: the regular skilled tribunal at Carthage is contrasted with the casual judgments of individuals at Lacedaemon. The difficulty in this way of taking the passage is that we should expect ὑπὸ τω̂ν αὐτω̂ν ἀρχείων, unless the words καὶ μὴ ἄλλας ὑπ’ ἄλλων be regarded as suggesting αὐτω̂ν by antithesis.

According to the second view, Aristotle, as in iii. 1. § 10, is comparing the general points of resemblance in Carthage and Lacedaemon. ‘Both at Carthage and Lacedaemon cases are tried by regular boards of magistrates, and not by different persons, some by one and some by another.’ The difference between the professional judges of the Carthaginians and the casual magistrates of the Spartans is noted in iii. 1. § 10, but here passed over in silence. The Carthaginian and Lacedaemonian arrangements may thus be considered as both aristocratic and oligarchic,—aristocratic because limiting judicial functions to regular magistrates; oligarchic, because confining them to a few. They are Edition: current; Page: [99]both contrasted with the judicial institutions of a democracy. The difficulty in this way of construing the passage is not the parenthesis, which is common in Aristotle, but the use of ἄλλων vaguely for ‘different persons,’ and not, as the preceding words ὑπὸ τω̂ν ἀρχείων would lead us to expect, for ‘different magistracies,’ or ‘boards of magistrates.’

In neither way of taking the passage is there any real contradiction to the statement of iii. 1. § 10. The words of the latter are as follows: ‘For in some states the people are not acknowledged, nor have they any regular assembly; but only extraordinary ones; suits are distributed in turn among the magistrates; at Lacedaemon, for instance, suits about contracts are decided, some by one Ephor and some by another; while the elders are judges of homicide, and other causes probably fall to some other magistracy. A similar principle prevails at Carthage; there certain magistrates decide all causes.’

For the sale of great offices at Carthage, see Polyb. vi. 56. § 4,Jowett1885v1: 11. 9. παρὰ μὲν Καρχηδονίοις δω̂ρα ϕανερω̂ς διδόντες λαμβάνουσι τὰς ἀρχάς· παρὰ δὲ Ῥωμαίοις θάνατός ἐστι περὶ τον̂το πρόστιμον.

δεɩ̂ δὲ νομίζειν ἁμάρτημα νομοθέτου τὴν παρέκβασιν εἰ̂ναι τη̂ς ἀριστοκρατίαςJowett1885v1: 11. 10. ταύτην κ.τ.λ.

The error consists in making wealth a qualification for office; the legislator should from the first have given a competency to the governing class, and then there would have been no need to appoint men magistrates who were qualified by wealth only. Even if the better classes generally are not to be protected against poverty, such a provision must be made for the rulers as will ensure them leisure. See infra § 12, βέλτιον δ’ εἰ καὶ προεɩ̂το τὴν ἀπορίαν τω̂ν ἐπιεικω̂ν ὁ νομοθέτης κ.τ.λ.

εἰ δὲ δεɩ̂ βλέπειν καὶ πρὸς εὐπορίαν χάριν σχολη̂ς, ϕαν̂λον τὸ τὰς μεγίσταςJowett1885v1: 11. 10. ὠνητὰς εἰ̂ναι τω̂ν ἀρχω̂ν, τήν τε βασιλείαν καὶ τὴν στρατηγίαν.

Of this, as of many other passages in the Politics, the meaning can only be inferred from the context. In the Carthaginian constitution the element of wealth superseded merit. But whether there was a regular traffic in offices, as the words τὰς μεγίστας Edition: current; Page: [100]ὠνητὰς εἰ̂ναι τω̂ν ἀρχω̂ν would seem to imply, or merely a common practice of corruption, as in England in the last century, Aristotle does not clearly inform us. Cp. Plat. Rep. viii. 544 D, ἤ τινα ἄλλην ἔχεις ἰδέαν πολιτείας, ἥτις καὶ ἐν εἴδει διαϕανεɩ̂ τινὶ κεɩ̂ται; δυναστεɩ̂αι γὰρ καὶ ὠνηταὶ βασιλεɩ̂αι καὶ τοιαν̂ταί τινες πολιτεɩ̂αι μεταξύ τι τούτων πού εἰσιν, εὕροι δ’ ἄν τις αὐτὰς οὐκ ἐλάττους περὶ τοὺς βαρβάρους ἢ τοὺς Ἕλληνας.

βέλτιον δ’ εἰ καὶ προεɩ̂το τὴν ἀπορίαν τω̂ν ἐπιεικω̂ν ὁ νομοθέτης.Jowett1885v1: 11. 12.

The MSS. vary between ἀπορίαν and εὐπορίαν without much difference of meaning: ‘Even if the legislator were to give up the question of the poverty’ [or ‘wealth] of the better class.’ A similar confusion of ἄπορος and εὔπορος occurs elsewhere: iii. 17. § 4, ἀπόροις and εὐπόροις: v. 1. § 14, ἄποροι and εὔποροι: v. 3. § 8, ἀπόρων and εὐπόρων: vi. 2. § 9, ἀπόροις and εὐπόροις.

κοινότερόν τε γάρ, καθάπερ εἴπομεν, καὶ κάλλιον ἕκαστον ἀποτελεɩ̂ται τω̂νJowett1885v1: 11. 14. αὐτω̂ν καὶ θα̂ττον.

κοινότερον, ‘more popular,’ because more persons hold office.

καθάπερ εἴπομεν, cp. § 13.

ἕκαστον τω̂ν αὐτω̂ν, i.e. because each thing remains the same. The insertion of ὑπὸ before τω̂ν, suggested by the Old Translation ab eisdem, is unnecessary. τω̂ν αὐτω̂ν, ‘where the duties are the same.’

κάλλιον ἀποτελεɩ̂ται, i.e. if many share in the government each individual can be confined to the same duties, a division of labour to which frequent reference is made in Aristotle. (Cp. ii. 2. §§ 5, 6; iv. 15. §§ 7, 8; vi. 2. § 8, and Plat. Rep. ii. 374 A, iii. 397 E.) And there is more political intelligence where everybody is both ruler and subject.

ἐκϕεύγουσι τῳ̑ πλουτεɩ̂ν. See note on text.Jowett1885v1: 11. 15.

So England has been often said to have escaped a revolution during this century by the help of colonization: nor is there ‘any more profitable affair of business in which an old country can be engaged’ (Mill). That Aristotle was not averse to assisting the poor out of the revenues of the state when any political advantage could be gained, or any permanent good effected for them, we infer from vi. 5. §§ 8, 9.

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ἀλλὰ τουτί ἐστι τύχης ἔργον.Jowett1885v1: 11. 15.

Though the government of the Carthaginians is in good repute (§ 1), Aristotle regards this reputation as not wholly deserved, their stability being due to the power of sending out colonies which their wealth gave them; but this is only a happy accident. In a similar spirit he has remarked that the permanency of the Cretan government is due to their insular position (c. 10. § 15).

ἂν ἀτυχία γένηταί τις.Jowett1885v1: 11. 16.

The later reflection on the accidental character of the stability which he attributes to Carthage is not quite in harmony with the statement of § 2, in which he cites the lastingness of the government as a proof of the goodness of the constitution.

Grote in his eleventh chapter (vol. iii. p. 167, ed. 1847) saysJowett1885v1: 12. 2-6. that, according to Aristotle, Solon only gave the people the power to elect their magistrates and hold them to accountability. What is said in §§ 2 and 3 he considers not to be the opinion of Aristotle himself, but of those upon whom he is commenting. This is true of § 2: but not of § 3, which contains Aristotle’s criticism on the opinion expressed in § 2. Thus we have the authority of Aristotle (at least of the writer of this chapter) for attributing the institution of the δικαστήρια to Solon (cp. Schömann’s Athenian Constitution, transl. by Bosanquet, pp. 36 ff.). The popular juries are said to be a democratic institution (τὸν δὲ δη̂μον καταστη̂σαι, τὰ δικαστήρια ποιήσας ἐκ πάντων); but it is obvious that, so long as the jurors were unpaid, the mass of the people could make no great use of their privileges. The character of the democracy was therefore far from being of an extreme kind; cp. iv. 6. §§ 5, 6 and 13. §§ 5, 6, vi. 2. §§ 6, 7.

The sum of Aristotle’s (?) judgment upon Solon (§ 3) is that he did create the democracy by founding the dicasteries, but that he was not responsible for the extreme form of it which was afterwards established by Ephialtes, Pericles, and their followers.

ἕκαστος τω̂ν δημαγωγω̂ν.Jowett1885v1: 12. 4.

The writer of this passage clearly intended to class Pericles among the demagogues. He judges him in the same depreciatory spirit as Plato in the Gorgias, pp. 515, 516.

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ἐπεὶ Σόλων γε ἔοικε τὴν ἀναγκαιοτάτην ἀποδιδόναι τῳ̑ δήμῳ δύναμιν.Jowett1885v1: 12. 5.

Cp. Solon, Fragm. 4 in Bergk Poet. Lyr. Graeci, Δήμῳ μὲν γὰρ ἔδωκα τόσον κράτος, ὅσσον ἐπαρκεɩ̂, ¦ Τιμη̂ς οὔτ’ ἀϕελὼν οὔτ’ ἐπορεξάμενος.

τὰς δ’ ἀρχὰς ἐκ τω̂ν γνωρίμων καὶ τω̂ν εὐπόρων κατέστησε πάσας, ἐκ τω̂νJowett1885v1: 12. 6. πεντακοσιομεδίμνων καὶ ζευγιτω̂ν καὶ τρίτου τέλους τη̂ς καλουμένης ἱππάδος· τὸ δὲ τέταρτον θητικόν, οἱ̑ς οὐδεμια̂ς ἀρχη̂ς μετη̂ν.

The arrangement of the classes here is somewhat disorderly, the second class or Knights being placed third in the series. That Aristotle should have supposed the Hippeis to have formed the third class is incredible; but it is difficult to say what amount of error is possible in a later writer. See an absurd mistake in Suidas and Photius about ἱππεɩ̂ς and ἱππὰς (Boeckh, P. E. ii. 260) under ἱππάς, which in Photius s. v. is called a fifth class; while in the next entry four Athenian classes are cited in the usual order with a reference to Aristotle (?) de Rep. Atheniensium, and an addition ‘that ἱππάδες belong to ἱππεɩ̂ς’ (?).

νομοθέται δ’ ἐγένοντο Ζάλευκός τε Λοκροɩ̂ς τοɩ̂ς ἐπιζεϕυρίοις, καὶ ΧαρώνδαςJowett1885v1: 12. 6. ὁ Καταναɩ̂ος τοɩ̂ς αὑτον̂ πολίταις.

Strabo (vi. 260), quoting Ephorus, says that Zaleucus made one great innovation, in taking away from the dicasts, and inserting in the law, the power of fixing the penalty after sentence was given.

Aristotle attributes greater precision to Charondas than to modern legislators. But early laws have a greater appearance of precision because society is simpler, and there are fewer of them.

Θάλητα.Jowett1885v1: 12. 7.

Thales, called also Thaletas, probably the Cretan poet who is said by Ephorus apud Strabonem, x. p. 481, to have been the friend of Lycurgus; and also to have introduced the Cretan rhythm into vocal music. Mentioned in Plut. de Musica, pp. 1135, 1146. Clinton supposes him to have flourished from 690 to 660 b.c. But chronology cannot be framed out of disjointed statements of Plutarch and Pausanias.

Λυκον̂ργον καὶ Ζάλευκον.Jowett1885v1: 12. 7.

A greater anachronism respecting Lycurgus is found in the fragments of Ephorus (Strabo x. 482, ἐντυχόντα δ’, ὥς ϕασί τινες, καὶ Edition: current; Page: [103]Ὁμἡρῳ διατρίβοντι ἐν Χίῳ, quoted by Oncken, Staatslehre des Aristoteles, ii. p. 346).

ἐγένετο δὲ καὶ Φιλόλαος ὁ Κορίνθιος.Jowett1885v1: 12. 8.

The δὲ is not opposed to μὲν at the end of the last sentence, ἀλλὰ ταν̂τα μὲν λέγουσιν κ.τ.λ., but is a resumption of the δὲ at the beginning of the previous sentence, πειρω̂νται δέ. The story, if any reason is required for the introduction of it, may be intended to explain how Philolaus a Corinthian gave laws for Thebes.

Of Onomacritus, Philolaus, Androdamas, nothing more is known:Jowett1885v1: 12. 11. of Zaleucus not much more. A good saying attributed to him has been preserved in Stobaeus xlv. p. 304, Ζάλευκος, ὁ τω̂ν Λοκρω̂ν νομοθέτης, τοὺς νόμους ἔϕησε τοɩ̂ς ἀραχνίοις ὁμοίους εἰ̂ναι· ὥσπερ γὰρ εἰς ἐκεɩ̂να ἐὰν μὲν ἐμπέσῃ μυɩ̂α ἢ κώνωψ, κατέχεται, ἐὰν δὲ σϕὴξ ἢ μέλιττα, διαῤῥήξασα ἀϕίπταται, οὕτω καὶ εἰς τοὺς νόμους ἐὰν μὲν ἐμπέσῃ πένης, συνέχεται· ἐὰν δὲ πλούσιος ἢ δυνατὸς λέγειν, διαῤῥήξας ἀποτρέχει, an apophthegm which in Aristotle’s phraseology (i. 11. § 10) may be truly said ‘to be of general application.’ Stobaeus has also preserved (xliv. p. 289) numerous laws which are attributed to Charondas and Zaleucus. They are full of excellent religious sentiments, but are evidently of a late Neo-Pythagorean origin. The same remark applies still more strongly to the citations in Diodorus xii. c. 12 ff.

Πλάτωνος δ’ ἥ τε τω̂ν γυναικω̂ν καὶ παίδων καὶ τη̂ς οὐσίας κοινότης καὶJowett1885v1: 12. 12. τὰ συσσίτια τω̂ν γυναικω̂ν, ἔτι δ’ ὁ περὶ τὴν μέθην νόμος, τὸ τοὺς νήϕοντας συμποσιαρχεɩ̂ν, καὶ τὴν ἐν τοɩ̂ς πολεμικοɩ̂ς ἄσκησιν ὅπως ἀμϕιδέξιοι γίνωνται κατὰ τὴν μελέτην, ὡς δέον μὴ τὴν μὲν χρήσιμον εἰ̂ναι τοɩ̂ν χεροɩ̂ν τὴν δὲ ἄχρηστον.

The reference to Plato’s communism in contrast with Phaleas’ proposal of equality is not unnatural; but the allusion to three unconnected, two of them very trivial, points in the ‘Laws,’ is strange, and looks like the addition of a later hand. This whole chapter has been often suspected. It consists of miscellaneous jottings not worked up, some of them on matters already discussed. But mere irregularity and feebleness are no sufficient ground for doubting the genuineness of any passage in the sense in which Edition: current; Page: [104]genuineness may be ascribed to the greater part of the Politics. The chapter may be regarded either as an imperfect recapitulation or as notes for the continuation of the subject. The story of Philolaus, and the discussion respecting Solon, are characteristic of Aristotle.

καὶ τὴν ἐν τοɩ̂ς πολεμικοɩ̂ς ἄσκησιν. The change of construction arises from the insertion of the clause ὁ περὶ τὴν μέθην νόμος. The accusative may be explained as the accusative of the remote object after ἀμϕιδέξιοι γίνωνται, or may be taken with περί.

It may be remarked that Aristotle looks on the ἀμϕιδέξιος as an exception to nature (cp. Nic. Eth. v. 7. § 4, ϕύσει γὰρ ἡ δεξιὰ κρείττων καίτοι ἐνδέχεταί τινας ἀμϕιδεξίους γενέσθαι), whereas in Plato (Laws 794 D, E) the ordinary use of the right hand only is regarded as a limitation of nature.

Δράκοντος δὲ νόμοι.Jowett1885v1: 12. 13.

Cp. Plut. Solon 17. Another reference to Draco occurs in Rhet. ii. 23, 1400 b. 21, καὶ Δράκοντα τὸν νομοθέτην, ὅτι οὐκ ἀνθρώπου οἱ νόμοι ἀλλὰ δράκοντος· χαλεποὶ γάρ.

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BOOK III.

τῳ̑ περὶ πολιτείας ἐπισκοπον̂ντι.Jowett1885v1: 1. 1.

The particle δὲ after τῳ̑ was probably omitted when the treatise was divided into books.

τον̂ δὲ πολιτικον̂ καὶ τον̂ νομοθέτουJowett1885v1: 1. 1.

are a resumption of the opening words τῳ̑ περὶ πολιτείας ἐπισκοπον̂ντι. ‘The legislator or statesman is wholly engaged in enquiries about the state. But the state is made up of citizens, and therefore he must begin by asking who is a citizen.’ The clause τον̂ δὲ πολιτικον̂ . . . περὶ πόλιν is a repetition and confirmation of the previous sentence, τῳ̑ περὶ πολιτείας . . . ἡ πόλις, the enquirer being more definitely described as the legislator or statesman.

οὐδ’ οἱ τω̂ν δικαίων μετέχοντες οὕτως ὥστε καὶ δίκην ὑπέχειν καὶ δικάζεσθαι.Jowett1885v1: 1. 4.

καὶ is closely connected with οἱ τω̂ν δικαίων μετέχοντες. ‘Nor those who share in legal rights, so that as a part of their legal rights they are sued and sue, as plaintiffs and defendants.’

καὶ γὰρ ταν̂τα τούτοις ὑπάρχει.Jowett1885v1: 1. 4.

These words are omitted in the old translation and in several Greek MSS. and are bracketed by Susemihl (1st ed.). If retained, they either 1) refer to the remote antecedent μέτοικοι above, ‘for the metics have these rights, and yet are not citizens,’ whereupon follows the correction, ‘although in many places metics do not possess even these rights in a perfect form.’ Or 2*) they are only a formal restatement of the words immediately preceding (for a similar restatement, which is bracketed by Bekker, see iv. 6. § 3), and are therefore omitted in the translation. Other instances of such pleonastic repetitions occur elsewhere, e. g. infra c. 6. § 4, where Edition: current; Page: [106]τον̂ ζη̂ν ἕνεκεν αὐτον̂ is repeated in κατὰ τὸ ζη̂ν αὐτὸ μόνον: also iv. 1. § 1, καὶ γὰρ τον̂το τη̂ς γυμναστικη̂ς ἐστίν, and v. 1. § 1.

Aristotle argues that the right of suing and being sued does not make a citizen, for a) such a right is conferred by treaty on citizens of other states: (cp. Thuc. i. 77, καὶ ἐλασσούμενοι γὰρ ἐν ταɩ̂ς ξυμβολαίαις πρὸς τοὺς ξυμμάχους δίκαις καὶ παρ’ ἡμɩ̂ν αὐτοɩ̂ς ἐν τοɩ̂ς ὁμοίοις νόμοις ποιήσαντες τὰς κρίσεις ϕιλοδικεɩ̂ν δοκον̂μεν). b) The metics have this right, which, as he proceeds to remark, in many places is only granted them at second-hand through the medium of a patron.

οὐχ ἁπλω̂ς δὲ λίαν.Jowett1885v1: 1. 5.

λίαν qualifies and at the same time emphasises ἁπλω̂ς: ‘But not quite absolutely.’

ἐπεὶ καὶ περὶ τω̂ν ἀτίμων κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 1. 5.

I. e. doubts may be raised about the rights to citizenship of exiles and deprived citizens, but they may also be solved by the expedient of adding some qualifying epithet.

ἀνώνυμον γὰρ τὸ κοινὸν ἐπὶ δικαστον̂ καὶ ἐκκλησιαστον̂.Jowett1885v1: 1. 7.

‘This is a merely verbal dispute arising out of the want of a word; for had there been a common name comprehending both dicast and ecclesiast it would have implied an office.’ Cp. Laws, vi. 767 A: ‘Now the establishment of courts of justice may be regarded as a choice of magistrates; for every magistrate must also be a judge of something, and the judge, though he be not a magistrate, is a very important magistrate when he is determining a suit.’

δεɩ̂ δὲ μὴ λανθάνειν ὅτι τω̂ν πραγμάτων ἐν οἱ̑ς τὰ ὑποκείμενα διαϕέρει τῳ̑Jowett1885v1: 1. 8. εἴδει, καὶ τὸ μὲν αὐτω̂ν ἐστὶ πρω̂τον τὸ δὲ δεύτερον τὸ δ’ ἐχόμενον, ἢ τὸ παράπαν οὐδέν ἐστιν, ᾐ̑ τοιαν̂τα, τὸ κοινόν, ἢ γλίσχρως.

τὰ ὑποκείμενα. 1*) ‘the underlying notions’ or ‘the notions to which the things in question are referred,’ i. e. in this passage, as the connexion shows, ‘the forms of the constitution on which the idea of the citizen depends’ (see Bonitz s. v.). 2) ὑποκείμενα is taken by Bernays to mean the individuals contained under a class, and he translates ‘where things which fall under one conception are different in kind.’ But it is hard to see how things which are Edition: current; Page: [107]different in kind can fall under one class or conception, and the meaning, even if possible, is at variance with the immediate context which treats not of citizens but of constitutions.

τὰς δὲ πολιτείας ὁρω̂μεν εἴδει διαϕερούσας ἀλλήλων, καὶ τὰς μὲν ὑστέραςJowett1885v1: 1. 9. τὰς δὲ προτέρας οὔσας.

The logical distinction of prior and posterior is applied by Aristotle to states, and so leads to the erroneous inference that the perfect form of the state has little or nothing in common with the imperfect. So in Nic. Eth. i. 6. § 2, ‘there are no common ideas of things prior and posterior.’ The logical conceptions of prior and posterior have almost ceased to exist in modern metaphysics; they are faintly represented to us by the expressions ‘a priori’ and ‘a posteriori,’ or ‘prior in the order of thought,’ which are a feeble echo of them; from being differences in kind, they are becoming differences of degree, owing to the increasing sense of the continuity or development of all things.

διόπερ ὁ λεχθεὶς ἐν μὲν δημοκρατίᾳ μάλιστ’ ἐστὶ πολίτης.Jowett1885v1: 1. 10.

Yet not so truly as in Aristotle’s own polity hereafter to be described, in which all the citizens are equal (cp. infra, c. 13. § 12). Democracy is elsewhere called a perversion (infra, c. 7. § 5), but he here uses the term carelessly, and in a better sense, for that sort of democracy which is akin to the μέση πολιτεία.

κατὰ μέρος.Jowett1885v1: 1. 10.

Generally ‘in turn,’ but the examples show that the phrase must here mean ‘by sections’ or ‘by different bodies or magistracies.’

τὸν αὐτὸν δὲ τρόπον καὶ περὶ Καρχηδόνα· πάσας γὰρ ἀρχαί τινες κρίνουσιJowett1885v1: 1. 11. τὰς δίκας.

τὸν αὐτόν, i. e. because in both these cases the administration of justice is taken out of the hands of the people and entrusted to the magistrates, either the same or different magistrates.

The oligarchies or aristocracies of Carthage and Sparta are here contrasted, not with each other, but with democracy. A minor difference between them is also hinted at: at Carthage there were regular magistrates to whom all causes were referred; at Lacedaemon Edition: current; Page: [108]causes were distributed among different magistrates. See note on ii. 11. § 7.

ἀλλ’ ἔχει γὰρ διόρθωσιν ὁ τον̂ πολίτου διορισμός.Jowett1885v1: 1. 11.

The particle γὰρ implies an objection which is not expressed. ‘But how, if our definition is correct, can the Lacedaemonians, Carthaginians, and others like them be citizens; for they have no judicial or deliberative assemblies.’ To which Aristotle answers, ‘But I will correct the definition so as to include them.’ Finding ἀόριστος ἀρχὴ to be a definition of citizenship inapplicable to any state but a democracy, he substitutes a new one, ‘admissibility to office, either deliberative or judicial.’

ταύτης τη̂ς πόλεως.Jowett1885v1: 1. 12.

Namely, of that state in which the assembly or law-court exists.

πολιτικω̂ς.Jowett1885v1: 2. 1.

‘Popularly’ or ‘enough for the purposes of politics.’ Cp. Plat. Rep. 430 C. So νομικω̂ς (viii. 7. § 3), ‘enough for the purposes of law.’

For ταχέως Camerarius and Bernays needlessly read παχέως.

Γοργίας μὲν ον̓̂ν ὁ Λεοντɩ̂νος, τὰ μὲν ἴσως ἀπορω̂ν τὰ δ’ εἰρωνευόμενος,Jowett1885v1: 2. 2. ἔϕη, καθάπερ ὅλμους εἰ̂ναι τοὺς ὑπὸ τω̂ν ὁλμοποιω̂ν πεποιημένους, οὕτω καὶ Λαρισσαίους τοὺς ὑπὸ τω̂ν δημιουργω̂ν πεποιημένους· εἰ̂ναι γάρ τινας λαρισσοποιούς.

ἀπορω̂ν. ‘In doubt about the question who is a citizen?’

δημιουργω̂ν. Properly the name of a magistrate in some Dorian states. The word is used here with a double pun, as meaning not only ‘magistrates,’ but 1) ‘makers of the people,’ 2) ‘artisans.’ The magistrates, like artisans, are said to make or manufacture the citizens because they admit them to the rights of citizenship.

There is also a further pun upon the word Λαρισσαίους, which probably meant kettles, or was used as a characteristic epithet of kettles derived from their place of manufacture:—

‘Artisans make kettles.

Magistrates make citizens.’

The sentence may be translated as follows:—‘Gorgias, very Edition: current; Page: [109]likely because he was in a difficulty, but partly out of irony, said that, as mortars are made by the mortar-makers, so are the Larisseans manufactured by their ‘artisan-magistrates; for some of them were makers of kettles’ (Λάρισσαι or Λαρισσαɩ̂οι).

For the term εἰρωνευόμενος, applied to Gorgias, compare Rhet. iii. 7, 1408 b. 20, ἢ μετὰ εἰρωνείας, ὅπερ Γοργίας ἐποίει: and for Λάρισσαι compare Τάναγρα Ταναγρίς, a kettle, (Hesych., Pollux); also an epigram of Leonides of Tarentum (Anth. vi. 305):—

Λαβροσύνᾳ τάδε δω̂ρα, ϕιλευλείχῳ τε Λαϕυγμῳ̑

θήκατο δεισόζου* Δωριέως κεϕαλά,

τὼς Λαρισσαίως βουγάστορας ἑψητη̂ρας,

καὶ χύτρως καὶ τὰν εὐρυχαδη̂ κύλικα,

καὶ τὰν εὐχάλκωτον ἐΰγναμπτόν τε κρεάγραν,

καὶ κνη̂στιν, καὶ τὰν ἐτνοδόνον τορύναν.

Λαβροσύνα, σὺ δὲ ταν̂τα κακον̂ κακὰ δωρητη̂ρος

δεξαμένα, νεύσαις μή ποκα σωϕροσύναν.

ξένους καὶ δούλους μετοίκους. (See note on text.)Jowett1885v1: 2. 3.

Mr. Grote, c. 31. vol. iv. 170. n., would keep the words as they stand, taking μετοίκους with both ξένους and δούλους. He quotes Aristoph. Knights 347 (εἴ που δικίδιον εἰ̂πας εν̓̂ κατὰ ξένου μετοίκου), and infers from the juxtaposition of the words δούλους μετοίκους, that they mean, ‘slaves who, like metics, were allowed to live by themselves, though belonging to a master.’ That is to say μέτοικοι are spoken of in a general as well as in a technical sense. According to Xen. de Vect. 2. § 3, all kinds of barbarians were metics. Cp. for the general subject, Polit. vi. 4. § 18, where measures, like those which Cleisthenes the Athenian passed when he wanted to extend the power of the democracy, are said to have been adopted at Cyrene. Such a reconstruction of classes also took place at Sicyon under Cleisthenes the tyrant, who gave insulting names to the old Dorian tribes (Herod. v. 68).

τὸ δ’ ἀμϕισβήτημα πρὸς τούτους ἐστὶν οὐ τίς πολίτης, ἀλλὰ πότερονJowett1885v1: 2. 4. ἀδίκως ἢ δικαίως. καίτοι καὶ τον̂τό τις ἔτι προσαπορήσειεν κ.τ.λ.

Aristotle means to say that what is true in fact may be false in Edition: current; Page: [110]principle. These two senses of the words ‘true’ and ‘false’ were confused by sophistical thinkers. See Plat. Euthyd. 284, ff.

τη̂ς τοια̂σδε ἀρχη̂ς refers to τινί, sc. ἀορίστῳ, supra 1. § 7, ‘an officeJowett1885v1: 2. 5. such as we spoke of.’

δη̂λον ὅτι πολίτας μὲν εἰ̂ναι ϕατέον καὶ τούτους, περὶ δὲ τον̂ δικαίως ἢ μὴJowett1885v1: 3. 1. δικαίως συνάπτει πρὸς τὴν εἰρημένην πρότερον ἀμϕισβήτησιν.

A doubt is raised whether the ἀδίκως πολιτεύων is truly a πολίτης. The answer is that the ἀδίκως ἄρχων is truly an ἄρχων. But the πολίτης is by definition an ἄρχων, and therefore the ἄδικος πολίτης may be rightly called a πολίτης.

καὶ τούτους, sc. τοὺς ἀμϕισβητουμένους (§ 4), ‘these as well as the legitimate citizens.’

πρὸς τὴν εἰρημένην πρότερον ἀμϕισβήτησιν is the question touched upon in c. 1. § 1, and resumed in the words which follow. The controversy concerning the de jure citizen runs up into the controversy respecting the de jure state, which is now to be discussed.

ὅταν ἐξ ὀλιγαρχίας ἢ τυραννίδος γένηται δημοκρατία. τότε γὰρ οὔτε τὰJowett1885v1: 3. 1, 2. συμβόλαια ἔνιοι βούλονται διαλύειν.

A question which has often arisen both in ancient and modern times, and in many forms. Shall the new government accept the debts and other liabilities of its predecessor, e.g. after the expulsion of the thirty tyrants, or the English or French Revolution or Restoration? Shall the Northern States of America honour the paper of the Southern? Shall the offerings of the Cypselids at Delphi bear the name of Cypselus or of the Corinthian state? Or a street in Paris be called after Louis Philippe, Napoleon III, or the French nation?

εἴπερ ον̓̂ν καὶ δημοκρατον̂νταί τινες κατὰ τὸν τρόπον τον̂τον, ὁμοίως τη̂ςJowett1885v1: 3. 2. πόλεως ϕατέον εἰ̂ναι ταύτης τὰς τη̂ς πολιτείας ταύτης πράξεις καὶ τὰς ἐκ τη̂ς ὀλιγαρχίας καὶ τη̂ς τυραννίδος.

The mere fact that a government is based on violence does not necessarily render invalid the obligations contracted by it; at any rate the argument would apply to democracy as well as to any other form of government. Cp. Demosth. πρὸς Λεπτίνην, p. 460, where it is mentioned that the thirty tyrants borrowed money of the Lacedaemonians, Edition: current; Page: [111]which, after a discussion, was repaid by the democracy out of the public funds, and not by confiscation of the property of the oligarchs. Cp. also Isocr. Areopag. vii. 153, where the same story is repeated.

ἐνδέχεται γὰρ διαζευχθη̂ναι τὸν τόπον καὶ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους.Jowett1885v1: 3. 3.

E.g. the case of the Athenian κληρον̂χοι, who, while possessing land in other places, remained citizens of Athens; or of migrations in which a whole state was transferred; or possibly a dispersion like that of the Arcadian cities which were afterwards reunited by Epaminondas. Yet, ii. 1. § 2, ὁ τόπος εἱ̑ς ὁ τη̂ς μια̂ς πόλεως.

πολλαχω̂ς γὰρ τη̂ς πόλεως λεγομένης ἐστί πως εὐμάρεια τη̂ς τοιαύτηςJowett1885v1: 3. 4. ζητήσεως.

‘When difficulties are raised about the identity of the state, you may solve many of them quite easily by saying that the word “state” is used in different senses.’

ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τω̂ν τὸν αὐτὸν τόπον κατοικούντων,Jowett1885v1: 3. 4.

sc. ἡ ἀπορία ἐστίν, supplied from τη̂ς ἀπορίας ταύτης.

τοιαύτη δ’ ἴσως ἐστὶ καὶ Βαβυλών.Jowett1885v1: 3. 5.

‘Such as Peloponnesus would be, if included within a wall,’—further illustrated by ἡ̑ς γ’ ἑαλωκυίας κ.τ.λ.

ἡ̑ς γέ ϕασιν ἑαλωκυίας τρίτην ἡμέραν οὐκ αἰσθέσθαι τι μέρος τη̂ς πόλεως.Jowett1885v1: 3. 5.

Cp. Herod. i. 191: ‘The Babylonians say that, when the further parts of the city had been taken by Cyrus, those in the centre knew nothing of the capture, but were holding a festival.’ Also Jeremiah li. 31: ‘One post shall run to meet another, and one messenger to meet another to show the king of Babylon that his city is taken at one end.’

ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν ταύτης τη̂ς ἀπορίας εἰς ἄλλον καιρὸν χρήσιμος ἡ σκέψις·Jowett1885v1: 3. 6. περὶ γὰρ μεγέθους τη̂ς πόλεως, τό τε πόσον καὶ πότερον ἔθνος ἓν ἢ πλείω συμϕέρει, δεɩ̂ μὴ λανθάνειν τὸν πολιτικόν.

The subject is resumed in Book vii. 4. § 4, ἔστι δὲ πολιτικη̂ς χορηγίας πρω̂τον τό τε πλη̂θος τω̂ν ἀνθρώπων, πόσους τε καὶ ποίους τινὰς ὑπάρχειν δεɩ̂ ϕύσει, καὶ κατὰ τὴν χώραν ὡσαύτως, ὅσην τε εἰ̂ναι καὶ ποίαν Edition: current; Page: [112]τινὰ ταύτην, and § 11. In the words τὸν πολιτικὸν Aristotle identifies himself with the statesman or politician of whom he is speaking.

πότερον ἔθνος ἓν ἢ πλείω, cp. vii. 9. § 8 and 10. § 13.

ἀλλὰ τω̂ν αὐτω̂ν κατοικούντων τὸν αὐτὸν τόπον, πότερον ἕως ἂν ᾐ̑ τὸ γένοςJowett1885v1: 3. 6, 7. ταὐτὸ τω̂ν κατοικούντων, τὴν αὐτὴν εἰ̂ναι ϕατέον πόλιν, καίπερ ἀεὶ τω̂ν μὲν ϕθειρομένων τω̂ν δὲ γινομένων, ὥσπερ καὶ ποταμοὺς εἰώθαμεν λέγειν τοὺς αὐτοὺς καὶ κρήνας τὰς αὐτάς, καίπερ ἀεὶ τον̂ μὲν ἐπιγινομένου νάματος, τον̂ δ’ ὑπεξιόντος, ἢ τοὺς μὲν ἀνθρώπους ϕατέον εἰ̂ναι τοὺς αὐτοὺς διὰ τὴν τοιαύτην αἰτίαν, τὴν δὲ πόλιν ἑτέραν; εἴπερ γάρ ἐστι κοινωνία τις ἡ πόλις κ.τ.λ.

From the digression into which he has fallen respecting the size of the state, Aristotle returns to the original question, What makes the identity of the state? He answers in an alternative: Shall we say that the identity of the state depends upon the race, although the individuals of the race die and are born—like a river which remains the same although the waters come and go? Or is not the truer view that the form or idea of the state makes the state the same or different, whether the race remain or not? This latter alternative he accepts, illustrating his meaning by the simile of a chorus (§ 7), which may be Tragic or Comic, although the members of it are the same; and of musical harmony (§ 8) in which the same notes are combined in different modes.

This is the conclusion which Aristotle intends to draw from the words εἴπερ γάρ ἐστι κοινωνία τις ἡ πόλις κ.τ.λ., and is clearly the general drift of the passage. But the alternatives ἀλλὰ τω̂ν . . . ἑτέραν create an obscurity, because Aristotle begins by opposing the continuance of the race to the transitoriness of the individuals who are always going and coming, when he is really intending to oppose the idea of the state to both of them, §§ 7, 9.

διὰ τὴν τοιαύτην αἰτίαν. ‘For the same reason as the rivers;’ i.e. because there is an unbroken succession of citizens as of waters.

The argument is neither clearly expressed nor altogether satisfactory. For 1) the identity of a state consists in many things, such as race, religion, language, as well as government, and therefore cannot be precisely defined; 2) it is always changing for better or Edition: current; Page: [113]for worse; 3) whether the identity is preserved or not is a question of degree; a state may be more or less the same, like the English constitution, and yet be continuous in the course of ages. Aristotle would have done better to have solved this question by having recourse once more to the different senses of the word πόλις (§ 4). Cp. iv. 5. § 3; v. 1. § 8.

εἴπερ γάρ ἐστι κοινωνία τις ἡ πόλις, ἔστι δὲ κοινωνία πολιτω̂ν πολιτείας,Jowett1885v1: 3. 7. γινομένης ἑτέρας τῳ̑ εἴδει καὶ διαϕερούσης τη̂ς πολιτείας ἀναγκαɩ̂ον εἰ̂ναι δόξειεν ἂν καὶ τὴν πόλιν εἰ̂ναι μὴ τὴν αὐτήν.

‘For a state being a community, and a community of citizens being a community in a constitution, ἔστι δὲ κοινωνία πολιτω̂ν κοινωνία πολιτείας, when the form of this community changes, the state also changes’: or, if this construction is deemed harsh πολιτείας, may be thought to have crept in from the next line, and may be omitted as in the English text.

The particle γὰρ implies assent to the second alternative (supra).

‘The sailor besides his special duties has a general duty, whichJowett1885v1: 4. 1, 2. is the safety of the ship; the citizen has also a general duty, which is the salvation of the state—the nature of this duty will vary according to the character of the state. And besides the general duty citizens, like sailors, will have special duties and functions in the state, as in the ship.’

οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ κατ’ ἄλλον τρόπον ἔστι διαπορον̂ντας ἐπελθεɩ̂ν τὸν αὐτὸνJowett1885v1: 4. 4. λόγον περὶ τη̂ς ἀρίστης πολιτείας.

The last words are an explanation of κατ’ ἄλλον τρόπον.

Two conceptions of the state are continually recurring in the Politics of Aristotle, first the ideal state, in which the best has a right to rule and all the citizens are good men: secondly, the constitutional state, which approaches more nearly to actual fact (ii. 2. § 6; vii. 14. §§ 2-5). In the first, the good man and the good citizen, or rather the good ruler, are said to coincide; in the second, they have a good deal in common, but still the virtue of the citizen is relative to the government under which he lives, and the occupation in which he is engaged.

These two points of view are apt to cross (ἐπαλλάττειν in Aristotle’s own language), and they appear to be here confused.

Edition: current; Page: [114]

εἰ γὰρ ἀδύνατον ἐξ ἁπάντων σπουδαίων ὄντων εἰ̂ναι πόλιν, δεɩ̂ δ’ ἕκαστονJowett1885v1: 4. 5. τὸ καθ’ αὑτὸν ἔργον εν̓̂ ποιεɩ̂ν, τον̂το δ’ ἀπ’ ἀρετη̂ς· ἐπεὶ δ’ ἀδύνατον ὁμοίους εἰ̂ναι πάντας τοὺς πολίτας, οὐκ ἂν εἴη μία ἀρετὴ πολίτου καὶ ἀνδρὸς ἀγαθον̂. τὴν μὲν γὰρ τον̂ σπουδαίου πολίτου δεɩ̂ πα̂σιν ὑπάρχειν (οὕτω γὰρ ἀρίστην ἀναγκαɩ̂ον εἰ̂ναι τὴν πόλιν), τὴν δὲ τον̂ ἀνδρὸς τον̂ ἀγαθον̂ ἀδύνατον, εἰ μὴ πάντας ἀναγκαɩ̂ον ἀγαθοὺς εἰ̂ναι τοὺς ἐν τῃ̑ σπουδαίᾳ πόλει πολίτας.

The argument is that the perfect state is not composed only of perfectly good men; for such absolute goodness is incompatible with the different occupations or natural qualities of different citizens, or their duties toward the government under which they live. All the citizens are not the same, and therefore the one perfect virtue of the good man cannot be attained equally by all of them. But they may all have a common interest in the salvation of society, which is the virtue of a good citizen. The Pythagorean doctrine of the unity of virtue still lingers in the philosophy of Aristotle. (Compare Ethics ii. 5. § 14, ἐσθλοὶ μὲν γὰρ ἁπλω̂ς, παντοδαπω̂ς δὲ κακοί.)

καὶ οἰκία ἐξ ἀνδρὸς καὶ γυναικὸς καὶ κτη̂σις ἐκ δεσπότου καὶ δούλου.Jowett1885v1: 4. 6.

κτη̂σις is here omitted by Bernays, because the slave is a part of the οἰκία: but it may be observed that in i. 4. § 1, κτη̂σις is a subdivision of the οἰκία under which the slave is included.

ϕαμὲν δὴ τὸν ἄρχοντα τὸν σπουδαɩ̂ον ἀγαθὸν εἰ̂ναι καὶ ϕρόνιμον, τὸνJowett1885v1: 4. 7. δὲ πολιτικὸν ἀναγκαɩ̂ον εἰ̂ναι ϕρόνιμον.

Cp. Nic. Eth. vi. 5. § 5, where Pericles is spoken of as a type of the ϕρόνιμος: and vi. 8. § 1, where πολιτικὴ is described as a species of ϕρόνησις.

ἀλλ’ ἀ̑ρα ἔσται τινὸς ἡ αὐτὴ ἀρετὴ πολίτου τε σπουδαίου καὶ ἀνδρὸςJowett1885v1: 4. 7, 8. σπουδαίου; ϕαμὲν δὴ τὸν ἄρχοντα τὸν σπουδαɩ̂ον ἀγαθὸν εἰ̂ναι καὶ ϕρόνιμον, τὸν δὲ πολιτικὸν ἀναγκαɩ̂ον εἰ̂ναι ϕρόνιμον. καὶ τὴν παιδείαν δ’ ε[Editor: illegible character]θὺς ἑτέραν εἰ̂ναι λέγουσί τινες τον̂ ἄρχοντος, ὥσπερ καὶ ϕαίνονται οἱ τω̂ν βασιλέων υἱεɩ̂ς ἱππικὴν καὶ πολεμικὴν παιδευόμενοι.

Aristotle having determined that the good citizen is not always a good man, now proceeds to ask the question whether some good citizens are not good men? Yes, the ruler must be a good and wise man; and the difference between him and other citizens is partly proved by the fact that he has a different education.

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καὶ τὴν παιδείαν δ’ εὐθὺς κ.τ.λ. ‘Some persons say that, if we go no further than education, even this should be different.’ So in § 6 above, εὐθὺς ἐκ ψυχη̂ς καὶ σώματος. Cp. i. 5. § 2; Met. iii. 2, 1004 a. 5, ὑπάρχει γὰρ εὐθὺς γένη ἔχοντα τὸ ἓν καὶ τὸ ὄν.

μή μοι τὰ κόμψ’.Jowett1885v1: 4. 8.

The whole fragment, which appears to contain a piece of advice addressed to young princes, is given by Nauck, Eurip. Aeol. Fr. 16:—

λαμπροὶ δ’ ἐν αἰχμαɩ̂ς Ἄρεος ἔν τε συλλόγοις,

μή μοι τὰ κομψὰ ποικίλοι γενοίατο,

ἀλλ’ ὡ̑ν πόλει δεɩ̂, μεγάλα βουλεύοιντ’ ἀεί.

Two points strike us about quotations from the poets which occur in Aristotle: 1) The familiarity with the words which they imply in the reader; for they are often cited in half lines only, which would be unintelligible unless the context was present to the mind. We are reminded that the Greek like some of our English youth were in the habit of committing to memory entire poets (Plat. Laws vii. 810 E). 2) The remoteness and ingenuity of the application. For a similar far fetched quotation, cp. infra c. 5. § 9.

εἰ δὲ ἡ αὐτὴ ἀρετὴ ἄρχοντός τε ἀγαθον̂ καὶ ἀνδρὸς ἀγαθον̂, πολίτης δ’ ἐστὶJowett1885v1: 4. 9. καὶ ὁ ἀρχόμενος, οὐχ ἡ αὐτὴ ἁπλω̂ς ἂν εἴη πολίτου καὶ ἀνδρός, τινὸς μέντοι πολίτου.

‘If the good man and the good ruler are to be identified, and the subject is also a citizen, then the virtue of the good man is not coextensive with the virtue of all good citizens, but only with that of a certain citizen,’ i.e. the citizen of a perfect state who is also a ruler, and therefore has a sphere for the employment of his energies, cp. Nic. Eth. vi. 8. § 4.

οὐ γὰρ ἡ αὐτὴ ἄρχοντος καὶ πολίτου, καὶ διὰ τον̂τ’ ἴσως Ἰάσων ἔϕη πεινη̂ν,Jowett1885v1: 4. 9. ὅτε μὴ τυραννοɩ̂, ὡς οὐκ ἐπιστάμενος ἰδιώτης εἰ̂ναι.

Another illustration of the difference in the nature of the ruler and of the citizen is contained in the saying of Jason, 1) ‘that he had no choice between starvation and tyranny, for he had never learned how to live in a private station’; or 2)* ‘that he felt a sensation like hunger when not a tyrant; for he was too proud to Edition: current; Page: [116]live in a private station.’ The two interpretations differ according to the shade of meaning given to πεινη̂ν and ἐπιστάμενος.

The Jason here referred to is Jason of Pherae, the Tagus of Thessaly.

Another saying of Jason is quoted in Rhet. i. 12, 1373 a. 26, ‘δεɩ̂ν ἀδικεɩ̂ν ἔνια, ὅπως δύνηται καὶ δίκαια πολλὰ ποιεɩ̂ν.’

εἰ ον̓̂ν τὴν μὲν τον̂ ἀγαθον̂ ἀνδρὸς τίθεμεν ἀρχικήν, τὴν δὲ τον̂ πολίτουJowett1885v1: 4. 10. ἄμϕω, οὐκ ἂν εἴη ἄμϕω ἐπαινετὰ ὁμοίως.

1) Aristotle here lights upon a paradox, which he cannot resist mentioning, but does not pursue further. ‘If the virtue of the good man is of a ruling character, but the virtue of the citizen includes ruling and being ruled, their virtues cannot [from this point of view] be equally praiseworthy, [for the good man has one virtue only, the citizen two].’

2) Or the meaning may be, ‘that the virtue of the good man being the virtue of ruling is higher than that of the citizen who only rules at times, or who obeys as well as rules.’

The words οὐκ ἂν εἴη ἄμϕω ἐπαινετὰ ὁμοίως according to the first way = ‘the citizen is more to be praised than the good man’: according to the second, ‘the virtue of the two, i.e. of ruler and citizen, are not equally praiseworthy’; in other words, the virtue of the good man is the higher of the two.

The whole passage is perplexed, not from any corruption of the text, but from the love of casuistry and a want of clearness in distinguishing the two sides of the argument.

ἐπεὶ ον̓̂ν ποτὲ δοκεɩ̂ ἀμϕότερα, καὶ οὐ ταὐτὰ δεɩ̂ν τὸν ἄρχοντα μανθάνεινJowett1885v1: 4. 11. καὶ τὸν ἀρχόμενον, τὸν δὲ πολίτην ἀμϕότερ’ ἐπίστασθαι καὶ μετέχειν ἀμϕοɩ̂ν, τοὐντεν̂θεν ἂν κατίδοι τις.

Aristotle seems to mean that the citizen acquires a knowledge of the duties of both ruler and ruled, which are different. Since the ruler and the ruled must learn both, and the two things are distinct, and the citizen must know both and have a part in both, the inference is obvious. But what is this obvious inference we are uncertain:—either, 1)* that some kind of previous subjection is an advantage to the ruler; or 2) that the citizen who knows both at once is to be preferred to the ἄρχων and ἀρχόμενος, taken separately.

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The sentence is awkwardly expressed and is perhaps corrupt. The change of ἀμϕότερα into ἄμϕω ἕτερα (Bernays) would give much the same meaning with rather less difficulty, (‘since the two must learn different things, and the ruler and the ruled are not required to learn the same things’), because τὸν ἄρχοντα καὶ τὸν ἀρχόμενον have not then to be taken in two senses, collective and distributive. It might be argued in favour of Bernays’ emendation that ἀμϕότερα may have crept in from the ἀμϕότερα in the next line; and against it that the two words ἄμϕω ἕτερα, the one having a collective, the other a distributive sense, are not happily combined.

§ 11 seems to be intended as a summing up of §§ 8-10. The thread of the argument is resumed at the words ταύτην γὰρ λέγομεν in § 14.

ἔστι γὰρ ἀρχὴ δεσποτική κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 4. 11.

is a digression introduced for the sake of distinguishing the ἀρχὴ δεσποτικὴ to which the preceding remarks do not apply, from the ἀρχὴ πολιτικὴ to which they do.

ἔστι γὰρ refers back to τὸν ἄρχοντα, ‘We are speaking of the ruler who is also a subject; for we must remember that there is a rule of the master over his slave with which we are not here concerned.’

διὸ παρ’ ἐνίοις οὐ μετεɩ̂χον οἱ δημιουργοὶ τὸ παλαιὸν ἀρχω̂ν, πρὶν δη̂μονJowett1885v1: 4. 12. γενέσθαι τὸν ἔσχατον.

διό, referring to ἀνδραποδω̂δες and the various kinds of menial duties in which the artisan class were employed, ‘Because of their servile and degraded character.’

τω̂ν ἀρχομένων οὕτως.Jowett1885v1: 4. 13.

I. e. those who (like household servants) are subject to the rule of a master.

εἰ μή ποτε χρείας χάριν αὐτῳ̑ πρὸς αὑτόν, οὐ γὰρ ἔτι κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 4. 13.

*‘For if men practise menial duties, not only for the supply of their own occasional wants, but habitually’ (indicated by ποτέ), ‘there is no longer any difference between master and slave,’ i. e. the natural distinction of classes is effaced. It has been proposed to read τότε μέν, τότε δέ, instead of τὸν μέν, τὸν δέ, ‘for then the case no longer occurs of a man being at one time master and at Edition: current; Page: [118]another time servant’—an arbitrary emendation (Riese, Susemihl) which gives a poor sense.

οὐκ ἔστιν εν̓̂ ἄρξαι μὴ ἀρχθέντα.Jowett1885v1: 4. 14.

An ancient proverb naturally attributed by tradition (Diog. Laert. i. 60; Stobaeus xlvi. p. 308) to Solon. Cp. Plut. Apophth. Lac. 215 D, who assigns the saying to Agis, ἐρωτηθεὶς τί μάθημα μάλιστα ἐν Σπάρτῃ ἀσκεɩ̂ται, τὸ γινώσκειν, εἰ̂πεν, ἄρχειν τε καὶ ἄρχεσθαι.

καὶ ἀνδρὸς δὴ ἀγαθον̂ ἄμϕω.Jowett1885v1: 4. 16.

At first Aristotle appeared to draw an artificial line between the good citizen and the good man; but he now shifts his point of view. The good man may be supposed to have all virtue; he must therefore have the virtues both of the ruler and subject, although the virtue of the ruler is of a peculiar character, and the virtue of the subject, if he be a freeman, takes many forms. So the virtue of a man and of a woman differ in degree and even in kind, yet both are included in the idea of virtue.

καὶ γυνὴ λάλος, εἰ οὕτω κοσμία εἴη ὥσπερ ὁ ἀνὴρ ὁ ἀγαθός.Jowett1885v1: 4. 17.

Compare for the ideal of womanly virtue, Thuc. ii. 45, τη̂ς τε γὰρ ὑπαρχούσης ϕύσεως μὴ χείροσι γενέσθαι ὑμɩ̂ν μεγάλη ἡ δόξα, καὶ ἡ̑ς ἂν ἐπ’ ἐλάχιστον ἀρετη̂ς πέρι ἢ ψόγου ἐν τοɩ̂ς ἄρσεσι κλέος ᾐ̑.

ἀρχομένου δέ γε οὐκ ἔστιν ἀρετὴ ϕρόνησις, ἀλλὰ δόξα ἀληθής· ὥσπερJowett1885v1: 4. 18. αὐλοποιὸς γὰρ ὁ ἀρχόμενος, ὁ δ’ ἄρχων αὐλητὴς ὁ χρώμενος.

Cp. Plat. Rep. x. 601 D, E, where the distinction is drawn between the ποιητής who has only πίστις ὀρθὴ and the χρώμενος who has ἐπιστήμη, and where there is the same illustration from the difference between the αὐλοποιὸς and the αὐλητής, and Cratylus 388 ff. also Nic. Eth. vi. 10. § 2, ‘ἡ μὲν γὰρ ϕρόνησις ἐπιτακτική ἐστιν . . . ἡ δὲ σύνεσις κριτικὴ μόνον.’

The discussion which follows is not unconnected with theJowett1885v1: 5. preceding. For if, as has been assumed, a freeman or citizen is one who commands as well as obeys, then it would seem that the artisan or mean person, even though not a slave, must be excluded.

οὑ̑τος γὰρ πολίτης.Jowett1885v1: 5. 1.

Sc. ὁ ἔχων τὴν τοιαύτην ἀρετήν. See note on English text.

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ἢ διά γε τον̂τον τὸν λόγον οὐδὲν ϕήσομεν συμβαίνειν ἄτοπον; οὐδὲ γὰρJowett1885v1: 5. 2. οἱ δον̂λοι τω̂ν εἰρημένων οὐδέν, οὐδ’ οἱ ἀπελεύθεροι.

‘But if the artisan is not included in the number of citizens where is he to be placed? He is not a metic, nor a stranger. Yet no real difficulty is involved in his exclusion any more than in that of slaves or freedmen.’

διά γε τον̂τον τὸν λόγον = so far as this objection goes, viz. the implied objection that he has no place in the state.

τω̂ν εἰρημένων refers to οὐδὲ μέτοικος οὐδὲ ξένος.

ἐξ ὑποθέσεως.Jowett1885v1: 5. 2.

‘On the supposition that they grow up to be men.’

τω̂ν δ’ ἀναγκαίων.Jowett1885v1: 5. 4.

‘But in respect to servile occupations’; either an anacoluthon resumed in τὰ τοιαν̂τα, or governed by the idea of ἔργον contained in λειτουργον̂ντες.

The point is how to determine the position of the artisan or mean person. There is no difficulty in seeing that some who live in states are not citizens, but how is the mechanic to be distinguished from the slave? The answer is that the slave ministers to a single master, artisans and serfs belong to the state.

ϕανερὸν δ’ ἐντεν̂θεν μικρὸν ἐπισκεψαμένοις πω̂ς ἔχει περὶ αὐτω̂ν· αὐτὸ γὰρJowett1885v1: 5. 4. ϕανὲν τὸ λεχθὲν ποιεɩ̂ δη̂λον. ἐπεὶ γάρ κ.τ.λ.

‘What has been said at once (ϕανὲν) makes the matter clear.’ It has been said that the best form of state will not admit the artisan class to citizenship (§ 3), and that the citizen will vary with the state (supra c. 1. § 9), a remark which he repeats in what follows. ‘For there are many forms of states; virtue is the characteristic of aristocracy, wealth of oligarchy. Now although the mechanic or skilled artisan cannot have virtue, he may have wealth, and therefore he may be a citizen of some states, but not of others.’

περὶ αὐτω̂ν, sc. about the lower class.

ἐν Θήβαις δὲ νόμος ἠ̑ν τὸν δέκα ἐτω̂ν μὴ ἀπεσχημένον τη̂ς ἀγορα̂ς μὴJowett1885v1: 5. 7. μετέχειν ἀρχη̂ς.

Cp. infra vi. 7. § 4, where the fact respecting Thebes is repeated.

It is clearly for the common interest and for the security of the Edition: current; Page: [120]state, that the passage from one class to another should be as easy as possible under all forms of government. Such a power of extending, and including other classes is necessary to the very existence of an oligarchy or of an aristocracy, or even of a constitutional government. And the avenue by which the lower naturally pass into the higher is personal merit or fitness which ought to overcome circumstances and not beat helplessly against the bars of a prison. The gold which the god has implanted in a person of an inferior class should be allowed to find its place (Plat. Rep. iii. 415), even if we cannot degrade the brass or lead in the higher. The higher class too have governing qualities which pass into the lower, and they themselves receive new life and new ideas from the association.

προσεϕέλκεται καὶ τω̂ν ξένων ὁ νόμος . . οὐ μὴν ἀλλά κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 5. 7, 8.

ξένων is partitive: ‘The law goes so far as in addition to include some of the stranger class. Nevertheless, when there are citizens more than enough the law which extended, again contracts, the right.’ For restrictions of population see Plat. Laws v. 740.

τοὺς ἀπὸ γυναικω̂ν.Jowett1885v1: 5. 8.

I. e. whose mothers were free women and their fathers not slaves (for this case has been already provided for in the words ἐκδούλου), but strangers or resident aliens.

τέλος δὲ μόνον τοὺς ἐξ ἀμϕοɩ̂ν αὐτω̂ν.Jowett1885v1: 5. 8.

The MSS. read αὐτω̂ν: Schneider, following Perizonius, has changed αὐτω̂ν into ἀστω̂ν, and the emendation is adopted by Bekker in both editions: but 1) the word ἀστὸς is of very rare occurrence in Aristotle; 2) it would be in awkward proximity to πολίτης: and 3) the change is unnecessary. Lit. ‘they make only those of them (αὐτω̂ν) citizens, who are children of citizens both on the father’s and mother’s side.’ αὐτω̂ν, though not exactly needed, is idiomatic.

ὡς εἴ τιν’ ἀτίμητον μετανάστην.Jowett1885v1: 5. 9.

Quoted also in Rhet. ii. 2, 1378 b. 33. Compare for a similar application of Homer bk. i. 2. § 9. Aristotle has given a new turn to the meaning of ἀτίμητος = τιμω̂ν μὴ μετέχων. But there is nothing singular in this; for quotations are constantly cited in new senses.

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ἀλλ’ ὅπου τὸ τοιον̂τον ἐπικεκρυμμένον ἐστίν, ἀπάτης χάριν τω̂ν συνοικούντωνJowett1885v1: 5. 9. ἐστίν.

τὸ τοιον̂τον = τὸ μὴ μετέχειν τω̂ν τιμω̂ν, i.e. the exclusion from office of certain classes is concealed in order to deceive the excluded persons. The reference is not to such cases as that of the 5000 at Athens, whose names were concealed for a political purpose (Thuc. viii. 92); but more probably to such deceptions as those of which Aristotle speaks in iv. 12. § 6 and c. 13 whereby the poor, though nominally citizens, were really deprived of their privileges because they had no leisure to exercise them. The intention was to trick them, but they were not dissatisfied; for they did not find out the trick. The English translation is defective, and should have run, ‘the object is that the privileged class may deceive their fellow-citizens.’

Another way of explaining the passage is to place an emphasis on τω̂ν συνοικούντων, which is taken in the sense of ‘fellow-colonists’: ‘the intention is to attract settlers by deceiving them into the belief that they will become citizens, when the rights of citizenship are really withheld from them.’ (For examples of fraud practised by colonists on strangers or fellow settlers, see v. 3. §§ 11-13.) But the words refer to states generally and not merely to colonies.

κἀκεɩ̂νος.Jowett1885v1: 5. 10.

Sc. ὁ ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς καὶ πολίτης σπουδαɩ̂ος ὤν. In his later edition Bekker reads κἀκείνης, a correction of one MS. All the rest, and the old translator, read κἀκεɩ̂νος. With either reading the meaning of the passage is much the same. ‘Even where the virtues of the good man and the good citizen coincide (i. e. in the perfect state), it is not the virtue of every citizen which is the same as that of the good man, but only that of the statesman and ruler.’ κἀκεɩ̂νος = καὶ ὁ ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς κ.τ.λ.: κἀκείνης = ἐν ᾐ̑ ὁ ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς κ.τ.λ.

ἔστι δὲ πολιτεία . . πολιτείαν ἑτέραν εἰ̂ναι τούτων.Jowett1885v1: 6. 1, 2.

Lit. ‘The state [πολιτεία] is the ordering of the powers of a state, and especially of the supreme power. The government [πολίτευμα] is this supreme power, and the state or constitution (ἡ πολιτεία subj.) is what the government is. In democracies, for example, the people are the ruling power, in oligarchies the few. Accordingly Edition: current; Page: [122]we say that they differ in their constitutions.’ The three words πολίτευμα, πολιτεία, πόλις have three primary gradations of meaning: 1) πολίτευμα = the government, i. e. the persons through whom the government acts; πολιτεία = the government administering and being administered, i. e. the state or constitution; πόλις = the whole state including the government. But these senses pass into one another.

καθ’ ὅσον ἐπιβάλλει μέρος ἑκάστῳ τον̂ ζη̂ν καλω̂ς.Jowett1885v1: 6. 3.

μέρος is to be taken with καθ’ ὅσον, the genitive τον̂ ζη̂ν καλω̂ς is partitive. ἐπιβάλλει, sc. ἑκάστῳ τὸ ζη̂ν καλω̂ς or impersonally. For the meaning of this word cp. note on ii. 3. § 4.

συνέρχονται δὲ καὶ τον̂ ζη̂ν ἕνεκεν αὐτον̂ (ἴσως γὰρ ἔνεστί τι τον̂ καλον̂Jowett1885v1: 6. 4. μόριον), καὶ συνέχουσι τὴν πολιτικὴν κοινωνίαν καὶ κατὰ τὸ ζη̂ν αὐτὸ μόνον, ἂν μὴ τοɩ̂ς χαλεποɩ̂ς κατὰ τὸν βίον ὑπερβάλλῃ λίαν.

Cp. Plat. Polit. 301 E, 302 A: ‘And when the foundation of politics is in the letter only and in custom, and knowledge is divorced from action, can we wonder, Socrates, at the miseries that there are, and always will be, in States? Any other art, built on such a foundation, would be utterly undermined,—there can be no doubt of that. Ought we not rather to wonder at the strength of the political bond? For States have endured all this, time out of mind, and yet some of them still remain and are not overthrown, though many of them, like ships foundering at sea, are perishing and have perished and will hereafter perish, through the incapacity of their pilots and crews, who have the worst sort of ignorance of the highest truths,—I mean to say, that they are wholly unacquainted with politics, of which, above all other sciences, they believe themselves to have acquired the most perfect knowledge.’

ὡς ἐνούσης τινὸς εὐημερίας ἐν αὐτῳ̑ καὶ γλυκύτητος ϕυσικη̂ς: cp. Nic. Eth.Jowett1885v1: 6. 5. ix. 9. § 7, τὸ δὲ ζη̂ν τω̂ν καθ’ αὑτὸ ἀγαθω̂ν καὶ ἡδέων κ.τ.λ.

ὅταν δὲ τούτων εἱ̑ς γένηται καὶ αὐτός.Jowett1885v1: 6. 8.

αὐτὸς refers inaccurately either to the trainer or to the pilot.

τὸ αὑτον̂ ἀγαθόν.Jowett1885v1: 6. 9.

The reflexive refers to the principal subject ἀξιον̂ντες: but is Edition: current; Page: [123]changed into the singular by the introduction of τινά. Translated into the first person the sentence would run, ‘Some one should now look after my interest as I looked after his when in office.’ For the ‘disinterestedness’ of traders cp. Plat. Rep. i. pp. 345, 346.

νν̂ν δέ.Jowett1885v1: 6. 10.

Answering to πρότερον μὲν above. ‘The natural principle that men should rule and be ruled in turn was once the practice; but now from corrupt motives, they insist on ruling perpetually.’

ἢ γἀρ οὐ πολίτας ϕατέον εἰ̂ναι τοὺς μετέχοντας, ἢ δεɩ̂ κοινωνεɩ̂ν τον̂ συμϕέροντος.Jowett1885v1: 7. 2.

The meaning of γὰρ is as follows: ‘Since there are perverted, as well as true states, there are states of which the members are not to be called citizens; or, if they were, they would partake of the common good.’ For, as has been said at the beginning of the treatise, πα̂σαν πόλιν ὁρω̂μεν κοινωνίαν τινὰ ον̓̂σαν καὶ πα̂σαν κοινωνίαν ἀγαθον̂ τινὸς ἕνεκεν συνεστηκυɩ̂αν. And the true forms of government are those which regard the good of the governed.

ἀριστοκρατίαν, ἢ διὰ τὸ τοὺς ἀρίστους ἄρχειν, ἢ διὰ τὸ πρὸς τὸ ἄριστον.Jowett1885v1: 7. 3.

Of course in reality the first of the two etymologies is the true one, but Aristotle, like Plato in the Cratylus, regards the relation which the component parts of words bear to one another as variable. He is fond of etymological meanings and sometimes forces the etymology to suit the meaning, e.g. σωϕροσύνη, ὡς σώζουσα τὴν ϕρόνησιν, Nic. Eth. vi. 5. § 5; ἠθικὴ from ἔθος, Nic. Eth. ii. 1. § 1; δίκαιον ὅτι δίχα ἐστίν, Nic. Eth. v. 4. § 9; μακάριον ἀπὸ τον̂ χαίρειν, Nic. Eth. vii. 11. § 2; τιμοκρατία . . ἡ ἀπὸ τιμημάτων πολιτεία, Nic. Eth. viii. 10. § 1.

The first of the two explanations of ἀριστοκρατία is more in accordance not only with the principles of etymology but with the facts of history, if we take ἄριστοι in the sense in which the word would have been understood by Alcaeus or Theognis: the second answers best to Aristotle’s ideal state.

πολιτεία.Jowett1885v1: 7. 3.

In Ethics viii. 10. § 1 this is identified with τιμοκρατία = ἡ ἀπὸ τιμημάτων πολιτεία, a government based upon a property qualification (ἣν τιμοκρατικὴν λέγειν οἰκεɩ̂ον ϕαίνεται, πολιτείαν δ’ αὐτὴν εἰώθασιν οἱ πλεɩ̂στοι Edition: current; Page: [124]καλεɩ̂ν). No example of the word τιμοκρατία occurs in the Politics. It is used by Plato in another sense = the government of honour (ἡ ϕιλότιμος πολιτεία, Rep. viii. 545 B).

πολιτεία originally meaning, as in Thucydides, any form of government, a sense which is continued in Aristotle, has also like our own word ‘constitution’ a second and specific sense, apparently coming into use in the age of Aristotle, though not invented by him. Cp. iv. 7. § 1, πέμπτη δ’ ἐστὶν ἣ προσαγορεύεται τὸ κοινὸν ὄνομα πασω̂ν (πολιτείαν γὰρ καλον̂σιν), ἀλλὰ διὰ τὸ μὴ πολλάκις γίνεσθαι λανθάνει τοὺς πειρωμένους ἀριθμεɩ̂ν τὰ τω̂ν πολιτειω̂ν εἴδη, καὶ χρω̂νται ταɩ̂ς τέτταρσι μόνον, ὥσπερ Πλάτων ἐν ταɩ̂ς πολιτείαις: also ii. 6. § 16.

The subject of this chapter is again referred to in iv. c. 4. TheJowett1885v1: 8. discussion which follows affords a curious example of the manner in which Aristotle after passing through a maze of casuistry at length arrives at the conclusions of common sense.

διὸ καὶ οὐ συμβαίνει τὰς ῥηθείσας αἰτίας γίνεσθαι διαϕορα̂ς.Jowett1885v1: 8. 6.

The MSS. have διαϕοράς (‘That the already mentioned differences are the true causes,’ a reading which gives a somewhat unusual sense to αἰτίας). The old translator has ‘differentiae’ in the genitive. Better to take διαϕορα̂ς as a genitive, making αἰτίας the predicate, and repeating the word with ῥηθείσας. ‘And thus the so-called causes of difference are not real causes.’ Bernays inserts πολιτείας after ῥηθείσας without authority, and appears to translate the passage rather freely: ‘And they cannot therefore create any form of constitution which can be specifically named.’

The argument is intended to show that the essential differences between oligarchy and democracy are not made by the governing body being few or many (τὰς ῥηθείσας αἰτίας), but by poverty and wealth. It is an accident that the rich are few, and the poor many.

καὶ ἔστιν, ἀλλ’ οὐ πα̂σιν, ἀλλὰ τοɩ̂ς ἴσοις.Jowett1885v1: 9. 1.

‘And so it is; not however for all, but only for the equal.’ Cp. Cic. de Rep. i. c. 34, ‘Cum par habetur honos summis et infimis . . ipsa aequitas iniquissima est.’ Burke, French Revol. (vol. v. p. 106. ed. 1815), ‘Everything ought to be open, but not indifferently to every man.’

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τὸ δ’ αἴτιον ὅτι περὶ αὑτω̂ν ἡ κρίσις.Jowett1885v1: 9. 2.

Men think themselves to be as good or better than others, and therefore claim equal or greater political rights; e.g. they claim to exercise the franchise without considering whether they are fit or not. They can never see that they are inferior, and that therefore it may be just for them to have less than others: cp. below § 3.

ἐπεὶ . . διῄρηται τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον ἐπί τε τω̂ν πραγμάτων καὶ οἱ̑ς.Jowett1885v1: 9. 3.

Lit. ‘Since justice is distributed in the same manner (i.e. equally) over things and over persons.’ τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον is to be taken not with διῄρηται, but with the words which follow = ὁμοίως.

τὴν δὲ οἱ̑ς ἀμϕισβητον̂σι.Jowett1885v1: 9. 3.

τὴν δέ, sc. ἰσότητα is accusative after ἀμϕισβητον̂σι.

οἱ̑ς as above τὸ οἱ̑ς, the technical word for persons, lit. ‘in relation to the whom.’ Cp. Nic. Eth. v. 3. §§ 6, 7.

οὐ γὰρ εἰ̂ναι δίκαιον ἴσον μετέχειν τω̂ν ἑκατὸν μνω̂ν τὸν εἰσενέγκαντα μίανJowett1885v1: 9. 5. μνα̂ν τῳ̑ δόντι τὸ λοιπὸν πα̂ν, οὔτε τω̂ν ἐξ ἀρχη̂ς οὔτε τω̂ν ἐπιγινομένων.

Either 1)* τω̂ν ἐξ ἀρχη̂ς is in apposition with τω̂ν ἑκατὸν μνω̂ν or with some more general word, such as χρημάτων, understood; or 2) the words may = τω̂ν ἐξ ἀρχη̂ς εἰσενεγκάντων τινά i.e. either any of those who originally contributed, or any subsequent generation of contributors. Cp. Burkē, Ref. on F. R. (vol. v. p. 121, ed. 1815), ‘In these partnerships all men have equal rights, but not to equal things. He that has but five shillings in the partnership has as good a right to it as he that has five hundred pounds has to his larger proportion. But he has not a right to an equal dividend in the product of the joint stock.’

εἰ δὲ μήτε τον̂ ζη̂ν μόνον ἕνεκεν κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 9. 6.

εἰ δὲ introduces the opposite side of the question. ‘If a good life is the object, then the oligarch is wrong’ (cp. above, § 5, ὥσθ’ ὁ τω̂ν ὀλιγαρχικω̂ν λόγος δόξειεν ἂν ἰσχύειν), but the apodosis is lost in what follows. For a similar anacoluthon cp. infra c. 12. § 1.

καὶ γὰρ ἂν δούλων καὶ τω̂ν ἄλλων ζῴων ἠ̑ν πόλις.Jowett1885v1: 9. 6.

Nic. Eth. x. 6. § 8, εὐδαιμονίας δ’ οὐδεὶς ἀνδραπόδῳ μεταδίδωσιν εἰ μὴ καὶ βίου.

οἱ̑ς ἐστὶ σύμβολα πρὸς ἀλλήλους.Jowett1885v1: 9. 6.

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Cp. above, c. 1. § 4, τοɩ̂ς ἀπὸ συμβόλων κοινωνον̂σιν.Jowett1885v1: 9. 8. μὴ λόγου χάριν

is either 1)* taken with περὶ ἀρετη̂ς ἐπιμελὲς εἰ̂ναι, or 2) is an explanation of ὡς ἀληθω̂ς, which it pleonastically emphasizes.

γίνεται γὰρ ἡ κοινωνία.Jowett1885v1: 9. 8.

‘For otherwise the state becomes’ or ‘would be.’

συμμαχία τω̂ν ἄλλων τόπῳ διαϕέρουσα μόνον τω̂ν ἄποθεν συμμάχων.Jowett1885v1: 9. 8.

The construction is unsymmetrical, passing, as elsewhere, from the abstract to the concrete. ‘A city is an alliance differing from any other allies [= alliances], who are at a distance, in place only.’ Or τω̂ν ἄλλων may be taken with συμμαχιω̂ν, τω̂ν ἄποθεν συμμάχων being epexegetic = other alliances of which the members live apart.

Λυκόϕρων ὁ σοϕιστής.Jowett1885v1: 9. 8.

An obscure rhetorician who is censured in the Rhetoric (iii. c. 3. §§ 1-3) for frigidity of style. It is also said that when set to make an encomium on the lyre he attacked some other thesis (Soph. Elench. c. 15, 174 b. 32), or, according to Alexander Aphrodisiensis, he began with the earthly lyre, and went on to speak of the constellation Lyra. Lycophron seems to have held the doctrine that ‘the state is only a machine for the protection of life and property.’ Cp. Rhet. i. 15, 1376 b. 10, αὐτὸς ὁ νόμος συνθήκη τις ἐστίν.

The opposite view is maintained in Burke, French Revolution (vol. v. ed. 1815, p. 184): ‘The state ought not to be considered nothing better than a partnership agreement in a trade of pepper and coffee, calico or tobacco, or some other such low concern, to be taken up for a little temporary interest, and to be dissolved by the fancy of the partners. It is to be looked upon with other reverence, because it is not a partnership in things subservient only to the gross animal existence of a temporary and perishable nature.’

εἰ γὰρ καὶ συνέλθοιεν οὕτω κοινωνον̂ντες, ἕκαστος μέντοι χρῳ̑το τῃ̑ ἰδίᾳJowett1885v1: 9. 11. οἰκίᾳ ὥσπερ πόλει καὶ σϕίσιν αὐτοɩ̂ς ὡς ἐπιμαχίας οὔσης βοηθον̂ντες ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀδικον̂ντας μόνον, οὐδ’ οὕτως ἂν εἰ̂ναι δόξειε πόλις τοɩ̂ς ἀκριβω̂ς θεωρον̂σιν, εἴπερ ὁμοίως ὁμιλοɩ̂εν συνελθόντες καὶ χωρίς.

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‘As a confederacy is not a city, so a number of individuals uniting in the same manner in which cities form a confederacy, would not be a city, unless they changed their manner of life after the union.’ The main distinction which Aristotle draws between the confederacy, in which many cities are united by a treaty, and the single city is that the object of the one is negative, of the other positive,—the one regards the citizens in some particular aspect, e. g. with a view to the prevention of piracy or the encouragement of commerce; the other takes in their whole life and education.

χρῳ̑το τῃ̑ ἰδίᾳ οἰκίᾳ ὥσπερ πόλει. I. e. ‘If every man were lord in his own house or castle, and only made a treaty with his neighbours like the cities in a federation;’ in other words, if the inhabitants of the common city had no social relations.

βοηθον̂ντες is parallel with κοινωνον̂ντες, and in apposition with the nominative to συνέλθοιεν.

καὶ διαγωγαὶ τον̂ συζη̂ν.Jowett1885v1: 9. 13.

Nearly = τρόποι τον̂ συζη̂ν, ‘pleasant modes of common life,’ or more freely ‘enjoyments of society,’ not ‘relaxations for the sake of society,’ a construction not admissible in prose.

ἔχει δ’ ἀπορίαν κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 10. 1.

The argument of this chapter consists of a series of ἀπορίαι which may be raised against the claims of any one person or class to have the supreme power. The ἀπορίαι are restated somewhat less sharply in the next chapter. They are indirectly, but not distinctly or completely, answered in the latter part of c. 13.

ἔδοξε γὰρ νὴ Δία τῳ̑ κυρίῳ δικαίως.Jowett1885v1: 10. 1.

It is difficult to account for this sudden outburst of vivacity. Compare infra c. 11. § 5, ἴσως δὲ νὴ Δία δη̂λον ὅτι περὶ ἐνίων ἀδύνατον: cp. Xen. Mem. v. 1. 4, ἀλλὰ ναὶ μὰ Δία τόδε ἄξιόν μοι δοκεɩ̂ εἰ̂ναι: Dem. de Chersones. §§ 9, 17; Polyb. vi. 3. § 6, πότερον ὡς μόνας ταύτας ἢ καὶ νὴ Δί’ ὡς ἀρίστας ἡμɩ̂ν εἰσηγον̂νται πολιτειω̂ν; and the use of Hercule in Tacit. Ann. i. 3.

The whole passage is a kind of suppressed dialogue in which two opposite opinions are abruptly brought face to face. No conclusion is drawn; the only inference being really the impossible one that all forms of government are equally baseless, because they are not Edition: current; Page: [128]based on justice, and therefore in all of them abuse of power is possible.

πάλιν τε πάντων ληϕθέντων κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 10. 2.

ληϕθέντων has been explained, either 1) as neut. or 2) masc. Either 1)* ‘when everything, i.e. when all the property of the rich has been exhausted;’ for this meaning of the word cp. iv. 4. § 8; or 2) ‘when all the citizens are taken together,’ but this is a doubtful use of ληϕθέντων and does not give a good sense.

The passage is a reductio ad absurdum of the previous argument: ‘When the many poor have taken all the property of the few rich, and the majority go on subdividing among themselves, the property of the minority will become smaller and smaller, and the state will be ruined.’

Or, expressing the same idea in numbers, let us suppose a state of 1000 citizens. If a mere numerical majority constitutes rightful sovereignty, 600 citizens may resolve,—and rightly, according to the hypothesis,—to confiscate the goods of the remaining 400, and divide them among themselves. Thus 400 will cease to be citizens. Of the remaining 600, 400 may go on to divide the property of the others, and thus the state becomes reduced to 400 and so on, till it disappears altogether.

It may be remarked that in all schemes for the division of property, the wealth which has been created under a system of accumulation is supposed to continue when the motives for accumulation have ceased. The poor are not fitted to govern the rich. But neither are the rich fitted to govern the poor. The truth is that no class in the state can be trusted with the interests of any other.

ἀλλὰ μὴν οὐχ ἥ γ’ ἀρετὴ ϕθείρει τὸ ἔχον αὐτήν.Jowett1885v1: 10. 2.

For the virtue of anything is that quality by which it fulfils its own proper ἔργον. Cp. Plat. Rep. x. 608 E.

ἂν ον̓̂ν ᾐ̑ νόμος μὲν ὀλιγαρχικὸς δὲ ἢ δημοκρατικός, τί διοίσει περὶ τω̂νJowett1885v1: 10. 5. ἠπορημένων;

‘Even if we assume the law to rule and not the few or many, where is the difference? For the law may only represent the prejudices Edition: current; Page: [129]or interests of oligarchy or democracy.’ Compare infra c. 11. §§ 20, 21.

δόξειεν ἂν λύεσθαι καί τιν’ ἔχειν ἀπορίαν, τάχα δὲ κἂν ἀλήθειαν.Jowett1885v1: 11. 1.

This passage has been thought corrupt. Two conjectures have been proposed, 1) εὐπορίαν for ἀπορίαν (but the sense which would be given to εὐπορία is not natural or idiomatic), and 2) the omission of λύεσθαι or λύεσθαι καί, the latter words being thought to be suggested by the mention of ἀπορίαν, or to be a corruption of ἀλήθειαν. There is a want of order in the thought, but the same disorder occurs in a parallel expression (c. 12. § 2), ἔχει γὰρ τον̂τ’ ἀπορίαν καὶ ϕιλοσοϕίαν πολιτικήν. The text may therefore be accepted.

ὥσπερ καὶ τω̂ν μὴ καλω̂ν τοὺς καλούς (διαϕέρειν) ϕασι καὶ τὰ γεγραμμέναJowett1885v1: 11. 4. διὰ τέχνης τω̂ν ἀληθινω̂ν, τῳ̑ συνη̂χθαι τὰ διεσπαρμἐνα χωρὶς εἰς ἕν, ἐπεὶ κεχωρισμένων γε κάλλιον ἔχειν τον̂ γεγραμμένου τουδὶ μὲν τὸν ὀϕθαλμόν, ἑτέρου δέ τινος ἕτερον μόριον.

The combination of qualities in the multitude is compared to the combination of qualities in the individual: e. g. in a statue or picture of which the features taken separately may be far excelled by others, but when combined make a better portrait, because they are adapted to one another. (Cp. Plat. Rep. iv. 420 C, D, ff.) Thus the multitude may be supposed to have a generalized excellence, and to be superior as a whole. This rather doubtful principle is not of universal application [§ 5]. We must presuppose the many to be good citizens and good men (infra c. 15. § 9).

Contrast the opposite view of Plato (Rep. vi. 493 A, B), in which he describes the multitude under the figure of a great beast, a view which is modified by his apology for them in Rep. vi. 498-500.

Compare the saying of Goethe: ‘Nothing can be more certain than that this great Public, which is so honoured and so despised, is almost always in a state of self-delusion about details, but never or hardly ever about the broad truth (das Ganze).’

Yet we may also make the opposite reflection, that a few wise men when they meet and act together are apt to fall short of the average intelligence of mankind: a Ministry of All the Talents may have less sense than any man in it—a coalition may never coalesce—individuality Edition: current; Page: [130]may be too much for unity; or unity may only be enforced by the strong will of a single person.

ἴσως δὲ νὴ Δία δη̂λον ὅτι περὶ ἐνίων ἀδύνατον. ὁ γὰρ αὐτὸς κἂν ἐπὶ τω̂νJowett1885v1: 11. 5. θηρίων ἁρμόσειε λόγος. καίτοι τί διαϕέρουσιν ἔνιοι τω̂ν θηρίων;

‘Assuredly,’ retorts the opponent, or Aristotle himself, struck by an objection which had not previously occurred to him, ‘this principle cannot be true of all men. For it would be a reductio ad absurdum to say that it was true of beasts, and some men are no better than beasts.’

Admitting the objection Aristotle still maintains that his doctrine of ‘collective wisdom’ is true of some men, though not of all. He proceeds to argue that deliberative and judicial functions may be safely granted to the many, and cannot be safely denied to them; but that it would be dangerous to entrust them with high office.

διί τε γὰρ ἀδικίαν καὶ δι’ ἀϕροσύνην τὰ μὲν ἀδικεɩ̂ν ἂν τὰ δ’ ἁμαρτάνεινJowett1885v1: 11. 7. αὐτούς.

The sentence is an anacoluthon; it has been forgotten that no words such as εἰκός ἐστιν or ἀνάγκη have preceded, and that they cannot be easily gathered from the context.

ἔχουσι συνελθόντες ἱκανὴν αἴσθησιν.Jowett1885v1: 11. 9.

Cp. Nic. Eth. vi. 10. § 2, where the distinction is drawn between σύνεσις ( = αἴσθησις in this passage), which is κριτικὴ μόνον, and ϕρόνησις, which is ἐπιτακτική. And with both places, cp. Thuc. ii. 40, where Pericles, speaking in the name of the Athenian democracy, says, ἤτοι κρίνομέν γε ἢ ἐνθυμούμεθα ὀρθω̂ς τὰ πράγματα.

Aristotle is now stating the other side of the argument:—‘TheJowett1885v1: 11. 10, 11. physician is a better judge than he who is not a physician. And it must be remarked that under the term “physician” is included 1) the higher sort of physician, 2) the apothecary, and 3) the intelligent amateur whether he practises medicine or not. In all of these there exists a knowledge which is not to be found in the many. Apply this principle to the art of politics. Even in the choice of magistrates the well-informed man, whether he be a statesman or Edition: current; Page: [131]not, is better able to judge than the multitude.’ This argument is then refuted in what follows, § 14.

The context is rendered difficult by the correction of the word ‘artist,’ for which Aristotle substitutes ‘one who has knowledge’ (§§ 11, 12). For the distinction between the δημιουργ[Editor: illegible character]ς and the ἀρχιτεκτονικὸς ἰατρὸς cp. Plat. Laws iv. 720, where the doctor, who attends the slaves, is humorously distinguished from the doctor who attends freemen. And for the notion of the ἰδιώτης ἰατρὸς (ὁ πεπαιδευμένος περὶ τὴν τέχνην) cp. Politicus 259 A, ‘εἴ τῴ τις τω̂ν δημοσιευόντων ἰατρω̂ν ἱκανὸς ξυμβουλεύειν ἰδιωτεύων αὐτός, ἀ̑ρ’ οὐκ ἀναγκαɩ̂ον αὐτῳ̑ προσαγορεύεσθαι τοὔνομα τη̂ς τέχνης ταὐτὸν ὅπερ ᾡ̑ συμβουλεύει;’

Aristotle proceeds to argue that there is a judgment of commonJowett1885v1: 11. 14-17. sense equal, if not superior to that of the artist himself, which is possessed by the many.

Without pretending that the voice of the people is the voice of God, it may be truly said of them, 1) that they are free from the hypercriticism which besets the individual; 2) that they form conclusions on simple grounds; 3) that their moral principles are generally sound; 4) that they are often animated by noble impulses, and are capable of great sacrifices; 5) that they retain their human and national feeling. The intelligent populace at Athens, though changeable as the wind (Thuc. ii. 65; Demosth. 383, ὁ μὲν δη̂μος . . . . . . ὥσπερ ἐν θαλάττῃ πνεν̂μα ἀκατάστατον·) and subject to fits of panic and fanatical fury (Thuc. vi. 27), were also capable of entertaining generous thoughts (Id. iii. 49), and of showing a wise moderation (Id. viii. 97), and in nearly every respect were superior to their oligarchical contemporaries, far less cunning and cruel (Id. iv. 80), and far more willing to make sacrifices (Id. i. 74) for the public interest.

The more general question which is here suggested by Aristotle, § 11, ‘whether the amateur or the artist is the better judge of a work of art or literature’ is also worthy of attention. It is probable that either is a better judge than the other, but of different merits or excellences. The artist e.g. may be expected to be the best judge of points in which a minute knowledge of detail is required; the amateur has the truer sense of proportion because he compares Edition: current; Page: [132]many works of art and is not under the dominion of a single style. He judges by a wider range and is therefore less likely to fall into eccentricity or exclusiveness.

See infra at the beginning of c. 12.

καὶ τὸ τίμημα δὲ πλεɩ̂ον τὸ πάντων τούτων ἢ τὸ τω̂ν καθ’ ἕνα καὶ κατ’Jowett1885v1: 11. 18. ὀλίγους μεγάλας ἀρχὰς ἀρχόντων.

Aristotle seems here to have fallen into the error of confounding the collective wealth of the state with the wealth of individuals. The former is the wealth of a great number of persons which may be unequally distributed and in infinitesimally small portions among the masses, thus affording no presumption of respectability or education; whereas the wealth of the individual is the guarantee of some at least of the qualities which are required in the good citizen. Cp. infra c. 13. §§ 4, 10.

ἡ δὲ πρώτη λεχθεɩ̂σα ἀπορία κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 11. 19.

That is to say the certainty that any single individual or class, if dominant, will infringe upon the rights of others renders it indispensable that the law should be above them all. Cp. c. 10. § 1.

According to Bernays (Transl. of Pol. I-III. p. 172) c. 12 andJowett1885v1: 12. 13 are a second sketch of the same discussion which has been commenced in c. 9-11 and is continued in c. 16 and 17. But though in what follows there is some repetition of what has preceded, e.g. c. 12. §§ 1, 2 and c. 13. § 2 compared with c. 9. §§ 1, 2. c. 13. § 1 and c. 9. §§ 14, 15, and c. 13. § 10 with c. 11. § 2 ff., the resemblances are not sufficient to justify this statement. In c. 13 new elements are introduced, e.g. the discussion on ostracism; and the end of c. 11 in which the supremacy of law is asserted (§ 20) has no immediate connexion with c. 14 in which the forms of monarchy are considered; while the transition from the end of c. 13, in which the claim of the one best man to be a monarch is discussed, is not unnatural.

ἐπεὶ δ’ ἐν πάσαις κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 12. 1.

Again, as in c. 9. § 6, the apodosis appears to be lost in the length of the sentence. It is also possible to gather it from the words ποίων δ’ ἰσότης κ.τ.λ. (§ 2). The process of reasoning will then Edition: current; Page: [133]be as follows: ‘Seeing that the end of the state is “justice” which is the common good, etc., and is also equality between equals, of whom or what is this equality or inequality?’

δοκεɩ̂ δὲ πα̂σιν . . τοɩ̂ς κατὰ ϕιλοσοϕίαν λόγοις.Jowett1885v1: 12. 1.

Compare Topics i. 14, 105 b. 30, πρὸς μὲν ον̓̂ν ϕιλοσοϕίαν κατ’ ἀλήθειαν περὶ αὐτω̂ν πραγματευτέον, διαλεκτικω̂ς δὲ πρὸς δόξαν.

εἰ γὰρ μα̂λλον τὸ τὶ μέγεθος, καὶ ὅλως ἂν τὸ μέγεθος ἐνάμιλλον εἴη καὶJowett1885v1: 12. 6. πρὸς πλον̂τον καὶ πρὸς ἐλευθερίαν. ὥστ’ εἰ πλεɩ̂ον ὁδὶ διαϕέρει κατὰ μέγεθος ἢ όδὶ κατ’ ἀρετήν, καὶ πλεɩ̂ον ὑπερέχει ὅλως ἀρετη̂ς μέγεθος, εἴη ἂν συμβλητὰ πάντα· τοσόνδε γὰρ μέγεθος εἰ κρεɩ̂ττον τοσον̂δε, τοσόνδε δη̂λον ὡς ἴσον.

That is to say, If different qualities can be compared in the concrete, they can be compared in the abstract, and degrees of difference can be compared even when two things differ in kind. If a tall man can be compared with a virtuous, then virtue can be compared with height, and all degrees of height and virtue can be compared. But this is impossible, for they have no common measure. Qualities can only be compared when they have a common relation, such as virtue and wealth have to the state.

εἰ γὰρ μα̂λλον, ‘for if we begin by saying that size in the concrete can be compared with wealth and freedom then we cannot avoid saying the same of size in the abstract: which is absurd.’

The bearing of this argument on the general discussion is as follows: Aristotle is explaining the nature of political equality which can only exist between similar or commensurable qualities and therefore between persons who possess such qualities: in the case of the state for example only between qualities or persons which are essential to the state, not between such as are indifferent, not between flute-playing and virtue, but between virtue and wealth.

ἄνευ τω̂ν προτέρων . . ἄνευ δὲ τούτων.Jowett1885v1: 12. 9.

1) freedom and wealth . . 2) justice and valour.

ἀνάγκη πάσας εἰ̂ναι τὰς τοιαύτας πολιτείας παρεκβάσεις.Jowett1885v1: 13. 1.

In a certain sense even the government of virtue is a perversion, if we could suppose the virtuous to govern for their own interests and to disregard those of others (cp. infra §§ 10, 20). At any rate virtue is not the only element required in a state.

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ἡ δὲ χώρα κοινόν.Jowett1885v1: 13. 2.

‘The common or inclusive element of the state,’ ‘an element in which all are concerned’; or, if the phrase be modernized, ‘the land is a great public interest.’

The word is here used nearly as in τὸ κοινὸν = ‘public’ or ‘common’: elsewhere in the sense of ‘comprehensive,’ ‘general,’ (Nic. Eth. ii. 2. § 2); applicable to the larger or more inclusive class, the more popular constitution (supra ii. 6. § 4), the more generally useful branch of knowledge (Rhet. i. 1, 1354 b. 29).

καθ’ ἑκάστην μὲν ον̓̂ν πολιτείαν τω̂ν εἰρημένων ἀναμϕισβήτητος ἡ κρίσιςJowett1885v1: 13. 5. τίνας ἄρχειν δεɩ̂· τοɩ̂ς γὰρ κυρίοις διαϕέρουσιν ἀλλήλων, οἱ̑ον ἡ μὲν τῳ̑ διὰ πλουσίων ἡ δὲ τῳ̑ διὰ τω̂ν σπουδαίων ἀνδρω̂ν εἰ̂ναι, καὶ τω̂ν ἄλλων ἑκάστη τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον. ἀλλ’ ὅμως σκοπον̂μεν, ὅταν περὶ τὸν αὐτὸν ταν̂θ’ ὑπάρχῃ χρόνον, πω̂ς διοριστέον.

‘There is no difficulty in determining who are to be the governing body in an oligarchy or aristocracy or democracy; for the nature of these is really implied in the name. The difficulty arises only when the few and the many and the virtuous are living together in the same city: how are their respective claims to be determined? For any of them, carried out consistently, involves an absurdity.’

εἰ δὴ τὸν ἀριθμὸν εἰ̂εν ὀλίγοι πάμπαν οἱ τὴν ἀρετὴν ἔχοντες, τίνα δεɩ̂Jowett1885v1: 13. 6. διελεɩ̂ν τὸν τρόπον;

‘How are we to decide between them; or how are we to arrange the state having regard both to virtues and number?’ For διελεɩ̂ν see ii. 2. § 1: also τίνα τρόπον νενέμηνται, iv. 1. § 10.

ἢ τὸ ὀλίγοι πρὸς τὸ ἔργον δεɩ̂ σκοπεɩ̂ν, εἰ δυνατοὶ διοικεɩ̂ν τὴν πόλιν [Editor: illegible character]Jowett1885v1: 13. 6. τοσον̂τοι τὸ πλη̂θος ὥστ’ εἰ̂ναι πόλιν ἐξ αὐτω̂ν;

‘Must we consider their fewness relatively to their duties, and whether they are able to govern a state, or numerous enough to form a state of themselves?’

τὸ ὀλίγοι = ‘the idea of the few,’ like τὸ οἱ̑ς supra c. 9. § 2.

πρὸς τὸ ἔργον may be taken either with δεɩ̂ σκοπεɩ̂ν, or with τὸ ὀλίγοι.

τοσον̂τοι is dependent on εἰ, understood from εἰ δυνατοὶ = ἢ δεɩ̂ σκοπεɩ̂ν εἰ τοσον̂τοι τὸ πλη̂θος εἰσί.

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διὸ καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἀπορίαν, ἣν ζητον̂σι καὶ προβάλλουσί τινες, ἐνδέλεταιJowett1885v1: 13.11, 12. τον̂τον τὸν τρόπον ἀπαντα̂ν. ἀπορον̂σι γάρ τινες πότερον τῳ̑ νομοθέτῃ νομοθετητέον, βουλομένῳ τίθεσθαι τοὺς ὀρθοτάτους νόμους, πρὸς τὸ τω̂ν βελτιόνων συμϕέρον ἢ πρὸς τὸ τω̂ν πλειόνων, ὅταν συμβαίνῃ τὸ λεχθέν. τὸ δ’ ὀρθὸν ληπτέον ἴσως· τὸ δ’ ἴσως ὀρθὸν πρὸς τὸ τη̂ς πόλεως ὅλης συμϕέρον καὶ πρὸς τὸ κοινὸν τὸ τω̂ν πολιτω̂ν.

Aristotle here raises the question whether the laws shall be enacted for the good of all or of a privileged class when several classes exist together in a state. He answers that the laws must be equal, and this equal right, or law, means the principle which conduces to the good of the whole state.

1)* ὅταν συμβαίνῃ τὸ λεχθὲν refers immediately to § 10, which suggests the co-existence of classes in a state, and to § 4, which contains a more formal statement to the same effect.

2) Bernays alters the punctuation by enclosing ἀπορον̂σι . . . πλειόνων in a parenthesis explanatory of τὴν ἀπορίαν. This gives a sufficient sense; but a short clause at the end of a sentence following a long parenthesis is not in the manner of Aristotle. He also refers ὅταν συμβαίνῃ τὸ λεχθὲν to the words τὸ πλη̂θος εἰ̂ναι βέλτιον κ.τ.λ., not ‘when all the elements co-exist,’ but ‘when the whole people is better and richer than the few.’

ὥστε μὴ συμβλητὴν εἰ̂ναι τὴν τω̂ν ἄλλων ἀρετὴν πάντων μηδὲ τὴν δύναμινJowett1885v1: 13. 13. αὐτω̂ν τὴν πολιτικὴν πρὸς τὴν ἐκείνων.

The virtue here spoken of seems to be the virtue of the kind attributed by Thucydides viii. 68 to Antiphon, viz. political ability, and the characters who are ‘out of all proportion to other men’ are the master spirits of the world, who make events rather than are made by them, and win, whether with many or with few, such as Themistocles, Pericles, Alexander the great, Caesar, and in modern times a Marlborough, Mirabeau, Napoleon I, Bismarck.

οὐ γὰρ ἐθέλειν αὐτὸν ἄγειν τὴν Ἀργώ.Jowett1885v1: 13. 16.

The legend is preserved by Apollodorus (i. 9. § 19). According to him the ship Argo, speaking with a human voice, refused to take on board Hercules, ϕθεγξαμένη μὴ δύνασθαι ϕέρειν τὸ τούτου βάρος. This agrees with the text of the Politics if the word ἄγειν is taken to mean ‘convey,’ ‘take on board,’ as in Soph. Phil. 901, Edition: current; Page: [136]ὥστε μή μ’ ἄγειν ναύτην ἔτι. Stahr translates wrongly: ‘Hercules would not row with his comrades, because he was so far superior to them in strength.’

τὴν Περιάνδρου Θρασυβούλῳ συμβουλίαν κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 13. 16.

Cp. Herod. v. 92, who reverses the characters, the advice being given not by Periander to Thrasybulus, but by Thrasybulus to Periander; and Livy i. 54: also Shakes. Rich. II. act iii. sc. 4:—

‘Go thou, and, like an executioner,

Cut off the heads of too fast-growing sprays

That look too lofty in our commonwealth.’

διὸ καὶ τοὺς ψέγοντας τὴν τυραννίδα καὶ τὴν Περιάνδρου ΘρασυβούλῳJowett1885v1: 13. 16. συμβουλίαν οὐχ ἁπλω̂ς οἰητέον ὀρθω̂ς ἐπιτιμα̂ν.

Because all governments rest on the principle of self-preservation, and at times extreme measures must be allowed.

ὁ ὀστρακισμὸς τὴν αὐτὴν ἔχει δύναμιν . . τῳ̑ κολούειν.Jowett1885v1: 13. 18.

In this passage there is a doubt about the reading, and also about the construction. Several MSS. read τὸ κωλύειν = ‘have the same effect in respect of putting down the chief citizens.’

If we retain the reading of Bekker’s text, it is doubtful whether τῳ̑ κολούειν 1) is to be taken after τὴν αὐτὴν (Bernays), or 2)* is the dative of the instrument. To the first way of explaining the words it may be objected that τῳ̑ κολούειν must then be referred to the particular instance of the counsel of Periander, whereas ostracism has been just asserted to be general, and to represent the policy of oligarchy and democracy as well as of tyranny. ‘It has the same effect with the “lopping off” the chief citizens.’

It can hardly be supposed that the legislator who institutedJowett1885v1: 13.18-23. ostracism had any definite idea of banishing the one ‘best man’ who was too much for the state. The practice seems to have arisen out of the necessities of party warfare, and may be regarded as an attempt to give stability to the ever-changing politics of a Greek state. It certainly existed as early as the time of Cleisthenes, and is said to have been employed against the adherents of Peisistratus. Every year on a fixed day the people were asked if Edition: current; Page: [137]they would have recourse to it or not. If they approved, a day was appointed on which the vote was taken. To ostracise any citizen not less than 6000 citizens must vote against him. We may readily believe, as Aristotle tells us (§ 23), that ‘instead of looking to the public good, they used ostracism for factious purposes.’ Aristides, according to the well-known legend, was banished because the people were tired of his virtues. Themistocles, the saviour of Hellas, was also ostracised (Thuc. i. 137). The last occasion on which the power was exercised at Athens was against Hyperbolus, who was ostracised by the combined influence of Nicias and Alcibiades. Other states in which the practice prevailed were Argos (v. 3. § 3), Megara, Syracuse, Miletus, Ephesus.

οἱ̑ον Ἀθηναɩ̂οι μὲν περὶ Σαμίους καὶ Χίους καὶ Λεσβίους.Jowett1885v1: 13. 19.

For the Samians, cp. Thuc. i. 116; for the Chians, Thuc. iv. 51; for the Lesbians, Thuc. iii. 10.

ὥστε διὰ τον̂το μὲν οὐδὲν κωλύει τοὺς μονάρχους συμϕωνεɩ̂ν ταɩ̂ς πόλεσιν,Jowett1885v1: 13. 22. εἰ τη̂ς οἰκείας ἀρχη̂ς ὠϕελίμου ταɩ̂ς πόλεσιν οὔσης τον̂το δρω̂σιν.

1)*, ‘as far as the application of this principle of compulsion is concerned, there is nothing to prevent agreement between kings and their subjects, for all governments must have recourse to a similar policy’ (cp. note on § 16). τον̂το δρω̂σιν refers to the whole passage: sc. if they use compulsion for the benefit of the whole state.

Or 2), ‘there is nothing to make the policy of kings differ from that of free states.’ It is an objection, though not a fatal one, to this way of taking the passage that ταɩ̂ς πόλεσιν then occurs in two successive lines in different senses.

κατὰ τὰς ὁμολογουμένας ὑπεροχάς.Jowett1885v1: 13. 22.

The meaning is that where the superiority of a king or government is acknowledged, there is a political justification for getting a rival out of the way.

ἀλλὰ μὴν οὐδ’ ἄρχειν γε τον̂ τοιούτου· παραπλήσιον γὰρ κἂν εἰ τον̂ ΔιὸςJowett1885v1: 13. 25. ἄρχειν ἀξιοɩ̂εν, μερίζοντες τὰς ἀρχάς.

See note on text. ‘Nay, more; a man superior to others is like Edition: current; Page: [138]a god, and to claim rule over him would be like claiming to rule over Zeus.’ The words μερίζοντες τὰς ἀρχὰς may refer either 1)* to the Gods or 2) to men; either 1)* ‘as if in making a division of the empire of the Gods’ according to the old legend, they, i.e. the gods, should claim to rule over Zeus; or 2) more generally, ‘as if when persons were distributing offices they should give Zeus an inferior place.’ Cp. Plat. Rep. x. 607 C, ὁ τω̂ν Δία σοϕω̂ν ὄχλος κρατω̂ν, Nic. Eth. vi. 13. § 8, ὅμοιον κἂν εἲ τις τὴν πολιτικὴν ϕαίη ἄρχειν τω̂ν θεω̂ν, and Herod. v. 49, τῳ̑ Διῒ πλούτου πέρι ἐρίζετε: also Plat. Polit. 301 D, 303 B.

Bernays translates μερίζοντες ‘upon the principle of rotation of offices,’ but no such use of μερίζειν occurs.

κτεɩ̂ναι γὰρ οὐ κύριος, εἲ μὴ ἒν τινι βασιλείᾳ, καθάπερ ἐπὶ τω̂ν ἀρχαίωνJowett1885v1: 14. 4. ἐν ταɩ̂ς πολεμικαɩ̂ς ἐξόδοις ἐν χειρὸς νόμῳ.

οὐ κύριος, sc. ὁ βασιλεύς, supplied from ἡ βασιλεία. We have a choice of difficulties in the interpretation of the words which follow. Either 1) ἔν τινι βασιλείᾳ must be explained ‘in a certain exercise of the royal office,’ i.e. when the king is in command of the army. This way of taking the passage gives a good sense and the fact is correct; but such a meaning cannot be extracted from the Greek. Or 2), ‘for a king has no power to inflict death, unless under a certain form of monarchy’; Aristotle, writing in a fragmentary manner, has reverted from the kings of Sparta to monarchy in general. Or 3)*, possibly the words ἔν τινι βασιλείᾳ, bracketed by Bekker, are a clumsy gloss which has crept into the text, intended to show that the remark did not apply to every monarchy, but only to the Spartan. The conjecture of Mr. Bywater, who substitutes ἕνεκα δειλίας for ἔν τινι βασιλείᾳ, though supported by the citation from Homer, is too far removed from the letters of the MSS; and there is no proof that the Spartan kings had the power of putting a soldier to death for cowardice.

ἐν χειρὸς νόμῳ is often translated ‘by martial law.’ But the comparison of passages in Herodotus (e.g. ix. 48) and Polybius (iv. 58. § 9, etc.) shows that the word νόμος is only pleonastic, and that ἐν χειρὸς νόμῳ = ἐν χερσίν, ‘hand to hand,’ or ‘by a sudden blow.’

Edition: current; Page: [139]

ὃν δέ κ’ ἐγὼν ἀπάνευθε μάχης κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 14. 5.

Il. ii. 391-393. These lines which are rightly assigned here to Agamemnon are put into the mouth of Hector in Nic. Eth. iii. 8. § 4.

πὰρ γὰρ ἐμοὶ θάνατος.Jowett1885v1: 14. 5.

These words are not found either in this or any other passage of our Homer, though there is something like them in Iliad, xv. 348: —

ὃν δ’ ἂν ἐγὼν ἀπάνευθε νεω̂ν ἑτέρωθι νοήσω,

αὐτον̂ οἱ θάνατον μητίσομαι κ.τ.λ.

The error is probably due, as in Nic. Eth. ii. 9. § 3 and iii. 8. § 4, to a confused recollection of two or more verses. For a similar confusion of two lines of Homer cp. Plat. Rep. 389 E.

ἔχουσι δ’ αὑ̑ται τὴν δύναμιν πα̂σαι παραπλησίαν τυραννικῃ̑· εἰσὶ δ’ ὅμωςJowett1885v1: 14. 6. κατὰ νόμον καὶ πατρικαί.

The MSS. vary greatly: The Milan MS. reads τυραννίσι καὶ κατά, instead of τυραννικῃ̑· εἰσὶ δ’ ὅμως. So Paris 1, 2, but omitting καί: other MSS. preserve traces of the same reading. Others read παραπλησίως τυραννικήν. Out of these Bekker has extracted the Text, in which however ὅμως seems to be unnecessary and to rest on insufficient authority. Susemihl reads τυραννίσιν· εἰσὶ δὲ καὶ κ.τ.λ.

For the distinguishing characteristics of nations, see Book vii.Jowett1885v1: 14. 6. 7. §§ 1-4.

καὶ ἡ ϕυλακὴ δὲ βασιλικὴ καὶ οὐ τυραννικὴ διὰ τὴν αὐτὴν αἰτίαν· οἱJowett1885v1: 14. 7. γὰρ πολɩ̂ται ϕυλάττουσιν ὅπλοις τοὺς βασιλεɩ̂ς, τοὺς δὲ τυράννους ξενικόν.

διὰ τὴν αὐτὴν αἰτίαν. ‘Because the form of government is legal.’

The omission of the article before ξενικὸν emphasizes the opposition between οἱ πολɩ̂ται and ξενικὸν—‘their own citizens’ are contrasted with ‘any mercenary body.’

τὸν κακοπάτριδα.Jowett1885v1: 14. 10.

Either on analogy of εὔπατρις,* ‘the base born,’ or possibly ‘the injurer of his country,’ like κακόδουλος, ‘the maltreater of his slaves.’

διὰ γὰρ τὸ τοὺς πρώτους γενέσθαι τον̂ πλήθους εὐεργέτας κατὰ τέχνας ἢJowett1885v1: 14. 12. πόλεμον, ἢ διὰ τὸ συναγαγεɩ̂ν ἢ πορίσαι χώραν, ἐγίνοντο βασιλεɩ̂ς ἑκόντων καὶ τοɩ̂ς παραλαμβάνουσι πάτριοι.

Cp. v. 10. §§ 7-9, where royalty is said to be based on merit; Edition: current; Page: [140]and i. 2. § 6, where it is assumed to have arisen from the Patriarchal relation: and for what follows vi. 8. § 20, where the ministers of Public Sacrifices are called Kings or Archons.

ὅπου δ’ ἄξιον εἰπεɩ̂ν εἰ̂ναι βασιλείαν κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 14. 13.

The kings who became priests retained only the shadow of royalty; but where they held military command beyond the borders, the name might be applied with greater propriety.

ὥστε τὸ σκέμμα σχεδὸν περὶ δυοɩ̂ν ἐστίν, ἓν μὲν πότερον συμϕέρει ταɩ̂ςJowett1885v1: 15. 2. πόλεσι στρατηγὸν ἀΐδιον εἰ̂ναι, καὶ τον̂τον ἢ κατὰ γένος ἢ κατὰ μέρος, ἢ οὐ συμϕέρει· ἓν δὲ πότερον ἕνα συμϕέρει κύριον εἰ̂ναι πάντων, ἢ οὐ συμϕέρει.

κατὰ μέρος, not ‘by rotation in a fixed order,’ (as in iv. 14. § 4) but more simply, ‘by a succession of one citizen to another.’ It is implied, though not expressed, that they are chosen by vote: cp. supra c. 14. § 5, ἓν μὲν ον̓̂ν τον̂τ’ εἰ̂δος βασιλείας, στρατηγία διὰ βίου· τούτων δ’ αἱ μὲν κατὰ γένος εἰσίν, αἱ δ’ αἱρεταί.

Three MSS. read καθ’ αἵρεσιν instead of κατὰ μέρος. It is more likely that καθ’ αἵρεσιν is a gloss on κατὰ μέρος, than the reverse.

τὸ μὲν ον̓̂ν περὶ τη̂ς τοιαύτης στρατηγίας ἐπισκοπεɩ̂ν νόμων ἔχει μα̂λλονJowett1885v1: 15. 2. εἰ̂δος ἢ πολιτείας.

‘Is a legal, rather than a constitutional question,’ ‘is to be regarded as a matter of administration.’ εἰ̂δος νόμων μα̂λλον ἢ πολιτείας is an abridgment of εἰ̂δος τον̂ ἐπισκοπεɩ̂ν περὶ τω̂ν νόμων μα̂λλον ἢ πολιτείας.

εἰ̂δος (like ϕύσις i. 8. § 10, νόμος iii. 14. § 4) is pleonastic as in i. 4. § 2, ὁ γὰρ ὑπηρέτης ἐν ὀργάνου εἴδει ἐστίν, ‘has the form or character of an instrument.’

ὥστ’ ἀϕείσθω τὴν πρώτην.Jowett1885v1: 15 2.

After reducing the different forms of a monarchy to two, he now rejects one of them,—namely, the Lacedaemonian, because the Lacedaemonian kings were only generals for life, and such an office as this might equally exist under any form of government. This is a strange notion; for although the kings of Sparta were not generally distinguished, it can hardly be said with truth that Archidamus or Agesilaus were no more than military commanders.

ἀϕείσθω, sc. τον̂το τὸ εἰ̂δος.

τὴν πρώτην is to be taken adverbially in the sense of ‘to begin with’ or ‘at once’: so τὴν ταχίστην, (Dem.). The phrase also occurs Edition: current; Page: [141]in Xenophon Mem. iii. 6. § 10, περὶ πολέμου συμβουλεύειν τήν γε πρώτην ἐπισχήσομεν: and in Arist. Met. ζ. 12, 1038 a. 35, τοσαν̂τα εἰρήσθω τὴν πρώτην. Aristotle refers to the Lacedaemonian kings again in v. 11. § 2, and to the life generalship, c. 16. § 1, infra.

This passage is closely connected with a similar discussion inJowett1885v1: 15. 3 ff. Plato’s Politicus 293-295, where the comparative advantages of the wise man and the law are similarly discussed, and the illustration from the physician’s art is also introduced. Cp. also Rhet. i. 1354 a. 28, where Aristotle argues, besides other reasons, that the law is superior to the judge, because the judge decides on the spur of the moment.

μετὰ τὴν τετρήμερον,Jowett1885v1: 15. 4.

sc. ἡμέραν = μετὰ τὴν τετάρτην ἡμέραν. The MSS. vary between τριήμερον and τετρήμερον.

ἀλλ’ ἴσως ἂν ϕαίη τις ὡς ἀντὶ τούτου βουλεύσεται περὶ τω̂ν καθ’ ἕκασταJowett1885v1: 15. 5, 6. κάλλιον. ὅτι μὲν τοίνυν ἀνάγκη νομοθέτην αὐτὸν εἰ̂ναι, δη̂λον, καὶ κεɩ̂σθαι νόμους, ἀλλὰ μὴ κυρίους ᾐ̑ παρεκβαίνουσιν, ἐπεὶ περὶ τω̂ν γ’ ἄλλων εἰ̂ναι δεɩ̂ κυρίους.

αὐτόν, sc. τὸν βουλευόμενον, incorrectly translated in the text ‘a king:’ better, ‘whether you call him king or not’ there must be a legislator who will advise for the best about particulars.

ἀλλὰ μὴ κυρίους ᾐ̑ παρεκβαίνουσιν is a qualification of what has preceded:—‘although they have no authority when they err,’ i. e. there must be laws and there must be cases which the laws do not touch, or do not rightly determine. This is one of the many passages in Aristotle’s Politics in which two sides of a question are introduced without being distinguished. The argument would have been clearer if the words ἀλλὰ μὴ . . . δεɩ̂ κυρίους had been omitted. Aristotle concedes to the opponent that there must be a correction of the law by the judgment of individuals. In fact both parties agree 1) that there must be laws made by the legislator; 2) that there must be exceptional cases. But there arises a further question: Are these exceptional cases to be judged of by one or by all?

The supposition contained in the words ἀλλ’ ἴσως . . . κάλλιον is repeated in a more qualified form in the sentence following, ὅτι μὲν τοίνυν . . . κυρίους.

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ἀλλ’ ἐστὶν ἡ πόλις ἐκ πολλω̂ν, ὥσπερ ἑστίασις συμϕορητὸς καλλίων μια̂ςJowett1885v1: 15. 7. καὶ ἁπλη̂ς. διὰ τον̂το καὶ κρίνει ἄμεινον ὄχλος πολλὰ ἢ εἱ̑ς ὁστισον̂ν.

Compare the saying ‘that the House of Commons has more good sense or good taste than any one man in it;’ and again, Burke, ‘Besides the characters of the individuals that compose it, this house has a collective character of its own.’

ἐκεɩ̂ δ’ ἔργον ἅμα πάντας ὀργισθη̂ναι καὶ ἁμαρτεɩ̂ν.Jowett1885v1: 15. 8.

It is true no doubt that the passions of the multitude may sometimes balance one another. But it is also true that a whole multitude may be inflamed by sympathy with each other, and carried away by a groundless suspicion, as in the panic after the mutilation of the Hermae, or the trial of the generals after the battle of Arginusae, or the English Popish Plot, or the witch hunting mania at Salem in Massachusetts, or the French reign of Terror; and commonly in religious persecutions.

αἱρετώτερον ἂν εἴη ταɩ̂ς πόλεσιν ἀριστοκρατία βασιλείας, καὶ μετὰ δυνάμεωςJowett1885v1: 15. 10. καὶ χωρὶς δυνάμεως οὔσης τη̂ς ἀρχη̂ς, ἂν ᾐ̑ λαβεɩ̂ν πλείους ὁμοίους.

That is to say aristocracy, or the rule of several good men, is better than the rule of one—we may leave out the question of power, if only it be possible to find the many equals who will constitute this ‘aristocracy of virtue.’ In other words, the superiority of the aristocracy, who are many, to the king, who is one, does not simply consist in greater strength.

ὁμοίους, ‘equal in virtue to one another,’ an idea which is to be gathered from the mention of ἀριστοκρατία in the preceding clause, and explained in the words which follow, πολλοὺς ὁμοίους πρὸς ἀρετήν, § 11.

ἐντεν̂θέν ποθεν εὔλογον γενέσθαι τὰς ὀλιγαρχίας.Jowett1885v1: 15. 12.

Yet in v. 12. § 14 he repudiates the notion of Plato that the state changes into oligarchy, because the ruling class are lovers of money. Royalty, aristocracy, oligarchy, tyranny, democracy—the order of succession in this passage—may be compared with that of Plato (Rep. viii. and ix)—the perfect state, timocracy, oligarchy, democracy, tyranny. The order in which constitutions succeed to one another is discussed in Nic. Eth. viii. 10.

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ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ μείζους εἰ̂ναι συμβέβηκε τὰς πόλεις, ἴσως οὐδὲ ῥᾴδιον ἔτιJowett1885v1: 15. 13. γίγνεσθαι πολιτείαν ἑτέραν παρὰ δημοκρατίαν.

Here as elsewhere iv. 6. § 5, he accepts democracy not as a good but as a necessity, which arises as soon as wealth begins to flow and tradesmen ‘circulate’ in the agora, vi. 4. § 13; and the numbers of the people become disproportioned to the numbers of the governing class.

ὅμως ἀναγκαɩ̂ον ὑπάρχειν αὐτῳ̑ δύναμιν, ᾐ̑ ϕυλάξει τοὺς νόμους.Jowett1885v1: 15. 15.

Compare what was said above c. 13. § 22, ὥστε διὰ τον̂το κ.τ.λ. that ‘there need be no disagreement between a king and his subjects, because he is sometimes obliged to use force to them.’ Or, according to the other mode of interpreting the passage, ‘there is no difference between a king and a free state because’ &c.

διδόναι τοσούτους.Jowett1885v1: 15. 16.

Either 1)* with emphasis ‘so many and no more’; or better 2) with reference to the previous words εἰ̂ναι δὲ τοσαύτην τὴν ἰσχὺν ὥστε ἑκάστου μὲν καὶ ἑνὸς συμπλειόνων κρείττω, τον̂ δὲ πλήθους ἥττω, ‘so many as would not make him dangerous.’

Nearly the whole of this chapter is a series of ἀπορίαι; as in c.Jowett1885v1: 16. 15, Aristotle states, without clearly distinguishing, them.

Yet the στρατηγὸς ἀΐδιος, who in time of peace is deprived ofJowett1885v1: 16. 1. functions, and on the battle-field has arbitrary power, is not really the same with ὁ κατὰ νόμον βασιλεύς.

περὶ Ὀπον̂ντα δὲ κατά τι μέρος (sc. τη̂ς διοικήσεως) ἔλαττον (sc. τη̂ςJowett1885v1: 16. 1. Ἐπιδάμνου).

‘With a somewhat more limited power than at Epidamnus.’

δοκεɩ̂ δέ τισιν.Jowett1885v1: 16. 2.

Either the construction may be an anacoluthon, or δὲ after δοκεɩ̂ may mark the apodosis.

διόπερ οὐδὲν μα̂λλον ἄρχειν ἢ ἄρχεσθαι δίκαιον. καὶ τὸ ἀνὰ μέρος τοίνυνJowett1885v1: 16. 3. ὡσαύτως. τον̂το δ’ ἤδη νόμος.

καὶ τὸ ἀνὰ μέρος = καὶ τὸ ἀνὰ μέρος ἄρχειν ὡσαύτως δίκαιον.

Aristotle, taking the view of an opponent of the παμβασιλεία, Edition: current; Page: [144]asserts that equals are entitled to an equal share in the government; there is justice in their ruling and justice in their being ruled: and therefore in their all equally ruling by turns. ‘And here law steps in; for the order of their rule is determined by law.’

ἀλλὰ μὴν ὅσα γε μὴ δοκεɩ̂ δύνασθαι διορίζειν ὁ νόμος, οὐδ’ ἄνθρωπος ἃνJowett1885v1: 16. 4, 5. δύναιτο γνωρίζειν. ἀλλ’ ἐπίτηδες παιδεύσας ὁ νόμος ἐϕίστησι τὰ λοιπὰ τῃ̑ δικαιοτάτῃ γνώμῃ κρίνειν καὶ διοικεɩ̂ν τοὺς ἄρχοντας. ἔτι δ’ ἐπανορθον̂σθαι δίδωσιν, ὅ τι ἂν δόξῃ πειρωμένοις ἄμεινον εἰ̂ναι τω̂ν κειμένων.

ἀλλὰ μὴν κ.τ.λ. ‘But surely if there are cases which the law cannot determine, then neither can an individual judge of them.’

τὰ λοιπά, what remains over and above law.

The connexion of the whole passage is as follows: Instead of one man ruling with absolute power, the law should rule, and there should be ministers and interpreters of the law. To this it is answered that the interpreter of the law is no more able to decide causes than the law itself. To this again the retort is made, that the law trains up persons who supply what is wanting in the law itself, to the best of their judgment.

ὁ μὲν ον̓̂ν τὸν νόμον κελεύων ἄρχειν δοκεɩ̂ κελεύειν ἄρχειν τὸν θεὸν καὶJowett1885v1: 16. 5. τὸν νον̂ν μόνους, ὁ δ’ ἄνθρωπον κελεύων προστίθησι καὶ θηρίον.

This is a reflection on the παμβασιλεύς. The rule of law is the rule of God and Reason: in the rule of the absolute king an element of the beast is included.

The reading of τὸν νον̂ν (instead of τὸν νόμον), which has the greater MS. authority, gives no satisfactory sense because it transposes the natural order of ideas. It has been therefore rejected. Schneider and Bekker, 2nd Edit., who are followed in the text, retain τὸν νόμον in the beginning of the clause and read τὸν θεὸν καὶ τὸν νον̂ν μόνους, a very ingenious and probable emendation, partly derived from a correction νον̂ν which is found in the margin of two or three MSS. instead of θεόν.

ὥστε δη̂λον ὅτι τὸ δίκαιον ζητον̂ντες τὸ μέσον ζητον̂σιν· ὁ γὰρ νόμος τὸJowett1885v1: 16. 8. μέσον.

‘And so, because men cannot judge in their own case, but are impelled this way and that, they have recourse to the mean, which is the law.’

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ἔτι κυριώτεροι καὶ περὶ κυριωτέρων τω̂ν κατὰ γράμματα νόμων οἱ κατὰ τὰJowett1885v1: 16. 9. ἔθη εἰσίν, ὥστε τω̂ν κατὰ γράμματα ἄνθρωπος ἄρχων ἀσϕαλέστερος, ἀλλ’ οὐ τω̂ν κατὰ τὸ ἔθος.

The defects of written law are supplied not only by the judgments of individuals but by tradition and precedent. In any comparison of the judgments of law and of individuals, these have to be reckoned to the credit of law. And in early times this unwritten law is more sacred and important than written. Hence arises an additional argument against the superiority of the individual to the law. For the importance of unwritten law cp. Thuc. ii. 37, τω̂ν τε ἀεὶ ἐν ἀρχῃ̑ ὄντων ἀκροάσει καὶ τω̂ν νόμων καὶ μάλιστα αὐτω̂ν ὅσοι τε ἐπ’ ὠϕελίᾳ τω̂ν ἀδικουμένων κεɩ̂νται καὶ ὅσοι ἄγραϕοι ὄντες αἰσχύνην ὁμολογουμένην ϕέρουσιν, and Rhet. i. 10, 1368 b. 7, λέγω δὲ ἴδιον μὲν καθ’ ὃν γεγραμμένον πολιτεύονται, κοινὸν δὲ ὅσα ἄγραϕα παρὰ πα̂σιν ὁμολογεɩ̂σθαι δοκεɩ̂.

τον̂τον τὸν τρόπον.Jowett1885v1: 16. 9.

Referring to the words which have preceded—κατὰ τὸ πλείονας εἰ̂ναι τοὺς ὑπ’ αὐτον̂ καθισταμένους ἄρχοντας.

In the whole of this passage Aristotle is pleading the cause ofJowett1885v1: 16. 9-13. the law against absolute monarchy. He shows that the law is not liable to corruption, that its deficiencies are supplied by individuals, that it trains up judges who decide not arbitrarily but according to a rule, that many good men are better than one. But the monarch too must have his ministers; he will surround himself by his friends, and they will have ideas like his own. Thus the two approximate to a certain extent. In either case the rulers must be many and not one. But if so it is better to have the trained subordinates of the law than the favorites of a despot.

εἰ τούτους οἴεται δεɩ̂ν ἄρχειν τοὺς ἴσους καὶ ὁμοίους ἄρχειν οἴεται δεɩ̂ν ὁμοίως.Jowett1885v1: 16. 13.

Even in the παμβασιλεία there is an element of equality. ὁμοίως either 1) ‘equally with himself’; or 2) with a slight play of words ‘after the manner of equals.’

εἰ μὴ τρόπον τινά.Jowett1885v1: 17. 2.

To be taken after ἀμείνων ‘better in a certain manner, i.e. the imaginary and rather absurd case, to which he returns in § 5, of the Edition: current; Page: [146]virtue of the individual being more than equal to the collective virtue of the community.

ἐν ᾡ̑ πέϕυκε [καὶ ἓν] ἐγγίνεσθαι πλη̂θος πολεμικόν.Jowett1885v1: 17. 4.

The reading of Bekker, καὶ ἕν, which is wanting in the best MSS. and is omitted by Bernays, may have arisen out of the termination of πέϕυκεν. If they are retained the meaning will be ‘in which there is likewise a single’ or ‘compact body, defined by their all carrying arms’ (ii. 6. § 16, etc.) as other forms of government by virtue, wealth, etc.

κατὰ νόμον τὸν κατ’ ἀξίαν διανέμοντα τοɩ̂ς εὐπόροις τὰς ἀρχάς.Jowett1885v1: 17. 4.

The citizens of a polity are here called εὔποροι, ‘respectable’ or ‘upper class,’ though a comparatively low qualification is required of them (iv. 3. § 1; 9. § 3). They are ‘the hoplites’ (ii. 6. § 16) who are also elsewhere called εὔποροι (vi. 7. § 1). τοɩ̂ς εὐπόροις is found in the better MSS.: al. ἀπόροις.

οὐ μόνον . . . ἀλλὰ κατὰ τὸ πρότερον λεχθέν.Jowett1885v1: 17. 6.

‘He has a right to rule not only on the general ground which is put forward by all governments, but also upon the principle which we maintain, that he is superior in virtue.’

ἄρχεσθαι κατὰ μέρος· οὐ γὰρ πέϕυκε τὸ μέρος ὑπερέχειν τον̂ παντός, τῳ̑Jowett1885v1: 17. 7. δὲ τηλικαύτην ὑπερβολὴν ἔχοντι τον̂το συμβέβηκεν.

‘This miraculous being cannot be asked to be a subject in turn or in part, for he is a whole, and the whole cannot be ruled by the part.’ The double meaning of μέρος is lost in English. The idealization of the whole or the identification of the perfect man with a whole of virtue is strange. Cp. Nic. Eth. viii. 10. § 2. τον̂το = τὸ εἰ̂ναι πα̂ν.

ἄρχεσθαι δυναμένων.Jowett1885v1: 18. 1.

Bekker’s insertion of καὶ ἄρχειν after ἄρχεσθαι (ed. sec.) is unnecessary. The idea is already implied in the previous words. Under any of the three forms of government, the virtue of obedience is required in some, of command in others.

ἐν δὲ τοɩ̂ς πρώτοις ἐδείχθη λόγοις ὅτι τὴν αὐτὴν ἀναγκαɩ̂ον ἀνδρὸς ἀρετὴνJowett1885v1: 18. 1. εἰ̂ναι καὶ πολίτου τη̂ς πόλεως τη̂ς ἀρίστης.

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The views of Aristotle respecting the relation of the good citizen to the good man may be drawn out as follows:—

1) The good citizen is not the same with the good man in an ordinary state, because his virtue is relative to the constitution (c. 4. § 3).

2) But in the perfect state he is the same: and this appears to be upon the whole the principal conclusion (c. 18. § 1, and iv. 7. § 2).

3) Yet even in the perfect state the citizens cannot all conform to a single type of perfection; for they have special duties to perform and special virtues by which they perform them (c. 4. §§ 5, 6).

4) It is therefore the good ruler who is really to be identified with the good man (§ 7; also i. 13. § 8, where the subject is introduced for the first time).

5) And still a ‘grain of a scruple may be made’; for if the good ruler be merely a ruler, the private citizen who knows both how to rule and how to obey will have more complete virtue.

6) And therefore in the perfect state the citizens should rule and be ruled by turns (§ 11), cp. vii. c. 9.

This seems to be the result of many scattered and rather indistinct observations made from different points of view and not arranged in a clear logical order.

ἀνάγκη δὴ τὸν μέλλοντα περὶ αὐτη̂ς ποιήσασθαι τὴν προσήκουσαν σκέψιν.Jowett1885v1: 18. 2.

These words are removed from the end of this book by Bekker, who in his Second Edition adopts the altered arrangement of the books. See Essay on the Structure of Aristotle’s Writings.

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BOOK IV.

The statesman has four problems to consider,Jowett1885v1: 1. 2-6.

1) What is the best or ideal state?

2) What state is best suited to a particular people?

3) How any given state, even though inferior to what it might be, may be created or preserved?

4) What is the best state for average men?

1) is the best possible; 2) the best relatively to circumstances; 3) neither the best possible nor the best under the circumstances, but any constitution in which men are willing to acquiesce, even though ill-provided and ill-administered—such are to be found in the world and must therefore enter into the consideration of the statesman; 4) the best for mankind in general.

ταύτην ἐστὶ τὴν δύναμιν.Jowett1885v1: 1. 2.

The MSS. vary between ἔτι and ἐστί: ἔτι has rather the greater MSS. authority, but ἐστὶ is required for the construction, and the recurrence of ἔτι which was the first word of the sentence at the end of it is unpleasing.

ἀχορήγητόν τε εἰ̂ναι καὶ τω̂ν ἀναγκαίων.

Explained in the text, with Susemihl, *‘not possessing the outward means necessary for the best state,’ but the words ‘for the best state,’ are not found in the Greek. Better ‘not possessing the common necessaries or simple requisites of life,’ a hard but not impossible condition, e.g. in a remote colony. Cp. c. 11. § 21, πολλάκις οὔσης ἄλλης πολιτείας αἱρετωτέρας ἐνίοις οὐθὲν κωλύσει συμϕέρειν ἑτέραν μα̂λλον εἰ̂ναι πολιτείαν, which is similar but not the same with this passage. For ἀχορήγητον, cp. κεχορηγημένῳ in § 1, and δεομένην πολλη̂ς χορηγίας in § 6.

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τὰς ὑπαρχούσας ἀναιρον̂ντες πολιτείας τὴν Λακωνικὴν . . . ἐπαινον̂σιν.Jowett1885v1: 1. 6.

Although the language is inaccurate (for the Lacedaemonian is an ‘existing’ constitution), the meaning is plain. ‘They put aside their own constitution and praise the Lacedaemonian or some other.’

χρὴ δὲ τοιαύτην εἰσηγεɩ̂σθαι τάξιν ἣν ῥᾳδίως ἐκ τω̂ν ὑπαρχουσω̂ν καὶJowett1885v1: 1. 7. πεισθήσονται καὶ δυνήσονται κοινωνεɩ̂ν, ὡς ἔστιν οὐκ ἔλαττον ἔργον τὸ ἐπανορθω̂σαι πολιτείαν ἢ κατασκευάζειν ἐξ ἀρχη̂ς, ὤσπερ καὶ τὸ μεταμανθάνειν τον̂ μανθάνειν ἐξ ἀρχη̂ς.

‘The legislator should introduce an order of government into which the citizens will readily fall, and in which they will be able to co-operate; for the reformation of a state is as difficult as the original establishment of one and cannot be effected by the legislator alone, or without the assistance of the people.’

ἐκ τω̂ν ὑπαρχουσω̂ν (sc. πολιτειω̂ν) may be taken either with τάξιν or with κοινωνεɩ̂ν, either we ought to introduce 1) ‘from among existing constitutions’; or 2) ‘in passing out of existing constitutions that form,’ &c.; cp. in next sentence ταɩ̂ς ὑπαρχούσαις πολιτείαις βοηθεɩ̂ν.

κοινωνεɩ̂ν is the reading of the majority of MSS. Some have κινεɩ̂ν. The emendation κιχεɩ̂ν [Susemihl], taken from ‘consequi’ in the old Latin translation, is an unnecessary conjecture; nor does the word occur commonly, if at all, in Aristotle; καινον̂ν is open to the objection of introducing a special when a general word is required. But no change is really needed.

ὡς ἔστιν οὐκ ἔλαττον ἔργον κ.τ.λ. The connexion of these words is difficult: Aristotle seems to mean that the legislator should select a constitution suited to the wants of the people: for however good in itself, if unsuited to them, they will not work it, and he will have as great or greater difficulty in adapting it than he would originally have had in making one for which they were fitted.

Διὸ πρὸς τοɩ̂ς εἰρημένοις καὶ ταɩ̂ς ὑπαρχούσαις πολιτείαις δεɩ̂ δύνασθαιJowett1885v1: 1. 7. βοηθεɩ̂ν.

We may paraphrase as follows: Therefore, i. e. because it is difficult to introduce anything new in addition to what has been said [about the highest and other forms of government by the unsatisfactory political writers mentioned in § 5], we ought also to Edition: current; Page: [150]be able to maintain existing constitutions, [which they would get rid of].

καθάπερ ἐλέχθη καὶ πρότερον.Jowett1885v1: 1. 7.

There is nothing in what has preceded, which precisely answers to this formal reference. § 4 may perhaps be meant.

νν̂ν δὲ μίαν δημοκρατίαν οἴονταί τινες εἰ̂ναι καὶ μίαν ὀλιγαρχίαν.Jowett1885v1: 1. 8.

This is true of Plato, who is probably intended under this general form. For the anonymous reference to him cp. i. 1. § 2, ὅσοι μὲν οἴονται κ.τ.λ., and c. 2. § 3 infra.

συντίθενται ποσαχω̂ς.Jowett1885v1: 1. 8.

That is to say, either 1) the different ways in which the judicial and other elements of states are combined; or 2) the different ways in which the spirit of one constitution may be tempered by that of another: for the latter cp. infra c. 5. §§ 3, 4; c. 9. §§ 4-9.

καὶ τί τὸ τελος ἑκάστης τη̂ς κοινωνίας ἐστίν.Jowett1885v1: 1. 10.

‘And what is the end of each individual form of society?’ i. e. whether or not the good of the governed (cp. iii. c. 6).

ἑκάστης, with the article following, is emphatic.

κοινωνία is the state under a more general aspect.

νόμοι δὲ κεχωρισμένοι τω̂ν δηλούντων τὴν πολιτείαν.Jowett1885v1: 1. 10.

Either 1)* the words τω̂ν δηλούντων are governed by κεχωρισμένοι, ‘are separated from those things which show the nature of the constitution’; i. e. they are rules of administration and may be the same under different constitutions; but see infra § 11. Or 2), the genitive is partitive: ‘Laws are distinct and belong to that class of things which show the nature of the constitution.’

τὰς διαϕορὰς ἀναγκαɩ̂ον καὶ τὸν ἀριθμὸν ἔχειν τη̂ς πολιτείας ἑκάστης καὶJowett1885v1: 1. 11. πρὸς τὰς τω̂ν νόμων θέσεις.

Either 1), ‘we must know the differences of states (sc. πολιτειω̂ν) and the number of differences in each state, with a view to legislation; or 2)*, referring τη̂ς πολιτείας ἑκάστης only to διαϕοράς, and supplying πολιτειω̂ν with ἀριθμόν, ‘the difference of each state and the number of states;’ or 3), τὸν ἀριθμὸν means ‘the order of classification’ (Susemihl; cp. iii. 1. § 9, where the defective (corrupt) Edition: current; Page: [151]states are said to be ‘posterior’ to the good states). This gives a good sense, but is with difficulty elicited from the words.

ἐν τῃ̑ πρώτῃ μεθόδῳ.Jowett1885v1: 2. 1.

Cp. infra c. 8. § 1, where the words ἐν τοɩ̂ς κατ’ ἀρχὴν refer to iii. c. 7. See Essay on the Structure of Aristotle’s Writings.

περὶ μὲν ἀριστοκρατίας καὶ βασιλείας εἴρηται (τὸ γὰρ περὶ τη̂ς ἀρίστηςJowett1885v1: 2. 1. πολιτείας θεωρη̂σαι ταὐτὸ καὶ περὶ τούτων ἐστὶν εἰπεɩ̂ν τω̂ν ὀνομάτων).

He seems to mean that in discussing the ideal state he has already discussed Aristocracy and Royalty. But the discussion on the ideal state has either been lost, or was never written, unless, as some think, it is the account of the state preserved in Book vii.

Other allusions to the same discussion occur in what follows: c. 3. § 4, ἔτι πρὸς ταɩ̂ς κατὰ πλον̂τον διαϕοραɩ̂ς ἐστὶν ἡ μὲν κατὰ γένος ἡ δὲ κατ’ ἀρετήν, κἂν εἴ τι δὴ τοιον̂τον ἕτερον εἴρηται πόλεως εἰ̂ναι μέρος ἐν τοɩ̂ς περὶ τὴν ἀριστοκρατίαν, a passage which is supposed to refer to vii. i. e. iv. c. 8 and 9, by those who change the order of the books (Susemihl, &c.). But in this latter passage the allusion to the perfect state is very slight, and the point of view appears to be different; for no hint is given that it is to be identified with royalty or aristocracy. Whether the words of the text have a reference, as Schlosser supposes, to the end of Book iii. c. 14-18, where Aristotle discusses the relation of the one best man to the many good, is equally doubtful. A reference to the discussion of aristocracy in some former part of the work also occurs infra c. 7. § 2, ἀριστοκρατίαν μὲν ον̓̂ν καλω̂ς ἔχει καλεɩ̂ν περὶ ἡ̑ς διήλθομεν ἐν τοɩ̂ς πρώτοις λόγοις.

βούλεται γὰρ ἑκατέρα κατ’ ἀρετὴν συνεστάναι κεχορηγημένην.Jowett1885v1: 2. 1.

‘For royalty and aristocracy, like the best state, rest on a principle of virtue, provided with external means.’

πότε δεɩ̂ βασιλείαν νομίζειν.Jowett1885v1: 2. 1.

Not ‘when we are to consider a constitution to be a royalty,’ for there is no question about this, but νομίζειν is taken in the other sense of ‘having,’ ‘using,’ ‘having as an institution,’ like utor in Latin. For this use of the word cp. νομίζειν ἐκκλησίαν, iii. 1. § 10; and for the matter cp. iii. 17. §§ 4-8.

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τὴν δὲ βασιλείαν ἀναγκαɩ̂ον ἢ τοὔνομα μόνον ἔχειν οὐκ ον̓̂σαν, ἢ διὰJowett1885v1: 2. 2. πολλὴν ὑπεροχὴν εἰ̂ναι τὴν τον̂ βασιλεύοντος, ὥστε τὴν τυραννίδα χειρίστην ον̓̂σαν πλεɩ̂στον ἀπέχειν πολιτείας, δεύτερον δὲ τὴν ὀλιγαρχίαν (ἡ γὰρ ἀριστοκρατία διέστηκεν ἀπὸ ταύτης πολὺ τη̂ς πολιτείας).

Royalty and tyranny both depend upon the individual will of the king or tyrant: hence it is argued that if royalty is the best, tyranny must be the worst of governments, because one is the preeminence of good, the other of evil. Aristotle, who is overmastered by the idea of opposites, naturally infers that the very worst must be the opposite of the very best.

πολιτείας. We might expect αὐτη̂ς, or τη̂ς ἀρίστης to be added; but Aristotle substitutes the more general πολιτεία here, as elsewhere, used in a good sense. Compare infra c. 8. § 2, τελευταɩ̂ον δὲ περὶ τυραννίδος εὔλογόν ἐστι ποιήσασθαι μνείαν διὰ τὸ πασω̂ν ἥκιστα ταύτην εἰ̂ναι πολιτείαν, ἡμɩ̂ν δὲ τὴν μέθοδον εἰ̂ναι περὶ πολιτείας: also for the general meaning, Plat. Polit. 301 D, Rep. ix. 576 D, etc.

In the phrase ταύτης τη̂ς πολιτείας the word refers to ὀλιγαρχίαν.

ἤδη μὲν ον̓̂ν τις ἀπεϕήνατο καὶ τω̂ν πρότερον οὕτως.Jowett1885v1: 2. 3.

The difference between Plato (Polit. 303) and Aristotle, which is dwelt upon so emphatically, is only verbal: the latter objecting to call that good in any sense, which may also be evil, a somewhat pedantic use of language, which is not uniformly maintained by Aristotle himself. Cp. vi. 4. § 1, δημοκρατιω̂ν οὐσω̂ν τεττάρων βελτίστη ἡ πρώτη τάξει.

καὶ τω̂ν πρότερον is a strange form of citation from Plato which would seem more appropriate to a later generation than to Aristotle. See Essay on the Criticism of Plato in Aristotle.

The programme corresponds fairly, but not very accurately,Jowett1885v1: 2. 4-6. with the subjects which follow. At chap. 14, before discussing the causes of ruin and preservation in states, having analysed in general outline the various types of oligarchy, democracy, polity, tyranny, Aristotle introduces a discussion respecting the powers and offices which exist in a single state: but of this new beginning which interrupts the sequence of his plan he says nothing here.

The diversity of governments has been already discussed, butJowett1885v1: 3. 1. not in detail, in bk. iii. c. 6-8.

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ἔτι πρὸς ταɩ̂ς κατὰ πλον̂τον διαϕοραɩ̂ς ἐστὶν ἡ μὲν κατὰ γένος ἡ δὲ κατ’Jowett1885v1: 3. 4. ἀρετήν, κἂν εἴ τι δὴ τοιον̂τον ἕτερον εἴρηται πόλεως εἰ̂ναι μέρος ἐν τοɩ̂ς περὶ τὴν ἀριστοκρατίαν.

The parts of the state are spoken of in vii. 8. § 7. The opening sentence of book vii. itself also professes to speak of aristocracy. But the writer goes on to treat rather of the ὑποθέσεις or material conditions of the best state, than of the best state itself. These references are vague; if they were really the passages here cited, we should have to suppose that the seventh book preceded the fourth. But they are not precise enough to be adduced as an argument in favour of the changed order.

καὶ γὰρ ταν̂τ’ εἴδει διαϕέρει τὰ μέρη σϕω̂ν αὐτω̂η.Jowett1885v1: 3. 5.

‘As the parts of states differ from one another (σϕω̂ν αὐτω̂ν), so must states differ from one another.’ Compare the curious comparison infra c. 4. §§ 8, 9.

πολιτεία μὲν γὰρ ἡ τω̂ν ἀρχω̂ν τάξις ἐστί, ταύτην δὲ διανέμονται πάντες ἢJowett1885v1: 3. 5. κατὰ τὴν δύναμιν τω̂ν μετεχόντων ἢ κατά τιν’ αὐτω̂ν ἰσότητα κοινήν, λέγω δ’ οἱ̑ον τω̂ν ἀπόρων ἢ τω̂ν εὐπόρων, ἢ κοινήν τιν’ ἀμϕοɩ̂ν.

The last words, κοινήν τιν’ ἀμϕοɩ̂ν, which are obscure and do not cohere very well with δύναμιν, are bracketed by Bekker in his 2nd edition. But there is no reason for doubting their genuineness. Aristotle means to say that governments subsist according to the powers of those who share in them; or according to equality, whether that equality be an equality of the rich among themselves, or of the poor among themselves, or an equality of proportion which embraces both rich and poor: cp. infra c. 4. § 2. The words οἱ̑ον τω̂ν ἀπόρων ἢ τω̂ν εὐπόρων may be an explanation of κατὰ τὴν δύναμιν τω̂ν μετεχόντων, which comes in out of place, and ἢ κοινήν τιν’ ἀμϕοɩ̂ν, as in the English text, may be an explanation of ἰσότητα κοινήν.

κατά τιν’ αὐτω̂ν ἰσότητα κοινήν, ‘More power may be given to the poor as being the more numerous class, or to the rich as being the more wealthy; or power may be given upon some principle of compensation which includes both;’ as e. g. in a constitutional government. In this way of explaining the passage the difficulty Edition: current; Page: [154]in the words ἢ κοινήν τιν’ ἀμϕοɩ̂ν, which has led Bekker to bracket them, is avoided.

For the winds compare Meteorologica ii. 4, 361 a. 4 ff., a passageJowett1885v1: 3. 7. in which Aristotle argues that north and south are the chief winds because wind is produced by evaporation and the evaporation is caused by the movement of the sun to the north or south. Also for the two principal forms of government cp. Plato’s Laws iii. 693 C: according to Plato they are democracy and monarchy.

ἀληθέστερον δὲ καὶ βέλτιον ὡς ἡμεɩ̂ς διείλομεν, δυοɩ̂ν ἢ μια̂ς οὔσης τη̂ςJowett1885v1: 3. 8. καλω̂ς συνεστηκυίας τὰς ἄλλας εἰ̂ναι παρεκβάσεις, τὰς μὲν τη̂ς εν̓̂ κεκραμένης ἁρμονίας, τὰς δὲ τη̂ς ἀρίστης πολιτείας.

Aristotle having compared the different forms of states with the different sorts of harmonies, now blends the two in one sentence, and corrects the opinion previously expressed by him: ‘There are not two opposite kinds of harmonies and states, but one or at the most two, δυοɩ̂ν ἢ μια̂ς (the two states are royalty and aristocracy), which are not opposed but of which all the rest are perversions.’ From this transcendental point of view polity or constitutional government itself becomes a perversion; but in c. 8. § 1 it is said not to be a perversion, though sometimes reckoned in that class.

ὥσπερ ἐν Αἰθιοπίᾳ ϕασί τινες.Jowett1885v1: 4. 4.

According to Herod. iii. 20, the Ethiopians are the tallest and most beautiful of mankind: and they elect the tallest and strongest of themselves to be their kings.

ἀλλ’ ἐπεὶ πλείονα μόρια καὶ τον̂ δήμου καὶ τη̂ς ὀλιγαρχίας εἰσίν κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 4. 5.

It is argued that neither freedom alone, nor numbers alone are a sufficient note of democracy, nor fewness of rulers, nor wealth of oligarchy: neither a few freemen, as at Apollonia, nor many rich men, as at Colophon, constitute a democracy. But there must be many poor in a democracy and few rich in an oligarchy. A slight obscurity in the passage arises from the illustrations referring only to democracy and not to oligarchy. Cp. iii. cc. 7, 8; infra c. 8. § 7.

Aristotle would not approve a classification of states such as that of Sir G. C. Lewis and the school of Austin, who define the sovereign power according to the number of persons who exercise Edition: current; Page: [155]it (cp. G. C. Lewis’ ‘Political Terms,’ Edit. 1877, p. 50). An opposite view is held by Maine, who argues truly ‘that there is more in actual sovereignty than force’ (Early Institutions, p. 358 ff.). Aristotle insists that the character of a government depends more on the quality than on the quantity of the sovereign power.

τὸν πόλεμον τὸν πρὸς Λυδούς.Jowett1885v1: 4. 5.

Possibly the war with Gyges mentioned in Herod. i. 14. The Colophonians like the other Ionians (Herod. i. 142) appear to have been the subjects of Croesus at the time of his overthrow. A testimony to their wealth and luxury is furnished by Xenophanes apud Athenaeum xii. c. 31. 526 C, who says that a thousand citizens arrayed in purple robes would meet in the agora of Colophon.

Ὅτι μὲν ον̓̂ν πολιτεɩ̂αι πλείους, καὶ δι’ ἣν αἰτίαν, εἴρηται· διότι δὲ πλείουςJowett1885v1: 4. 7. τω̂ν εἰρημένων, καὶ τίνες καὶ διὰ τί, λέγωμεν ἀρχὴν λαβόντες τὴν εἰρημένην πρότερον· ὁμολογον̂μεν γὰρ οὐχ ἓν μέρος ἀλλὰ πλείω πα̂σαν ἔχειν πόλιν.

It is remarkable that Aristotle should revert to the parts of states which he professes to have already determined when speaking of aristocracy (cp. c. 3. § 4). His reason for returning to them is that he is going to make a new sub-division of states based upon the differences of their parts or members.

πλείους τω̂ν εἰρημένων. As he says, infra § 20, Ὅτι μὲν ον̓̂ν εἰσὶ πολιτεɩ̂αι πλείους καὶ διὰ τίνας αἰτίας εἴρηται πρότερον· ὅτι δ’ ἐστὶ καὶ δημοκρατίας εἴδη πλείω καὶ ὀλιγαρχίας λέγωμεν. Compare Book vii. 8. § 9.

The illustration from animals may be worked out as follows.Jowett1885v1: 4. 8. Suppose the different kinds of teeth were a, a′, a″, a′″, etc., the different kinds of claws, feet, etc. were b, b′, b″, b′″, c, c′, c″, c′″, and so on with the other organs which are important in determining the character of an animal. Then, according to Aristotle, the different combinations of these will give the different species. Thus:—

a′, b, c″, will be one species,

a, b′, c″, another and so on.

So with constitutions:—

If we combine γεωργοί, having some political power and coming occasionally to the assembly, with disfranchised βάναυσοι, and a politically active wealthy class, the result will be an oligarchy or Edition: current; Page: [156]very moderate democracy: or if we combine politically active γεωργοί, βάναυσοι, θη̂τες with a feeble or declining oligarchy, the result will be an extreme democracy: and so on.

It is hardly necessary to remark that the illustration taken from the animals is the reverse of the fact. The differences in animals are not made by the combination of different types, but by the adaptation of one type to different circumstances. Nor is there in the constitution of states any such infinite variety of combinations as the illustration from the animals would lead us to suppose; (one kind of husbandmen with another of serfs and so on). Nor does Aristotle attempt to follow out in detail the idea which this image suggests.

The eight or more classes cannot be clearly discriminated. TheJowett1885v1: 4. 9-17. sixth class is wanting, but seems to be represented by the judicial and deliberative classes in § 14, yet both reappear as a ninth class in § 17. Aristotle is arguing that Plato’s enumeration of the elements of a state is imperfect—there must be soldiers to protect the citizens, there must be judges to decide their disputes, there must be statesmen to guide them (although it is possible that the same persons may belong to more than one class). ‘Then at any rate there must be soldiers’ (§ 15). This rather lame conclusion seems to be only a repetition of a part of the premisses. At this point the writer looses the thread of his discourse and, omitting the sixth, passes on from the fifth class τὸ προπολεμη̂σον in § 10 to a seventh class of rich men (§ 15), and to an eighth class of magistrates (§ 16). A somewhat different enumeration of the classes, consisting in all of six, is made in vii. 8. §§ 7-9.

διόπερ ἐν τῃ̑ Πολιτείᾳ κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 4. 11-14.

The criticism of Aristotle on Plato (Rep. ii. 369) in this passage, to use an expression of his own, is παιδαριώδης λίαν. Plato, who was a poet as well as a philosopher, in a fanciful manner builds up the state; Aristotle, taking the pleasant fiction literally and detaching a few words from their context, accuses Plato of making necessity, and not the good, the first principle of the state, as if the entire aim of the work were not the search after justice. There is also an ambiguity in the word ἀναγκαία of which Aristotle Edition: current; Page: [157]here takes advantage. Plato means by the ἀναγκαιοτάτη πόλις, ‘the barest idea of a state’ or ‘the state in its lowest terms.’ But when Aristotle says judges are ‘more necessary’ than the providers of the means of life, he means ‘contribute more to the end or highest realization of the state.’ The remarks on Plato are worthless, yet they afford a curious example of the weakness of ancient criticism, arising, as in many other places, from want of imagination. But apart from the criticism the distinction here drawn between the higher and lower parts, the ‘soul’ and ‘body’ of the state, is important. Cp. vii. 9. § 10, where Aristotle introduces a similar distinction between the μέρη of the πόλις and the mere conditions (ὡ̑ν οὐκ ἄνευ) of it. ‘Husbandmen, craftsmen, and labourers of all kinds are necessary to the existence of states, but the parts of the state are the warriors and counsellors.’

ἐν τῃ̑ Πολιτείᾳ.Jowett1885v1: 4. 11.

Here evidently the title of the book.

ἴσον τε δεομένην σκυτέων τε καὶ γεωργω̂ν.Jowett1885v1: 4. 12.

Equally with τὸ καλόν.

ὅπερ ἐστὶ συνέσεως πολιτικη̂ς ἔργον.Jowett1885v1: 4. 14.

ὅπερ grammatically refers to τὸ βουλεύεσθαι, suggested by τὸ βουλευόμενον.

ὥστ’ εἴπερ καὶ ταν̂τα καὶ ἐκεɩ̂να.Jowett1885v1: 4. 15.

ταν̂τα = τὰ περὶ τὴν ψυχήν, gathered from τὰ τοιαν̂τα in § 14.

ἐκεɩ̂να = τὰ εἰς τὴν ἀναγκαίαν χρη̂σιν συντείνοντα. If the higher and the lower elements of a state are both necessary parts of it, then the warriors (who may in some cases also be husbandmen) are necessary parts: Aristotle is answering Plato, § 13, who in the first enumeration of the citizens had omitted the warriors.

ταύτην τὴν λειτουργίαν,Jowett1885v1: 4. 16.

sc. τὸ περὶ τὰς ἀρχάς.

πολλοɩ̂ς.Jowett1885v1: 4. 18.

1) ‘To many’ or ‘in many cases’ opposed to πάντες in what follows; or 2*) πολλοɩ̂ς may be taken with δοκεɩ̂, the meaning being ‘many (differing from Plato) think, etc.’; the appeal is to the common sense which Plato is supposed to contradict.

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ἀντιποιον̂νται δὲ καὶ τη̂ς ἀρετη̂ς πάντες.Jowett1885v1: 4. 18.

The connexion is as follows:—‘Different qualifications often coexist or are thought to coexist in the same persons; and indeed virtue is a qualification for office to which all men lay claim. But no man can be rich and poor at the same time.’

ὅτι μὲν ον̓̂ν εἰσὶ πολιτεɩ̂αι πλείους, καὶ διὰ τίνας αἰτίας, εἴρηται πρότερονJowett1885v1: 4. 20. is a repetition with a slight verbal alteration (διὰ τίνας αἰτίας for δι’ ἣν αἰτίαν) of the first words of § 7.

ἐκ τω̂ν εἰρημένων.Jowett1885v1: 4. 20.

I. e. from what has been said respecting differences in the parts of states (supra §§ 7, 8). Yet the curious argument from the parts of animals is an illustration only; the actual differences of states have not been worked out in detail.

κἂν εἴ τι τοιον̂τον ἑτέρου πλήθους εἰ̂δος.Jowett1885v1: 4. 21.

Susemihl (note 1199) objects that there are no others and so the freedmen must be meant. But surely in this phrase Aristotle is merely adding a saving clause = ‘and the like.’ Cp. Nic. Eth. i. 7. § 21, τω̂ν ἀρχω̂ν αἱ μὲν ἐπαγωγῃ̑ θεωρον̂νται αἱ δ’ αἰσθήσει αἱ δ’ ἐθισμῳ̑ τινὶ καὶ ἄλλαι δ’ ἄλλως, where the last words only generalize the preceding.

τω̂ν δὲ γνωρίμων.Jowett1885v1: 4. 22.

Sc. εἴδη, here used inaccurately for differences or different kinds of εἴδη.

τὰ τούτοις λεγόμενα κατὰ τὴν αὐτὴν διαϕοράν.Jowett1885v1: 4. 22.

τούτοις, dative after τὴν αὐτήν, and refers to πλον̂τος, εὐγένεια, κ.τ.λ. Lit. ‘the things which are spoken of according to the same principle of difference with these,’ or ‘similar differences having a relation to these,’ e. g. the habits and occupations of the notables.

τὸ μηδὲν μα̂λλον ὑπάρχειν τοὺς ἀπόρους ἢ τοὺς εὐπόρους.Jowett1885v1: 4. 22.

If the reading ὑπάρχειν is retained, the emphasis is on the words μηδὲν μα̂λλον which must be taken closely with it, ‘that the poor shall be no more’—which is a feeble way of saying, shall have no more power—‘than the rich’; or ‘shall have no priority,’ which gives a rather curious sense to ὑπάρχειν. A doubt about the propriety of Edition: current; Page: [159]the expression has led to two changes in the text. 1) ὑπερέχειν (Susemihl) for which there is slight MS. authority, P1, P4; and Aretino’s transl. 2) ἄρχειν an emendation of Victorius adopted by Coraes, Schneider, Stahr, and supposed to be confirmed by a parallel passage in vi. 2. § 9; see note on English Text. 3) The Old Translation ‘nihil magis existere egenis vel divitibus’ seems to favour ὑπάρχειν τοɩ̂ς ἀπόροις ἢ τοɩ̂ς εὐπόροις.

δημοκρατίαν εἰ̂ναι ταύτην.Jowett1885v1: 4. 23.

ταύτην is slightly inaccurate = ‘the state in which this occurs.’

ἓν μὲν ον̓̂ν εἰ̂δος κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 4. 24.

Five forms of democracy are reckoned: but the first of these is really a description of democracy in general, not of any particular form. The words in § 24 ἄλλο δὲ seem to have been introduced by mistake. The five forms are thus reduced to four, as in c. 6 the five forms of oligarchy given in c. 5 appear as four.

ἕτερον εἰ̂δος δημοκρατίας τὸ μετέχειν ἅπαντας τοὺς πολίτας ὅσοι ἀνυπεύθυνοι,Jowett1885v1: 4. 24. ἄρχειν δὲ τὸν νόμον. ἕτερον δὲ εἰ̂δος δημοκρατίας τὸ πα̂σι μετεɩ̂ναι τω̂ν ἀρχω̂ν, ἐὰν μόνον ᾐ̑ πολίτης, ἄρχειν δὲ τὸν νόμον.

The words ὅσοι ἀνυπεύθυνοι agree with τοɩ̂ς ἀνυπευθύνοις κατὰ τὸ γένος, as the ἐὰν ᾐ̑ πολίτης does with the ὅσοι ἂν ἐλεύθεροι ὠ̂σι in the recapitulation of the passage which follows (c. 6. § 4). In both cases all citizens are eligible and the law is supreme: but in the first of the two the rights of citizenship have been scrutinized; in the second, all reputed freemen are admitted to them without enquiry. The latter case may be illustrated by the state of Athenian citizenship before the investigation made by Pericles; the former by the stricter citizenship required after the change. The meaning of the word ἀνυπεύθυνοι is shown by the parallel passage (c. 6. § 3, ἀνυπευθύνοις κατὰ τὸ γένος) to be, ‘not proved to be disqualified by birth.’

Ὅμηρος δὲ ποίαν λέγει οὐκ ἀγαθὸν εἰ̂ναι πολυκοιρανίην, πότερον ταύτην ἢJowett1885v1: 4. 27. ὅταν πλείους ὠ̂σιν οἱ ἄρχοντες ὡς ἕκαστος, ἄδηλον.

It would be a poetical or historical anachronism to suppose that Homer in the words cited intended one of the senses which Aristotle seems to think possible. The collective action of states as distinguished from that of individuals is the conception, not of a Edition: current; Page: [160]poet, but of a philosopher. No modern reader would imagine that Homer is seeking to enforce any other lesson than the necessity of having one and not many leaders, especially on the field of battle. This anti-popular text is adapted to the argument.

τω̂ν δὲ καθ’ ἕκαστα τὰς ἀρχὰς καὶ τὴν πολιτείαν κρίνειν.Jowett1885v1: 4. 31.

For use of gen. after κρίνειν cp. Plat. Rep. 576 D, Laws i. 646 D. τὴν πολιτείαν (πολιτεία here = πολίτευμα) is contrasted as ‘the collective government’ with αἱ ἀρχαί, ‘the individual magistrates.’ Yet in the context, both preceding and following, the word has the more general meaning of a ‘form of government’ or ‘constitution.’

ἂν μὲν ον̓̂ν ἐκ πάντων τούτων.Jowett1885v1: 5. 1.

τούτων, ‘out of all the qualified persons,’ all those referred to in the two previous sentences τω̂ν ἐχόντων τιμήματα τηλικαν̂τα ὥστε κ.τ.λ. or τω̂ν ἐχόντων μακρὰ τιμήματα.

In what follows the dynastia is the exclusive hereditary oligarchy, ruling without law.

For the forms of these hereditary oligarchies and the dangersJowett1885v1: 5. 2. to which they are exposed, cp. v. 6. § 3. We may remark that, though the most common, they are not included in Aristotle’s definition of oligarchy (iii. c. 8).

τὰ πρω̂τα μικρὰ πλεονεκτον̂ντες παρ’ ἀλλήλων.Jowett1885v1: 5. 4.

Not accurate, for the meaning is, not that the two encroach on one another, but that the dominant party encroaches on the other.

The form of a constitution is here supposed to be at variance with its spirit and practice. Thus England might be said to be a monarchy once aristocratically, now democratically administered; France a republic in which some of the methods of imperialism survive (cp. note on c. 1. § 8); while in Prussia the spirit of absolute monarchy carries on a not unequal contest with representative government.

διὸ πα̂σι τοɩ̂ς κτωμένοις ἔξεστι μετέχειν.Jowett1885v1: 6. 3.

Omitted by ii2 (i. e. the MSS. of the second family except p5) and Aretino’s translation, bracketed by Bekker in both editions, is a repetition or pleonasm of the previous thought, though not on that Edition: current; Page: [161]account necessarily to be reckoned spurious. Cp. iii. 1. § 4 and note.

διὰ τὴν ἐχομένην αἵρεσιν.Jowett1885v1: 6. 3.

‘The principle of election which follows next in order’ (cp. c. 4. § 24, ἕτερον εἰ̂δος). This use of the word ἐχομένη is supported by iii. 11. § 15, ἄλλη δ’ ἐστὶν (ἀπορία) ἐχομένη ταύτης, and vi. 8. § 4, ἑτέρα δὲ ἐπιμέλεια ταύτης ἐχομένη καὶ σύνεγγυς, and several other passages. The other interpretation of ἐχομένη, given in a note to the English text, ‘proper to it’ is scarcely defensible by examples and is probably wrong. The first form of democracy required a small property qualification, the second admitted all citizens who could prove their birth. The third admitted reputed citizens without proof of birth; though in both the latter cases the exercise of the right was limited by the opportunities of leisure. For the laxity of states in this matter, cp. iii. 5. §§ 7, 8.

διὰ τὸ μὴ εἰ̂ναι πρόσοδον.Jowett1885v1: 6. 4.

The public revenues could not be distributed, for there were none to distribute, cp. infra § 8. The want of pay prevented the people from attending the assembly.

διὰ τὴν ὑπεροχὴν τον̂ πλήθους.Jowett1885v1: 6. 5.

Either 1*) ‘on account of the preponderance of their numbers,’ or 2) more definitely ‘on account of the preponderance of the multitude’; (cp. c. 12. § 1 and iii. 15. § 13). The numbers of the people give the power and the revenues of the state provide pay.

καὶ διὰ τὸ πλη̂θος εἰ̂ναι τω̂ν μετεχόντων τον̂ πολιτεύματος ἀνάγκη μὴ τοὺςJowett1885v1: 6. 8. ἀνθρώπους ἀλλὰ τὸν νόμον εἰ̂ναι κύριον.

The more numerous the members of the oligarchy, and the greater the difficulty of finding the means of living, the less possibility is there of the government of a few and therefore the greater need of law; cp. infra § 9.

μήθ’ οὕτως ὀλίγην ὥστε τρέϕεσθαι ἀπ[Editor: illegible character] τη̂ς πόλεως, ἀνάγκη τὸν νόμονJowett1885v1: 6. 8. ἀξιον̂ν αὐτοɩ̂ς ἄρχειν.

‘When numerous, and of a middle condition, neither living in careless leisure nor supported by the state, they are driven to maintain in their case (αὐτοɩ̂ς) the rule of law.’

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πλείω δέ,Jowett1885v1: 6. 9.

sc. οὐσίαν ἔχοντες.

τὸν νόμον τίθενται τοιον̂τον.Jowett1885v1: 6. 9.

Sc. they make the law oligarchical.

ἐὰν δ’ ἐπιτείνωσι.Jowett1885v1: 6. 10.

‘But when they stretch (the oligarchical principle) further.’

ὥσπερ Πλάτων ἐν ταɩ̂ς πολιτείαις.Jowett1885v1: 7. 1.

Either 1)* in his works on Politics, meaning especially the Republic (as in v. 12. § 7, ἐν τῃ̑ Πολιτείᾳ) and Politicus; or 2) in his treatment of the various forms of government, i.e. in Books viii. and ix. of the Republic. The latter explanation is less idiomatic. Without referring to the Republic or the Politicus, the statement is inaccurate; for if the perfect state be included, the number of constitutions is in the Republic five, in the Politicus (302) seven.

ἀριστοκρατίαν μὲν ον̓̂ν καλω̂ς ἔχει καλεɩ̂ν περὶ ἡ̑ς διήλθομεν ἐν τοɩ̂ς πρώτοιςJowett1885v1: 7. 2. λόγοις· τὴν γὰρ ἐκ τω̂ν ἀρίστων ἁπλω̂ς κατ’ ἀρετὴν πολιτείαν, καὶ μὴ πρὸς ὑπόθεσίν τινα ἀγαθω̂ν ἀνδρω̂ν, μόνην δίκαιον προσαγορεύειν ἀριστοκρατίαν.

The discussion is apparently the same to which he has already referred in iv. 2. § 1: the particle γὰρ seems to imply that he had in that discussion spoken of aristocracy as the government of the truly good. The passage most nearly corresponding to the allusion is iii. 4. § 4 ff., in which Aristotle treats of the relation of the good ruler to the good man.

καλον̂νται ἀριστοκρατίαι.Jowett1885v1: 7.

According to a strict use of terms aristocracy is only the government of the best; in popular language it is applied to the union of wealth and merit, but is not the same either with oligarchy or with constitutional government.

καὶ γὰρ ἐν ταɩ̂ς μὴ ποιουμέναις κοινὴν ἐπιμέλειαν ἀρετη̂ς εἰσὶν ὅμως τινὲςJowett1885v1: 7. 4. οἱ εὐδοκιμον̂ντες καὶ δοκον̂ντες εἰ̂ναι ἐπιεικεɩ̂ς.

Cp. Plat. Laws xii. 951: ‘There are always in the world a few inspired men whose acquaintance is beyond price, and who spring up quite as much in ill-ordered as in well-ordered cities.’

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οἱ̑ον ἐν Καρχηδόνι . . οἱ̑ον ἡ Λακεδαιμονίων.Jowett1885v1: 7. 4.

Elsewhere (ii. 11. § 9) the constitution of Carthage is spoken of as a perversion of aristocracy because combining wealth and virtue; here it is called in a laxer sense an aristocracy because it combines wealth, virtue and numbers. That Sparta with all its secrecy (τη̂ς πολιτείας τὸ κρυπτόν, Thuc. v. 68) might be termed a democracy and, with all its corruption and infamy, had a sort of virtue (τὸ πιστὸν τη̂ς πολιτείας, Id. i. 68) is the view, not wholly indefensible, of Aristotle, who regards the Spartan constitution under many aspects, cp. ii. 9. §§ 20, 22, and infra c. 9. § 5, but chiefly as consisting of two elements, numbers and virtue.

καὶ ἐν αἱ̑ς εἰς τὰ δύο μόνον, οἱ̑ον ἡ Λακεδαιμονίων εἰς ἀρετήν τε καὶJowett1885v1: 7. 4. δη̂μον, καὶ ἔστι μɩ̂ξις τω̂ν δύο τούτων, δημοκρατίας τε καὶ ἀρετη̂ς.

The want of symmetry in the expression εἰς ἀρετήν τε καὶ δη̂μον, followed by δημοκρατίας τε καὶ ἀρετη̂ς, instead of δήμου τε καὶ ἀρετη̂ς, probably arises out of a desire to avoid tautology.

ἀριστοκρατίας μὲν ον̓̂ν παρὰ τὴν πρώτην τὴν ἀρίστην πολιτείαν ταν̂τα δύοJowett1885v1: 7. 5. εἴδη· καὶ τρίτον ὅσαι τη̂ς καλουμένης πολιτείας ῥέπουσι πρὸς τὴν ὀλιγαρχίαν μα̂λλον.

There are three imperfect kinds of aristocracy beside the perfect state (ἡ πρώτη, ἡ ἀρίστη πολιτεία): 1) the governments, such as that of Carthage, in which regard is paid to virtue as well as to numbers and wealth; 2) those in which, as at Sparta, the constitution is based on virtue and numbers; 3) the forms of constitutional government (πολιτεία) which incline to oligarchy, i.e. in which the governing body is small.

ἐτάξαμεν δ’ οὕτως οὐκ ον̓̂σαν οὔτε ταύτην παρέκβασιν οὔτε τὰς ἄρτιJowett1885v1: 8. 1. ῥηθείσας ἀριστοκρατίας, ὅτι τὸ μὲν ἀληθὲς πα̂σαι διημαρτήκασι τη̂ς ὀρθοτάτης πολιτείας, ἔπειτα καταριθμον̂νται μετὰ τούτων, εἰσί τ’ αὐτω̂ν αὑ̑ται παρεκβάσεις, ὥσπερ ἐν τοɩ̂ς κατ’ ἀρχὴν εἴπομεν.

αὑ̑ται refers to τούτων, sc. τω̂ν παρεκβεβηκυιω̂ν or διημαρτηκυιω̂ν πολιτειω̂ν, and this to the singular παρέκβασιν.

ὥσπερ ἐν τοɩ̂ς κατ’ ἀρχὴν εἴπομεν. Sc. iii. 7. § 5.

ϕανερωτέρα γὰρ ἡ δύναμις αὐτη̂ς κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 8. 2.

‘Now that we understand what democracy and oligarchy are, it is easier to see what the combination of them will be.’

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διὰ τὸ μα̂λλον ἀκολουθεɩ̂ν παιδείαν καὶ εὐγένειαν τοɩ̂ς εὐπορωτέροις.Jowett1885v1: 8. 3.

Men tend to identify nobility with wealth (cp. infra § 8), not unreasonably, for wealth gives leisure, and in the second generation commonly education. For εὐγένεια, see Rhet. i. 5, 1360 b. 31.

δοκεɩ̂ δ’ εἰ̂ναι τω̂ν ἀδυνάτων τὸ μὴ εὐνομεɩ̂σθαι τὴν ἀριστοκρατουμένηνJowett1885v1: 8. 5. πόλιν, ἀλλὰ πονηροκρατουμένην.

The words ἀλλὰ πονηροκρατουμένην (omitted in the translation) are read by all the MSS. (and supported by W. de Moerbeke), and therefore though pleonastic are unlikely to be a gloss. If retained we must 1) supply εὐνομεɩ̂σθαι from τὸ μὴ εὐνομεɩ̂σθαι, ‘A state cannot be ill governed by good men, or well governed by evil men.’ 2) We may alter the order of words by placing μὴ before ἀριστοκρατουμένην, instead of before εὐνομεɩ̂σθαι (Thurot, Susem.). Or 3), with Bekker (2nd ed.), we may insert μὴ before πονηροκρατουμένην. Or 4) alter πονηροκρατουμένην into πονηροκρατεɩ̂σθαι, answering to εὐνομεɩ̂σθαι.

διὸ μίαν μὲν εὐνομίαν . . τὸ πείθεσθαι τοɩ̂ς κειμένοις νόμοις.Jowett1885v1: 8. 6.

Cp. Thuc. iii. 37, where Cleon says, πάντων δὲ δεινότατον εἰ βέβαιον ἡμɩ̂ν μηδὲν καθεστήξει ὡ̑ν ἂν δόξῃ πέρι, μηδὲ γνωσόμεθα ὅτι χείροσι νόμοις ἀκινήτοις χρωμένη πόλις κρείσσων ἐστὶν ἢ καλω̂ς ἔχουσιν ἀκύροις.

τον̂το δ’ ἐνδέχεται διχω̂ς κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 8. 6.

Refers back to the words τὸ καλω̂ς κεɩ̂σθαι τοὺς νόμους οἱ̑ς ἐμμένουσιν, the clause ἔστι γὰρ . . . κειμένοις being a parenthesis.

ἢ γὰρ τοɩ̂ς ἀρίστοις κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 8. 6.

Sc. ἔστι πείθεσθαι.

ἐν μὲν ον̓̂ν ταɩ̂ς πλείσταις πόλεσι τὸ τη̂ς πολιτείας εἰ̂δος καλεɩ̂ται.Jowett1885v1: 8. 8.

Sc. πολιτεία. Preserving the play of words and supplying πολιτεία with καλεɩ̂ται from τη̂ς πολιτείας, we may translate, ‘in most cities the form of the constitution is called constitutional.’ But are there ‘many’ such governments? Cp. supra c. 7. § 1; infra c. 11. § 19. For the answer to this question see Essay on the μέση πολιτεία, &c.

μόνον γὰρ ἡ μɩ̂ξις.Jowett1885v1: 8. 8.

‘It is called by a neutral name, e.g. a constitution or commonwealth, for it is a mixture which aims only at uniting the freedom Edition: current; Page: [165]of the poor and the wealth of the rich; ἐλευθερίας answering to ἀπόρων as πλούτου to εὐπόρων.

As in some other summaries of Aristotle the first division seemsJowett1885v1: 9. 1-4. to be a general description of those which follow. (Cp. supra note on c. 4. § 24.) We cannot distinguish between 1 and 3, unless in one of them we suppose Aristotle to have in his mind a syncretism of two general principles of government (see § 6), in the other an eclectic union of elements taken from different governments.

σύμβολον.Jowett1885v1: 9. 1.

Something cut in two and capable of being put together, so that the parts fitted into one another; a die or coin or ring thus divided, which friends used as a token when desirous of renewing hospitality on behalf of themselves or others, and which was also used in buying or selling. See Schol. on Eur. Med. 613, οἱ ἐπιξενούμενοι, ἀστράγαλον κατατέμνοντες, θάτερον μὲν αὐτοὶ κατεɩ̂χον μέρος, θάτερον δὲ κατελίμπανον τοɩ̂ς ὑποδεξαμένοις· ἵνα εἰ δέοι πάλιν αὐτοὺς ἢ τοὺς ἐκείνων ἐπιξενον̂σθαι πρὸς ἀλλήλους, ἐπαγόμενοι τὸ ἥμισυ ἀστραγάλιον, ἀνενεον̂ντο τὴν ξενίαν: and cp. Plat. Symp. 191 D, ἀνθρώπου ξύμβολον ἅτε τετμημένος . . ἐξ ἑνὸς δύο.

ἢ γὰρ ἀμϕότερα ληπτέον ὡ̑ν ἑκάτεραι νομοθετον̂σιν κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 9. 2.

‘For either they must take the legislation of both.’ These words are resumed in εἱ̑ς μὲν ον̓̂ν οὑ̑τος τον̂ συνδυασμον̂ τρόπος and followed by ἕτερος δὲ instead of repeating ἤ.

The first case is a union of extremes, the second a mean taken between them; the third seems to be only another example of the first.

ἐμϕαίνεται γὰρ ἑκάτερον ἐν αὐτῳ̑ τω̂ν ἄκρων.Jowett1885v1: 9. 6.

From the democratical aspect a polity or timocracy has the appearance of an oligarchy or aristocracy; from the oligarchical aspect, of a democracy. Aristotle cites as an example of this many-sidedness the constitution of Lacedaemon, which he himself elsewhere (c. 7. § 4) calls an aristocracy, but which in this passage he acknowledges to have many features both of a democracy and of an oligarchy. Cp. Nic. Eth. ii. 7. § 8, ἐπιδικάζονται οἱ ἄκροι τη̂ς μέσης χώρας.

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τοὺς μὲν γὰρ γέροντας αἱρον̂νται, τη̂ς δ’ ἐϕορείας μετέχουσιν.Jowett1885v1: 9. 9.

I.e. ‘The people choose the elders, but are not eligible themselves; and they share in the Ephoralty.’ Whether they elected the Ephors is nowhere expressly said. We are only told that the mode of election was extremely childish (ii. 9. § 23).

ἐπειδὴ καὶ ταύτην τίθεμεν τω̂ν πολιτειω̂ν τι μέρος.Jowett1885v1: 10. 1.

Tyranny is and is not a form of polity, in the sense in which the word ‘polity’ is used by Aristotle. Cp. c. 8. § 2, τελευταɩ̂ον δὲ περὶ τυραννίδος εὔλογόν ἐστι ποιήσασθαι μνείαν διὰ τὸ πασω̂ν ἥκιστα ταύτην εἰ̂ναι πολιτείαν, ἡμɩ̂ν δὲ τὴν μέθοδον εἰ̂ναι περὶ πολιτείας.

περὶ μὲν ον̓̂ν βασιλείας διωρίσαμεν ἐν τοɩ̂ς πρώτοις λόγοις, ἐν οἱ̑ς περὶ τη̂ςJowett1885v1: 10. 1. μάλιστα λεγομένης βασιλείας ἐποιούμεθα τὴν σκέψιν.

Either ‘royalty* commonly so called,’ or ‘the most truly called royalty,’ which would seem to be the παμβασιλεία. Cp. iii. c. 16.

τίνα καὶ πόθεν δεɩ̂ καθιστάναι, καὶ πω̂ς.Jowett1885v1: 10. 1.

Two slightly different senses are here combined in δεɩ̂, 1) ‘what we ought to establish,’ and 2), incorrectly, ‘how or by what means we may or must establish it.’

τυραννίδος δ’ εἴδη δύο μὲν διείλομεν ἐν οἱ̑ς περὶ βασιλείας ἐπεσκοπον̂μεν.Jowett1885v1: 10. 2.

Sc. iii. 14. §§ 6-10. The two forms of tyranny there mentioned are the hereditary monarchy of barbarians, and the Aesymnetia of ancient Hellas. The barbarian monarchs are here called elected sovereigns, though before spoken of as hereditary (iii. 14. § 6), and contrasted with the elected Aesymnetes of ancient Hellas, with whom they are here compared.

διὰ τὸ τὴν δύναμιν ἐπαλλάττειν πως αὐτω̂ν καὶ πρὸς τὴν βασιλείαν.Jowett1885v1: 10. 2.

Not ‘because their powers in a manner change into one another, and pass into royalty;’ for the words ‘change into one another’ would not be a reason why they should be spoken of in connexion with royalty, but ‘because the power of either of these forms of tyranny easily passes likewise into royalty;’ likewise i.e. besides being forms of tyranny. For the use of ἐπαλλάττειν, cp. vi. 1. § 3, and i. 6. § 3.

τοσαν̂τα διὰ τὰς εἰρημένας αἰτίας.Jowett1885v1: 10. 4.

εἰρημένας, sc. in the previous sentences. ‘There is more than Edition: current; Page: [167]one kind of tyranny, because the tyrant may rule either with or without law, and over voluntary or involuntary subjects.’

Aristotle now proceeds to speak of the best average constitutionJowett1885v1: 11. to which he alluded in c. 1. § 5.

τὸν μέσον ἀναγκαɩ̂ον βίον εἰ̂ναι βέλτιστον, τη̂ς ἑκάστοις ἐνδεχομένηςJowett1885v1: 11. 3. τυχεɩ̂ν μεσότητος.

The gen. μεσότητος is a resumption of μέσον, and depends on βίον. Here, as in Nic. Eth. ii. 6. § 7, the mean is admitted to be relative.

ταν̂τα δ’ ἀμϕότερα βλαβερὰ ταɩ̂ς πόλεσιν.Jowett1885v1: 11. 5.

ἀμϕότερα, sc. either 1) *‘their rogueries and their unwillingness to perform public duties, whether military or civil,’ or 2) simply ‘their dislike both of civil and military duties.’ It is possible also that ταν̂τα ἀμϕότερα may refer to the μεγαλοπόνηροι and μικροπόνηροι, in which case the words ἔτι . . . ἄρχουσι are either inserted or misplaced.

The ϕύλαρχοι at Athens were the cavalry officers under the ἵππαρχοι. See Liddell and Scott. The term is also sometimes used to denote civil magistrates, as in v. 1. § 11 to describe the oligarchical rulers of Epidamnus. βουλαρχεɩ̂ν literally = ‘to be a chief of the senate.’ The word very rarely occurs, and can here only have a generalized meaning. William de Moerbeke, apparently finding in some Greek MS. ϕιλαρχον̂σι, translates by an obvious mistake, ‘minime amant principes et volunt esse principes.’ For the association of political inactivity with the idea of crime, cp. Solon’s law forbidding neutrality in a sedition (Plut. Solon 20), τω̂ν δ’ ἄλλων αὐτον̂ νόμων ἴδιος μὲν μάλιστα καὶ παράδοξος ὁ κελεύων ἄτιμον εἰ̂ναι τὸν ἐν στάσει μηδετέρας μερίδος γενόμενον: and Pericles in Thuc. ii. 40, μόνοι γὰρ τόν τε μηδὲν τω̂νδε μετέχοντα οὐκ ἀπράγμονα ἀλλ’ ἀχρεɩ̂ον νομίζομεν.

οἱ δὲ καθ’ ὑπερβολὴν ἐν ἐνδείᾳ τούτων ταπεινοὶ λίαν.Jowett1885v1: 11. 6.

τούτων, sc. τω̂ν εὐτυχημάτων κ.τ.λ. supra.

ἄρχεσθαι μὲν οὐδεμιᾳ̑ ἀρχῃ̑.Jowett1885v1: 11. 7.

Dative of the manner; ‘to be ruled in any fashion.’

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ὥστ’ ἀναγκαɩ̂ον ἄριστα πολιτεύεσθαι ταύτην τὴν πόλιν ἐστὶν ἐξ ὡ̑ν ϕαμὲνJowett1885v1: 11. 8. ϕύσει τὴν σύστασιν εἰ̂ναι τη̂ς πόλεως.

‘So that a city having [like and equal] citizens, who in our view are the natural components of it, will of necessity be best administered.’ ταύτην, sc. τὴν ἐξ ἴσων καὶ ὁμοίων . . . ἐξ ὡ̑ν κ.τ.λ.

πολλὰ μέσοισιν ἄριστα.Jowett1885v1: 11. 9.

‘Many things are best to those who are in the mean;’ or as we might say in modern phraseology, ‘The middle class have many advantages.’ Cp. Eur. Suppl. 238-245:—

τρεɩ̂ς γὰρ πολιτω̂ν μερίδες· οἱ μὲν ὄλβιοι

ἀνωϕελεɩ̂ς τε πλειόνων τ’ ἐρω̂σ’ ἀεί·

οἱ δ’ οὐκ ἔχοντες καὶ σπανίζοντες βίου,

δεινοί, νέμοντες τῳ̑ ϕθόνῳ πλεɩ̂ον μέρος,

εἰς τοὺς ἔχοντας κέντρ’ ἀϕια̂σιν κακά,

γλώσσαις πονηρω̂ν προστατω̂ν ϕηλούμενοι·

τριω̂ν δὲ μοιρω̂ν ἡ ’ν μέσῳ σώζει πόλεις,

κόσμον ϕυλάσσουσ’ ὅντιν’ ἂν τάξῃ πόλις.

(Quoted by Oncken, ii. 225, note 1.)

Σόλων τε γὰρ ἠ̑ν τούτων (δηλοɩ̂ δ’ ἐκ τη̂ς ποιήσεως).Jowett1885v1: 11. 15.

The passage referred to may be that quoted by Plutarch v. Solonis, c. 3,

πολλοὶ γὰρ πλουτεν̂σι κακοί, ἀγαθοὶ δὲ πένονται,

ἀλλ’ ἡμεɩ̂ς αὐτοɩ̂ς οὐ διαμειψόμεθα

τη̂ς ἀρετη̂ς τὸν πλον̂τον.

In classing Solon with the middle rank Aristotle appears to be thinking only of the tradition of his poverty and of the moderation inculcated in his poems. He has ignored or forgotten the tradition of his descent from Codrus.

οὐ γὰρ ἠ̑ν βασιλεύς.Jowett1885v1: 11. 15.

The feebleness of the argument is striking; because Lycurgus, who was the guardian and is said also to have been the uncle of the king, was not a king, he is here assumed to be of the middle class! Cp. Plut. Cleom. 10, perhaps following this passage, νν̂ν δὲ τη̂ς ἀνάγκης ἔχειν συγγνώμονα τὸν Λυκον̂ργον, ὃς οὔτε βασιλεὺς ὤν, οὔτ’ ἄρχων, ἰδιώτης δὲ βασιλεύειν ἐπιχειρω̂ν ἐν τοɩ̂ς ὅπλοις προη̂λθεν εἰς ἀγοράν· ὥστε δείσαντα τὸν βασιλέα Χαρίλαον ἐπὶ βωμὸν καταϕυγεɩ̂ν. Yet Plutarch Edition: current; Page: [169]is inconsistent with himself; for he also says (Lyc. 3) that Lycurgus reigned for eight months, and resigned the royal office when the infant Charilaus was born.

Ἔτι δὲ καὶ τω̂ν ἐν ἡγεμονίᾳ γενομένων τη̂ς Ἑλλάδος πρὸς τὴν παρ’Jowett1885v1: 11. 18, 19. αὑτοɩ̂ς ἑκάτεροι πολιτείαν ἀποβλέποντες οἱ μὲν δημοκρατίας ἐν ταɩ̂ς πόλεσι καθίστασαν, οἱ δ’ ὀλιγαρχίας, οὐ πρὸς τὸ τω̂ν πόλεων συμϕέρον σκοπον̂ντες ἀλλὰ πρὸς τὸ σϕέτερον αὐτω̂ν. ὥστε διὰ ταύτας τὰς αἰτίας ἢ μηδέποτε τὴν μέσην γίνεσθαι πολιτείαν ἢ ὀλιγάκις καὶ παρ’ ὀλίγοις.

Cp. Thuc. i. 19, 76, 99, 144, iii. 82 and elsewhere.

τω̂ν ἐν ἡγεμονίᾳ γενομένων. Either of the leading states, opposed to ἐν ταɩ̂ς πόλεσι the states of Hellas generally.

εἱ̑ς γὰρ ἀνὴρ συνεπείσθη μόνος τω̂ν πρότερον [ἐϕ’ ἡγεμονίᾳ γενομένων]Jowett1885v1: 11. 19. ταύτην ἀποδον̂ναι τὴν τάξιν.

The variety of opinions entertained by commentators respecting the person here alluded to, who has been supposed to be Lycurgus (Zeller), Theopompus (Sepulveda), Solon (Schlosser), Pittacus (Goettling), Phaleas (St. Hilaire), Gelo (Camerarius), the king Pausanias II (Congreve), Epaminondas (Eaton), Alexander the Great (Zeller formerly), seems to prove that we know nothing for certain about him. Of the various claimants Solon is the most probable. He is regarded by Aristotle (ii. 12. §§ 1-6) as a sort of conservative democrat, the founder of a balanced polity, whom he contrasts with Pericles and the later Athenian demagogues (cp. Solon Frag. 5, δήμῳ μὲν γὰρ ἔδωκα τόσον κράτος ὅσσον ἐπαρκεɩ̂). The omission of the name, and the words τω̂ν πρότερον, tend to show that a well known and traditional legislator is meant. Yet it might be argued also that the phrase τω̂ν ἐϕ’ ἡγεμονίᾳ γενομένων seems to describe some one holding the position of Lysander or Philip of Macedon in Hellas, rather than the legislator of any single city.

If ‘one man’ only gave this form of constitution to Hellas it must have been rare indeed or rather imaginary, cp. supra c. 7. § 1, διὰ τὸ μὴ πολλάκις γίνεσθαι λανθάνει. But how is this to be reconciled with c. 8. § 8?

ἐϕ’ ἡγεμονίᾳ γενομένων, ‘the leading men.’ For ἐπὶ cp. οἱ ἐπὶ τοɩ̂ς πράγμασιν. (Dem.) But are not the words a copyist’s repetition of τω̂ν ἐν ἡγεμονίᾳ γενομένων above?

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ταύτην ἀποδον̂ναι τὴν τάξιν. Not necessarily ‘to restore’ or ‘give back’ but more simply ‘to give what is suitable, assign,’ like [οἱ εἰκονογράϕοι] ἀποδιδόντες τὴν ἰδίαν μορϕήν, Poet. 15, 1454 b. 10.

τίς μὲν ον̓̂ν ἀρίστη πολιτεία, καὶ διὰ τίν’ αἰτίαν.Jowett1885v1: 11. 20.

Here, as limited in § 1, ἀρίστη ταɩ̂ς πλείσταις πόλεσι.

διὰ τίν’ αἰτίαν, i. e. the moderation and stability of the state. Cp. v. 1. § 16 where it is implied that the safety of democracy is due to its approximation to the μέση πολιτεία.

λέγω δὲ τὸ πρὸς ὑπόθεσιν, ὅτι πολλάκις οὔσης ἄλλης πολιτείας αἱρετωτέραςJowett1885v1: 11. 21. ἐνίοις οὐθὲν κωλύσει συμϕέρειν ἑτέραν μα̂λλον εἰ̂ναι πολιτείαν.

‘It may often happen that some constitution may be preferable [in itself] and some other better suited to the peculiar circumstances of some state.’

πρὸς ὑπόθεσιν here (as in c. 1. § 4) means any supposed or given constitution, which may not be the best possible under the circumstances, but is the one to be preferred, in some states of society.

ἐνδέχεται δὲ τὸ μὲν ποιὸν ὑπάρχειν ἑτέρῳ μέρει τη̂ς πόλεως, ἐξ ὡ̑ν συνέστηκεJowett1885v1: 12. 2. μερω̂ν ἡ πόλις.

‘Namely to one of those parts which make up the state’; the clause ἐξ ὡ̑ν κ.τ.λ. is explanatory of ἑτέρῳ μέρει = ἑτέρῳ τω̂ν μερω̂ν.

ὅπου ὑπερέχει τὸ τω̂ν ἀπόρων πλη̂θος τὴν εἰρημένην ἀναλογίαν.Jowett1885v1: 12. 3.

‘When the poor exceed in number the [due] proportion implied in the last words.’

καὶ τη̂ς ὀλιγαρχίας τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον ἕκαστον εἰ̂δος κατὰ τὴν ὑπεροχὴνJowett1885v1: 12. 3. τον̂ ὀλιγαρχικον̂ πλήθους.

‘And in like manner (not only oligarchy in general, but) each sort of oligarchy varies according to the predominance of each sort of oligarchical population (sc. ὃ ὑπάρχει αὐτῃ̑).

πανταχον̂ δὲ πιστότατος ὁ διαιτητής, διαιτητὴς δ’ ὁ μέσος.Jowett1885v1: 12. 5.

The middle class are the arbiters between the extremes of oligarchy and democracy. When Aristotle calls the arbiter [Editor: illegible character] μέσος, this is probably meant in the same sense in which δικαιοσύνη is said to be a mean because it fixes a mean. Cp. Nic. Eth. v. 5. § 17, ἡ δὲ δικαιοσύνη μεσότης ἐστὶν οὐ τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον ταɩ̂ς πρότερον ἀρεταɩ̂ς, ἀλλ’ ὅτι μέσου ἐστίν, and v. 4. § 7, Διὸ καὶ ὅταν ἀμϕισβητω̂σιν, Edition: current; Page: [171]ἐπὶ τὸν δικαστὴν καταϕεύγουσιν· τὸ δ’ ἐπὶ τὸν δικαστὴν ἰέναι ἰέναι ἐστὶν ἐπὶ τὸ δίκαιον· ὁ γὰρ δικαστὴς βούλεται εἰ̂ναι οἱ̑ον δίκαιον ἔμψυχον· καὶ ζητον̂σι δικαστὴν μέσον, καὶ καλον̂σιν ἔνιοι μεσιδίους, ὡς, ἐὰν τον̂ μέσου τύχωσι, τον̂ δικαίου τευξόμενοι.

ἀνάγκη γὰρ χρόνῳ ποτὲ ἐκ τω̂ν ψευδω̂ν ἀγαθω̂ν ἀληθὲς συμβη̂ναι κακόν· αἱJowett1885v1: 12. 6. γὰρ πλεονεξίαι τω̂ν πλουσίων ἀπολλύουσι μα̂λλον τὴν πολιτείαν ἢ αἱ τον̂ δήμου.

Aristotle gives no reason for this statement. He may have thought that the designs of an oligarchy are more deeply laid and corrupting, while the fickleness of the multitude is in some degree a corrective to itself. The oligarchies of Hellas were certainly worse than the democracies: the greatest dishonesty of which the Athenians were guilty in the Peloponnesian War (Thuc. iv. 23) is far less hateful than the perfidy of the Spartans narrated Id. iv. 80. The cruelty of the four hundred or of the thirty tyrants strikingly contrasts on both occasions with the moderation of the democracy which overthrew them.

It is a curious question, which we have not the means of answering,Jowett1885v1: 13. whether all these artifices (σοϕίσματα) are historical facts or only inventions of Aristotle, by which he imagines that the democracy or oligarchy might weaken the opposite party. Some of them, such as the pay to the people, we know to have been used at Athens: but there is no historical proof, except what may be gathered from this passage, that the richer members of an oligarchical community were ever compelled under a penalty to take part in the assembly, or in the law courts. Cp. infra p. 178 note: also c. 15. § 14-18.

τοɩ̂ς μὲν μεγάλην, τοɩ̂ς δὲ μικράν, ὥσπερ ἐν τοɩ̂ς Χαρώνδου νόμοις.Jowett1885v1: 13. 2.

Yet the penalty must have been relatively as well as absolutely greater or smaller, or the rich would have had no more reason for going than the poor for abstaining. The meaning is not that Charondas inflicted a larger fine on the rich and a proportionally small one on the poor for absence from the assembly; but generally that he adapted his fines to the circumstances of offenders.

ἐθέλουσι γὰρ οἱ πένητες καὶ μὴ μετέχοντες τω̂ν τιμω̂ν ἡσυχίαν ἔχειν, ἐὰνJowett1885v1: 13. 8. μὴ ὑβρίζῃ τις αὐτοὺς μήτε ἀϕαιρη̂ται μηθὲν τη̂ς οὐσίας.

The connexion is as follows: ‘The qualification must be such Edition: current; Page: [172]as will place the government in the hands of a majority [and then there will be no danger]: for the poor, even though they are not admitted to office, will be quiet enough if they are not outraged.’

ἐν Μαλιεν̂σι δὲ ἡ μὲν πολιτεία ἠ̑ν ἐκ τούτων κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 13. 9.

‘Among the Malians the governing or larger body was elected from those who were past service, the magistrates from those on actual service’; the past tense (ἠ̑ν) has been thought to imply that the government had changed possibly in consequence of Philip and Alexander’s conquests: compare a similar use of the past, v. 1. § 11 respecting the government of Epidamnus, and note.

ὥστ’ ἐν τοɩ̂ς ἱππεν̂σιν εἰ̂ναι τὴν ἰσχύν.Jowett1885v1: 13. 10.

Yet the tendency of some of the Greek states to the use of cavalry was as much due to the suitability of large regions, such as Thessaly, for the breeding and support of horses, as to the form of government. Nor can the remark be true of Greek oligarchies in general, considering how ill suited the greater part of Hellas was to the training or use of horses. Cp. supra c. 3. § 3, a passage in which Aristotle has made a similar observation.

ἃς νν̂ν καλον̂μεν πολιτείας, οἱ πρότερον ἐκάλουν δημοκρατίας.Jowett1885v1: 13. 11.

I.e. what appeared to the older Greeks to be a large governing class was to the later Greeks a small or moderate one.

κατὰ τὴν σύνταξιν μα̂λλον ὑπέμενον τὸ ἄρχεσθαι.Jowett1885v1: 13. 11.

1*) Some word like ἀσθενεɩ̂ς has to be supplied from ὀλίγοι ὄντες τὸ πλη̂θος before κατὰ τὴν σύνταξιν; or 2) κατὰ τὴν σύνταξιν may be taken after ὑπέμενον, ‘and also through a (want of) organization, they were more willing to endure the dominion of others.’

Πάλιν δὲ καὶ κοινῃ̑ καὶ χωρὶς περὶ ἑκάστης λέγωμεν περὶ τω̂ν ἐϕεξη̂ς,Jowett1885v1: 14. 1. λαβόντες ἀρχὴν τὴν προσήκουσαν αὐτω̂ν.

From a consideration of the differences between states, and the causes of them, Aristotle in his accustomed manner, proceeding from the whole to the parts, passes on to consider the mode in which different powers are constituted in states, cc. 14-16. He will hereafter show how the wholes are affected by the parts.

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A somewhat similar discussion occurs in bk. vi. c. 8. See note on vi. 1. § 1.

ἔστι δὲ τω̂ν τριω̂ν τούτων (sc. μορίων) ἓν μέν τι τὸ βουλευόμενον περὶJowett1885v1: 14. 2. τω̂ν κοινω̂ν, δεύτερον δὲ τὸ περὶ τὰς ἀρχὰς (τον̂το δ’ ἐστὶν ἃς δεɩ̂ καὶ τίνων εἰ̂ναι κυρίας, καὶ ποίαν τινὰ δεɩ̂ γίνεσθαι τὴν αἵρεσιν αὐτω̂ν), τρίτον δέ τι τὸ δικάζον.

Aristotle divides the state, much as we should do, into three parts, 1) the legislative, (which has in certain cases power over individuals; see infra § 3): 2) the administrative or executive: 3) the judicial. The words τον̂το δ’ ἐστὶν seem to refer back to δεɩ̂ θεωρεɩ̂ν τὸν νομοθέτην. But if so there is a verbal irregularity. For the duties and modes of appointment to offices are not a part of the state, but questions relating to a part of the state.

τι not interrogative, to be taken closely with ἓν and with τρίτον.

Nothing more is known about Telecles. From the manner inJowett1885v1: 14. 4. which he is spoken of he appears to have been an author rather than a legislator. ἐν τῃ̑ πολιτείᾳ τον̂ Τηλεκλέους is said like ἐν τῃ̑ πολιτείᾳ τον̂ Πλάτωνος, ii. 1. § 3, iv. 4. § 11.

ἕως ἂν διέλθῃ.Jowett1885v1: 14. 4.

Some word implying the right of succession to office has to be supplied, e. g. ἡ ἀρχὴ from τὰς ἀρχάς. The same phrase occurs infra c. 15. § 17.

συνιέναι δὲ μόνονJowett1885v1: 14. 4.

is governed by εἱ̑ς μὲν τρόπος above.

ἄλλος δὲ τρόπος κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 14. 6.

A reduplication of the preceding, although there may also be a shade of distinction in the greater stress which is laid upon voting and scrutinies. Here, as in other places (c. 4. §§ 22-24; c. 6. §§ 3, 4), we have a difficulty in discriminating Aristotle’s differences. There is only an incomplete order in the catalogue of democracies. First of all comes the most moderate, in which the assembly plays a very subordinate part, then two more which are almost indistinguishable, lastly the most extreme.

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τὰ δ’ ἄλλα τὰς ἀρχὰς διοικεɩ̂ν αἱρετὰς οὔσας, ὅσας ἐνδέχεται· τοιαν̂ται δ’Jowett1885v1: 14. 6. εἰσὶν ὅσας ἄρχειν ἀναγκαɩ̂ον τοὺς ἐπισταμένους.

The words ὅσας ἐνδέχεται can only mean ‘as many elective offices as can be allowed to exist in a democracy consistently with the democratic principle of electing the magistrates by lot.’ The excepted magistracies will be those in which special skill or knowledge is required. Cp. vi. 2. § 5, τὸ κληρωτὰς εἰ̂ναι τὰς ἀρχὰς ἢ πάσας ἢ ὅσαι μὴ ἐμπειρίας δέονται καὶ τέχνης. Susemihl has introduced κληρωτὰς οὐκ before ἐνδέχεται = ὅσας οὐκ ἐνδέχεται κληρωτὰς εἰ̂ναι· τοιαν̂ται δ’ εἰσὶν referring to αἱρετάς. But the change has no MS. authority, and though ingenious is unnecessary.

ὅταν δὲ μὴ πάντες τον̂ βουλεύεσθαι μετέχωσιν ἀλλ’ αἱρετοί, κατὰ νόμον δ’Jowett1885v1: 14. 8. fin. ἄρχωσιν ὥσπερ καὶ πρότερον, ὀλιγαρχικόν.

Opposed to the milder πολιτικὴ ὀλιγαρχία in the previous sentence, and repeated with greater emphasis in the words which follow ὀλιγαρχικὴν ἀναγκαɩ̂ον εἰ̂ναι τὴν τάξιν ταύτην (§ 9). μὴ πάντες, i. e. ‘not all [who possess the required qualification].’ Yet these latter words, which are necessary to the sense, are wanting in the text.

Compare for several verbal resemblances, supra c. 5.Jowett1885v1: 14. 8-10.

τω̂ν δὲ ἄλλων ἄρχοντες, καὶ οὑ̑τοι αἱρετοὶ ἢ κληρωτοί.Jowett1885v1: 14. 10.

For in an aristocracy or oligarchy, as in a democracy, a magistrate might be elected by lot, but only out of a select class.

ἀριστοκρατία μὲν ἢ πολιτεἴα.Jowett1885v1: 14. 10.

Aristocracy is elsewhere said to include numbers, wealth, and virtue; here the aristocratical element seems to reside in the magistrates who have superior merit, and control the whole administration of the state except war, peace, and the taking of scrutinies.

Compare c. 7. § 3; c. 8. §§ 3, 9, in which the near connexion between aristocracy and polity is pointed out.

διῄρηται μὲν ον̓̂ν τὸ βουλευόμενον πρὸς τὰς πολιτείας τον̂τον τὸν τρόπον,Jowett1885v1: 14. 11. καὶ διοικεɩ̂ ἑκάστη πολιτεία κατὰ τὸν εἰρημένον διορισμόν.

κατὰ τὸν εἰρημένον διορισμόν, i. e. each constitution will be variously administered according to some one of the principles on which Edition: current; Page: [175]the governing body is elected, e.g. out of some, or out of all; and as acting either according to law, or without law, etc.

διοικεɩ̂ has been changed into διοίσει and διοικεɩ̂ται, for which latter there is perhaps the authority of Moerbeke, who reads disponitur. But no change is needed. For use of διοικεɩ̂ν, cp. v. 10. § 36.

συμϕέρει δὲ δημοκρατίᾳ τῃ̑ μάλιστ’ εἰ̂ναι δοκούσῃ δημοκρατίᾳ νν̂ν κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 14. 12.

Aristotle remembering the short life of the extreme democracy which is above law, proposes various ways of strengthening or moderating it; he would have the notables take part in the assembly; and he would enforce their attendance by the imposition of penalties analogous to the fines which the oligarchy inflict on judges for neglect of their duties. (Cp. v. cc. 8, 9 on the preserving principles of state.)

Of the advantage of combining the few with the many there can be no question: but will the upper classes ever be induced to take an active part in a democracy? They have not done so in France or America; may we hope that they will in England?

ἀποκληρον̂ν τοὺς πλείους.Jowett1885v1: 14. 13.

I. e. he on whom the lot fell was not included, but excluded until the numbers were sufficiently reduced.

αἱρον̂νται δὲ καὶ πρεσβευταί.Jowett1885v1: 15. 3.

‘Even ambassadors, whom we might be more inclined to call magistrates, and who are elected by lot, are ἕτερόν τι παρὰ τὰς πολιτικὰς ἀρχάς.’

οἱ̑ον στρατηγὸς στρατευομένων,Jowett1885v1: 15. 3.

sc. ἐπιμελεɩ̂ται implied in ἐπιμελειω̂ν.

ἀλλὰ ταν̂τα διαϕέρει πρὸς μὲν τὰς χρήσεις οὐθὲν ὡς εἰπεɩ̂ν· οὐ γάρ πωJowett1885v1: 15. 4. κρίσις γέγονεν ἀμϕισβητούντων περὶ τον̂ ὀνόματος. ἔχει δέ τιν’ ἄλλην διανοητικὴν πραγματείαν.

‘Verbal questions, such as the definition of an office, are of no practical importance, although some intellectual interest may attach to them.’ ἄλλην is redundant.

μα̂λλον ἄν τις ἀπορήσειε.Jowett1885v1: 15. 5.

I. e. rather than dispute about the name.

Edition: current; Page: [176]

βέλτιον ἕκαστον ἔργον τυγχάνει τη̂ς ἐπιμελείας μονοπραγματούσης ἢJowett1885v1: 15. 6. πολυπραγματούσης.

Cp. Plat. Rep. ii. 370 B ff.

καὶ πότερον κατὰ τὸ πρα̂γμα δεɩ̂ διαιρεɩ̂ν ἢ κατὰ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους, λέγω δ’Jowett1885v1: 15. 9. οἱ̑ον ἕνα τη̂ς εὐκοσμίας, ἢ παίδων ἄλλον καὶ γυναικω̂ν.

Two offices are mentioned in the latter part of the sentence: cp. infra § 13, παιδονόμος καὶ γυναικονόμος: and vi. 8. § 22, ἰδίᾳ δὲ ταɩ̂ς σχολαστικωτέραις καὶ μα̂λλον εὐημερούσαις πόλεσιν . . . γυναικονομία . . . παιδονομία κ.τ.λ.

ἕτεραι ἐν ἑτέραις, οἱ̑ον ἐν μὲν ταɩ̂ς ἀριστοκρατίαις ἐκ πεπαιδευμένων.Jowett1885v1: 15. 10.

‘Differing,’ i. e. in the character of those from whom the election is made. Though the word ἕτεραι is inaccurate, the meaning is the same as that of ἑτέρων, which Susemihl, on very slight authority, has introduced into the text.

πότερον διαϕέρει . . . ἢ τυγχάνουσι μέν τινες ον̓̂σαι καὶ κατ’ αὐτὰς τὰςJowett1885v1: 15. 10. διαϕορὰς τω̂ν ἀρχω̂ν, ἔστι δ’ ὅπου συμϕέρουσιν αἱ αὐταί.

The alternative πότερον διαϕέρει κ.τ.λ. is repeated and expanded. ‘Are offices the same in different states, or not the same? Are they the same, but elected out of different classes in aristocracy, monarchy, oligarchy, democracy? Or do the offices differ naturally according to the actual differences in forms of government, the same offices being sometimes found to agree and sometimes to disagree with different forms of government, and having a lesser power in some states and a greater in others? For example, has the president of the assembly, in whatever way appointed, the same functions at Sparta and at Athens? Are not probuli suited to an oligarchy, a censor of boys and women to an aristocracy, a council to a democracy? And will they be equally suited to other forms, or may not their powers require to be extended or narrowed?’

According to this explanation the natural order of the words is somewhat inverted, for τω̂ν ἀρχω̂ν is taken with τινές: and with κατ’ αὐτὰς τὰς διαϕορὰς has to be supplied τω̂ν πολιτειω̂ν from κατὰ τὰς πολιτείας supra. We may also supply πολιτεɩ̂αι with τινές, and translate ‘may not some states essentially derive their character from offices.’ But the abrupt transition to a new subject (ἀρχαὶ) Edition: current; Page: [177]in the next clause shows this way of taking the passage to be inadmissible.

Bekker (2nd Edit.) after Victorius reads διαϕοραὶ for τὰς διαϕοράς.

οἱ̑ον ἡ τω̂ν προβούλων· αὕτη γὰρ οὐ δημοκρατική.Jowett1885v1: 15. 11.

πρόβουλοι, as he says vi. 8. § 17, are oligarchical officers, because they alone have the initiative, and, therefore, the people cannot of themselves make any change in the constitution; supra c. 14. § 14.

εἰσὶ δ’ αἱ διαϕοραὶ κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 15. 14-18.

The meaning of the text may be illustrated by the following scheme:—

οἱ τρεɩ̂ς ὅροι.

i. τίνες οἱ καθιστάντες τὰς ἀρχάς. | ii. ἐκ τίνων. | iii. τίνα τρόπον.
a) ἢ πάντες. | a) ἢ ἐκ πάντων. | a) ἢ αἱρέσει.
b) ἢ τινές. | b) ἢ ἐκ τινω̂ν ἀϕωρισμένων. | b) ἢ κλήρῳ.
c) ἢ τὰς μὲν πάντες, τὰς δὲ τινές. | c) ἢ τὰς μὲν ἐκ πάντων, τὰς δ’ ἐκ τινω̂ν. | c) ἢ τὰς μὲν αἱρέσει, τὰς δὲ κλήρῳ.
αἱ τρεɩ̂ς διαϕοραί. | αἱ τρεɩ̂ς διαϕοραί. | αἱ τρεɩ̂ς διαϕοραί.

οἱ δώδεκα τρόποι.

οἱ τέσσαρες τρόποι | οἱ τέσσαρες τρόποι | οἱ τέσσαρες τρόποι
1. πάντες ἐκ πάντων αἱρέσει. | A. τινὲς ἐκ πάντων αἱρέσει. | α. τὰς μὲν ἀρχὰς πάντες, τὰς δὲ τινὲς ἐκ πάντων αἱρέσει.
2. πάντες ἐκ πάντων κλήρῳ. | B. τινὲς ἐκ πάντων κλήρῳ. | β. τὰς μὲν πάντες, τὰς δὲ τινὲς ἐκ πάντων κλήρῳ.
3. πάντες ἐκ τινω̂ν αἱρέσει. | C. τινὲς ἐκ τινω̂ν αἱρέσει. | γ. τὰς μὲν πάντες, τὰς δὲ τινὲς ἐκ τινω̂ν αἱρέσει.
4. πάντες ἐκ τινω̂ν κλήρῳ. | D. τινὲς ἐκ τινω̂ν κλήρῳ. | δ. τὰς μὲν πάντες, τὰς δὲ τινὲς ἐκ τινω̂ν κλήρῳ.

οἱ δύο συνδυασμοί

τὰ μὲν κλήρῳ. | τὰ δὲ αἱρέσει.
τὰ μὲν ἐκ πάντων. | τὰ δὲ ἐκ τινω̂ν.

All, or some, or all and some, elect out of all, or some, or out of all and some, by vote or by lot; or by vote and by lot.

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The three modes give rise to twelve possible varieties:

All elect | by vote out of all,
| by lot out of all,
| by vote out of some,
| by lot out of some;
Some elect | by vote out of all,
| by lot out of all,
| by vote out of some,
| by lot out of some;
All and some elect | by vote out of all,
| by lot out of all,
| by vote out of some,
| by lot out of some;

and to the two further combinations (οἱ δύο συνδυασμοί): partly by vote and partly by lot, partly out of all and partly out of some.

It is not to be supposed that, even in such a ‘bazaar of constitutions’ (Plat. Rep. viii. 557 D) as Hellas furnished, all these different forms of government were really to be found. Aristotle derives them not from his experience of history, but out of the abundance of his logic.

ὥσπερ ἐν Μεγάροις.Jowett1885v1: 15. 15.

Cp. v. 3. § 5 and 5. § 4, where the overthrow of the Megarian democracy is attributed to the corruption and oppression practised by demagogues; also Thuc. iv. 74 (though it is not certain whether Aristotle is speaking of the return of the exiles there mentioned or of some earlier or later one); and Arist. Poet. c. 3. § 5, 1448 a. 32, where he refers to an ancient democracy existing in Megara, of which the recent establishment is deplored by Theognis, line 53 ff., Bergk. There was an alliance between Athens and Megara in 458 (Thuc. i. 103, 114), which terminated at the battle of Coronea 447; probably during the alliance, but not afterwards, Megara was governed by a democracy. In the eighth year of the Peloponnesian War the oligarchs were in exile, but were restored by the influence of Brasidas. In the year b.c. 375 the democracy had been re-established: Diod. xv. 40.

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τούτων δ’ αἱ μὲν δύο κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 15. 19.

The vote is considered less democratical than the lot: both are admissible in a democracy, but it is essential to its very nature that all should elect. If any limitation takes place the government becomes an aristocracy or a polity, which alike tend to oligarchy in so far as they reduce the number of electors or of persons who are eligible, though differing in other respects. When some only appoint, in whatever manner, out of all, or all out of some, and the elections do not take place all at once (ἅμα, i.e. when the governing body retire by rotation), we have a constitutional government, which inclines to an aristocracy when the two opposite principles of ‘some out of some’ and ‘some out of all’ are combined. The high oligarchical doctrine is ‘some out of some, by vote or by lot or by both,’ the lot being employed in an oligarchy, as in a democracy, to exclude favour or merit. Cp. v. 3. § 9.

γίνεσθαι.Jowett1885v1: 15. 19.

If genuine, is used in a pregnant sense = καθίστασθαι, the construction being changed from the active, which is resumed in the clause which follows, to the neuter or passive. Though the word appears to disturb the sentence, it is found in all the MSS.

ὀλιγαρχικώτερον δὲ καὶ τὸ ἐξ ἀμϕοɩ̂ν.Jowett1885v1: 15. 20.

ἐξ ἀμϕοɩ̂ν seems naturally to mean τὰς μὲν ἐκ πάντων, τὰς δὲ ἐκ τινω̂ν, cp. § 19 fin. But if so the same words which here describe the oligarchical government, are applied in the next sentence to the polity or constitutional government which inclines to aristocracy. Nor can any reason be given why the election ‘out of all and out of some’ should be ‘more oligarchical’ than the election out of some. Another way of taking the words is to explain ἐξ ἀμϕοɩ̂ν as a double election. But in this passage ἐξ is always used to introduce the persons out of whom the election is made; and therefore ἐξ ἀμϕοɩ̂ν could not = ἀμϕοɩ̂ν. Some corruption of the text is probable; the numerous repetitions are likely to have confused the eye of the copyist. τὸ ἐκ τινω̂ν ἀμϕοɩ̂ν is the ingenious and probably true emendation of Mr. Evelyn Abbott. If the principle of ‘some out of some’ is maintained, the election in both ways, i. e. by vote out of persons elected by lot, or by lot out of persons Edition: current; Page: [180]elected by vote, would clearly be more oligarchical than the simple election by vote or by lot.

μὴ γενόμενον δ’ ὁμοίως,Jowett1885v1: 15. 21.

sc. ὀλιγαρχικόν. These words which are translated in the text ‘though not equally oligarchical if taken by lot’ would be better rendered ‘and equally oligarchical if not appointed by lot’ (Stahr): that is to say, whether appointed by vote or by lot they would equally retain their oligarchical character, if some were chosen out of some. μὴ must be taken with γενόμενον.

τινὰς ἐκ τινω̂ν ἀμϕοɩ̂ν.Jowett1885v1: 15. 21.

‘In both ways,’ sc. κλήρῳ καὶ αἱρέσει.

τίνα δὲ τίσι συμϕέρει καὶ πω̂ς δεɩ̂ γίνεσθαι τὰς καταστάσεις ἅμα ταɩ̂ςJowett1885v1: 15. 22. δυνάμεσι τω̂ν ἀρχω̂ν τίνες εἰσίν, ἔσται ϕανερόν.

Neither the reading nor the meaning of this passage is quite certain. Some MSS. and the old translation omit* καὶ before τίνες, thus referring τίνες εἰσὶν to δυνάμεσι. If with Bekker and several MSS. we retain καὶ before τίνες εἰσίν, the words may receive different interpretations. Either 1), ‘how to establish them and what their powers and their nature are will be manifest,’ i. e. need no explanation; or 2), ‘we shall know how to establish them and their nature when we know their powers.’

τὸ ἐν Φρεαττοɩ̂ δικαστήριον.Jowett1885v1: 16. 3.

Nothing certain is known about this court; it is here spoken of only as a matter of tradition. The cases of which it took cognizance were rare, and therefore it is not strange that the court which tried them should have become obsolete. According to Pausanias (i. 28. § 12) Phreattys was a spot in the Piraeus near the sea, whither banished persons, against whom some fresh accusation was brought after their banishment, went to defend themselves out of a ship before judges who were on the land. This explanation is repeated by several of the scholiasts; but Aristotle, with much greater probability, supposes the banished man to offer himself for trial of the original offence. So in Plat. Laws ix. 866 D, a law is proposed, probably founded on some ancient custom, that the banished homicide, if wrecked upon his Edition: current; Page: [181]native shore, should sit with his feet in the sea, until he found an opportunity of sailing.

ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων ἀϕείσθω καὶ τω̂ν ϕονικω̂ν καὶ τω̂ν ζενικω̂ν, περὶ δὲJowett1885v1: 16. 5. τω̂ν πολιτικω̂ν λέγωμεν, περὶ ὡ̑ν μὴ γινομένων καλω̂ς διαστάσεις γίνονται καὶ τω̂ν πολιτειω̂ν αἱ κινήσεις.

This sentence appears to be out of place; for no special mention occurs of political causes in what follows; but the writer at once returns to his former subject, and treats the appointment of judges on the same principles which he has applied to the appointment of other magistrates. It is possible that they connect with the beginning of Book v, and that the rest of the chapter is only a repetition in an altered form of c. 15. §§ 17-22.

οἱ τρόποι τέτταρες.Jowett1885v1: 16. 5, 6.

The scheme on which judges are appointed, though abridged, is the same as that on which magistrates are appointed; and the various modes correspond in like manner to different forms of government.

The judicial institutions of a country reflect the political, but with a difference. The legislature is active, the courts of law are passive; they do not move until they are set in motion, they deal with particular cases which are brought before them by others; and through these only do they rise to general principles. They do not make laws, but interpret them; nor can they set aside a law unless by appealing to a higher law. They are the conservative element of the state, rooted in habit and precedent and tradition.

But there is also a certain analogy between the political and judicial institutions of a country. In a free state the law must be supreme, and the courts of law must exercise an independent authority; they must be open and public, and they must include a popular element. They represent the better mind of the nation, speaking through certain fixed forms; and they exercise indirectly a considerable influence upon legislation. They have their place also in the education of the people: for they, above all other instructors, teach the lesson of justice and impartiality and truth. As good actions produce good habits in the individual, so the Edition: current; Page: [182]laws of a state grow and strengthen and attain consistency by the decisions of courts.

That Aristotle was not ignorant of the connexion between the judicial and political institutions of a people is shown by his remark that ‘Solon established the democracy when he constituted the dicasteries out of the whole people’ (ii. 12. § 2).

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BOOK V.

The first sentence implies that we are approaching the end ofJowett1885v1: 1. 1. the treatise; but see Essay on the Structure of the Aristotelian Writings.

ἔτι δὲ σωτηρίαι τίνες καὶ κοινῃ̑ καὶ χωρὶς ἑκάστης εἰσίν, ἔτι δὲ διὰ τίνωνJowett1885v1: 1. 1. ἂν μάλιστα σώζοιτο τω̂ν πολιτειω̂ν ἑκάστη.

The latter of these two clauses is bracketed by Bekker in his 2nd edition as being a mere repetition of the preceding. If spurious it is probably a duplicate incorporated from some other ancient form of the text, not a gloss. But Aristotle often draws oversubtle logical distinctions, and in striving after completeness he may easily have written σωτηρίαι τίνες and διὰ τίνων ἂν σώζοιτο, with little or no difference of meaning between them.

δεɩ̂ δὲ πρω̂τον ὑπολαβεɩ̂ν τὴν ἀρχήν.Jowett1885v1: 1. 2.

The last words may be either 1) taken adverbially; or 2)* may be the accusative after ὑπολαβεɩ̂ν, 1) ‘We must in the first place begin by conceiving’ or 2)* ‘we must in the first place conceive our starting point to be.’

τὸ δίκαιον καὶ τὸ κατ’ ἀναλογίαν ἴσον.Jowett1885v1: 1. 2.

In Bekker’s 2nd edition καὶ is altered to εἰ̂ναι without MSS. authority. The sense thus obtained would coincide with the conception of justice in the Nic. Eth. v. 3. § 8.

But the same thought is less accurately expressed by the text. The καὶ here, as elsewhere in Aristotle, may be taken in the sense of id est. Cp. Nic. Eth. i. 6. § 2, τὸ δὲ καθ’ αὑτὸ καὶ ἡ οὐσία πρότερον τῃ̑ ϕύσει τον̂ πρός τι: Metaph. iv. 14, 1020 b. 3, τὰ ἀκίνητα καὶ τὰ μαθηματικὰ where τὰ ἀκίνητα = τὰ μαθηματικά. And it may be further argued that the more general form of words is better suited to this Edition: current; Page: [184]passage. For Aristotle is here expressing not his own opinion but the consensus of mankind. And although the democrat in some sense acknowledges proportional equality, he would hardly go so far as to say that justice is identical with it. The reading of the MSS. is therefore preferable.

In Book iii. cc. 9 and 12 it has been assumed that justice and proportionate equality, not mere class interests, are the principles on which the state is based and which give a right to citizenship. Aristotle proceeds to show how the neglect or misconception of these principles leads to the overthrow of states.

οἱ δ’ ὡς ἄνισοι ὄντες πλεονεκτεɩ̂ν ζητον̂σι· τὸ γὰρ πλεɩ̂ον ἄνισον.Jowett1885v1: 1. 4.

The last words are an explanation of πλεονεκτεɩ̂ν. Cp. Nic. Eth. v. 2. § 9, τὸ μὲν γὰρ πλέον ἅπαν ἄνισον, τὸ δὲ ἄνισον οὐ πα̂ν πλέον.

ἡμαρτημέναι δ’ ἁπλω̂ς εἰσί.Jowett1885v1: 1. 5.

Spengel reads ἡμαρτηκυɩ̂αι δὲ τον̂ ἁπλω̂ς, though there is no trace of variation in the MSS. Nearly the same meaning may be elicited from the text as it stands: ‘They are perversions, when regarded simply,’ i. e. ‘by an absolute standard of justice’; that is to say, their justice is relative to aristocracy, oligarchy or democracy, and hence becomes a cause of revolution.

Διὸ καὶ αἱ μεταβολαὶ γίγνονται διχω̂ς.Jowett1885v1: 1. 8.

The commentators are puzzled to find a connexion for these words, which the various reading δικαίως shows to have been an ancient difficulty. Either 1)* the particle διὸ is attributable to the superabundance of logical expression and therefore is not to be strictly construed; or to the condensation of two clauses into one, the word διχω̂ς referring to what follows: ‘Hence arise changes; and in two ways.’ Or 2) we must gather, however obscurely indicated, out of what has preceded some distinction corresponding to that between changes of forms of government and changes of persons and parties under the same form of government. Love of equality may perhaps be thought to lead to a change of the constitution; impatience of inequality to a change of persons and offices. But this connexion of ideas, if intended, is not clearly stated. It would be rash, after the manner of some editors (Conring, Edition: current; Page: [185]Susemihl, etc.), in a book like Aristotle’s Politics to infer a ‘lacuna’ between the words στάσεών εἰσιν and ὅθεν στασιάζουσιν from the want of connexion.

ὥσπερ ἐν Λακεδαίμονί ϕασι Λύσανδρόν τινες ἐπιχειρη̂σαι καταλν̂σαι τὴνJowett1885v1: 1. 10. βασιλείαν.

Cp. Plut. Lys. 24-26 for an account (partly taken from Ephorus and wearing rather an improbable appearance) of the manner in which Lysander by the aid of oracles and religious imposture conspired to overturn the monarchy of Sparta and to throw open the office of king to the whole family of the Heraclidae, of which he was himself a member; or, according to another statement, to all the Spartans.

Παυσανίαν τὸν βασιλέα.Jowett1885v1: 1. 10.

He was not king, though of the royal family; cp. Thuc. i. 132, ἄνδρα γένους τε τον̂ βασιλείου ὄντα καὶ ἐν τῳ̑ παρόντι τιμὴν ἔχοντα (Πλείσταρχον γὰρ τὸν Λεωνίδου ὄντα βασιλέα καὶ νέον ἔτι ἀνεψιὸς ὢν ἐπετρόπευεν). The same mistake is repeated in vii. 14. § 20.

καὶ ἐν Ἐπιδάμνῳ δὲ μετέβαλεν ἡ πολιτεία κατὰ μόριον· ἀντὶ γὰρ τω̂νJowett1885v1: 1. 10, 11. ϕυλάρχων βουλὴν ἐποίησαν. εἰς δὲ τὴν Ἡλιαίαν ἐπάναγκές ἐστιν ἔτι τω̂ν ἐν τῳ̑ πολιτεύματι βαδίζειν τὰς ἀρχάς, ὅταν ἐπιψηϕίζηται ἀρχή τις. ὀλιγαρχικὸν δὲ καὶ ὁ ἄρχων ὁ εἱ̑ς ἠ̑ν ἐν τῃ̑ πολιτείᾳ ταύτῃ.

The revolution at Epidamnus was only partial. The change of ϕύλαρχοι into a βουλὴ made the state less oligarchical. Cp. vi. 8. § 17, καλεɩ̂ται δὲ [τὸ κύριον τη̂ς πολιτείας] ἔνθα μὲν πρόβουλοι . . . ὅπου δὲ πλη̂θός ἐστι βουλὴ μα̂λλον. But according to an ancient custom in the governing body the magistrates (τὰς ἀρχὰς = τοὺς ἄρχοντας) were required to go to the Heliaea at every election — this relic of oligarchy survived in the democracy. A like oligarchical spirit was indicated in the appointment of ‘the single magistrate’ (cp. iii. 16. § 1).

It is also possible to take the words in another way, connecting τω̂ν ἐν τῳ̑ πολιτεύματι with εἰς τὴν Ἡλιαίαν instead of with τὰς ἀρχάς. ‘It was compulsory that the magistrates should attend the assembly of the ruling classes, when a certain magistracy took a vote requiring Edition: current; Page: [186]it.’ Which of the two modes of translating the passage is correct, we can only guess, as we have no independent knowledge of the procedure mentioned. The latter is the mode of taking them adopted by Müller (Dorians, iii. 9. § 6); but the use of Ἡλιαία simply in the sense of an assembly, and not as a proper name, and therefore its construction with τω̂ν ἐν τῳ̑ πολιτεύματι is doubtful.

τω̂ν ἐν τῳ̑ πολιτεύματι. Either 1)* the ruling class; or better 2) the governing body. The two meanings cannot always be clearly distinguished. Cp. c. 6. § 11; iv. 6. § 9 and v. 4. § 2. Compare also iii. 7. § 2, ἐπεὶ δὲ πολιτεία μὲν καὶ πολίτευμα σημαίνει ταὐτόν, πολίτευμα δ’ ἐστὶ τὸ κύριον τω̂ν πόλεων, and infra v. 8. § 5, τοɩ̂ς ἔξω τη̂ς πολιτείας καὶ τοɩ̂ς ἐν τῳ̑ πολιτεύματι, which show that the two meanings of πολίτευμα, as of πολιτεία, like the two senses of the English word ‘government’ or ‘state,’ pass into one another. The genitive is partitive.

ὁ ἄρχων ὁ εἱ̑ς ἠ̑ν. ἠ̑ν is omitted in several MSS. and is not confirmed by iii. 16. § 1, ( . . . πολλοὶ ποιον̂σιν ἕνα κύριον τη̂ς διοικήσεως· τοιαύτη γὰρ ἀρχή τίς ἐστι καὶ περὶ Ἐπίδαμνον) where Aristotle speaks of the single Archon at Epidamnus, not in the past, but in the present tense. Yet it is not impossible that he may have spoken of an office which had recently existed at Epidamnus, first, in the present, and afterwards, more correctly, in the past tense.

πανταχον̂ γὰρ διὰ τὸ ἄνισον ἡ στάσις· οὐ μὴν τοɩ̂ς ἀνίσοις ὑπάρχειJowett1885v1: 1. 11. ἀνάλογον· ἀΐδιος γὰρ βασιλεία ἄνισος, ἐὰν ᾐ̑ ἐν ἴσοις· ὅλως γὰρ τὸ ἴσον ζητον̂ντες στασιάζουσιν.

οὐ μὴν . . . ἴσοις is a parenthetical explanation of the word ἄνισον. 1) ‘Certainly to unequals there is no proportion.’ According to this way of taking the passage ἀνάλογον is the nom. to ὑπάρχει. 2) Others supply τὸ ἄνισον from the preceding sentence (sc. ὑπάρχει ἀνάλογον). ‘*I mean the inequality in which there is no proportion.’ This is illustrated by an example. 3) Others again connect ἀνάλογον with τοɩ̂ς ἀνίσοις. ‘Not that real inequality exists among those who are only proportionately unequal.’ According to any explanation the connexion is harsh: and therefore there is some reason for suspecting that a marginal note has crept into the text.

The punctuation of Bekker, who places a comma after τὸ κατ’Jowett1885v1: 1. 13. Edition: current; Page: [187]ἀξίαν, in his 2nd Edition (see note on Text) accords with his correction of the text in § 2, ὁμολογούντων τὸ δίκαιον ε[Editor: illegible character]ναι τὸ κατ’ ἀναλογίαν ἴσον instead of καὶ τὸ κατ’ ἀναλογίαν.

εὐγένεια γὰρ καὶ ἀρετὴ ἐν ὀλίγοις, ταν̂τα δ’ ἐν πλείοσιν.Jowett1885v1: 1. 14.

The antecedent of ταν̂τα is wealth and poverty, latent in δη̂μος and ὀλιγαρχία. The conj. τἀναντία, adopted by Bekker following Lambinus in his 2nd Edition, is unnecessary.

ἄποροι δὲ πολλοὶ πολλαχον̂.Jowett1885v1: 1. 14.

‘But there are in many places a large class of poor.’ Some MSS. read εὔποροι, some omit πολλοί, and it has been contended by Stahr that ἄποροι δὲ καὶ εὔποροι πολλαχον̂ is the true reading. But the text, which is the reading of several Greek MSS. and is confirmed by Moerbeke, is better.

τὸ δὲ ἁπλω̂ς πάντῃ καθ’ ἑκατέραν τετάχθαι τὴν ἰσότητα ϕαν̂λον.Jowett1885v1: 1. 14.

‘Either equality of number or equality of proportion, if the only principle of a state, is vicious’: cp. infra c. 9. § 13; iv. 13. § 6; vi. 5. § 2.

ἀπὸ τον̂ πρώτου καὶ τον̂ ἐν ἀρχῃ̑ ἡμαρτημένου.Jowett1885v1: 1. 15.

ἡμαρτημένου is to be taken with τον̂ πρώτου as well as with τον̂ ἐν ἀρχῃ̑.

ἡ πρὸς τὴν ὀλιγαρχίαν.Jowett1885v1: 1. 16.

ὀλιγαρχία is here used for the oligarchical party, τοὺς ὀλίγους, parallel to δη̂μος in the previous clause, although in the preceding sentence the same word means a form of government—an example of Aristotle’s transitional and uncertain use of language.

αὐτῳ̑ δὲ πρὸς αὑτόν, ὅ τι καὶ ἄξιον εἰπεɩ̂ν, οὐκ ἐγγίγνεται τῳ̑ δήμῳ στάσις.Jowett1885v1: 1. 16.

This reflection is probably true of Greek democracies, but can hardly be justified by modern experience either of the Italian Republics, which swarmed with factions and conspiracies, or of France in the first French revolution, or of England under the Commonwealth, or of Switzerland in the war of the Sonderbund, or of N. America in the war of North and South, or of the S. American Republics. Differences of character, climate, religion, race, affect democracies as well as other forms of government.

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ἔτι δὲ ἡ ἐκ τω̂ν μέσων πολιτεία ἐγγυτέρω τον̂ δήμου ἢ ἡ τω̂ν ὀλίγων,Jowett1885v1: 1. 16. ἥπερ ἐστὶν ἀσϕαλεστάτη τω̂ν τοιούτων πολιτειω̂ν.

Aristotle is giving a further reason why democracy is safer than oligarchy, because it more nearly approximates to the μέση πολιτεία, which is the safest of all such forms of government, [i. e. of all except the perfect one]. Cp. iv. 11. § 14.

ἥπερ refers to ἡ ἐκ τω̂ν μέσων πολιτεία. τοιούτων = the imperfect forms.

An obscurity arises from the inversion of the subject. The sentence = δη̂μος ἐγγυτέρω τη̂ς τω̂ν μέσων πολιτείας ἢ ἡ τω̂ν ὀλίγων ἔστι τη̂ς τω̂ν μέσων πολιτείας. The meaning would be improved if, as in some MSS., ἡ before τω̂ν ὀλίγων was omitted.

The πω̂ς ἔχοντες, τίνων ἕνεκεν, τίνες ἀρχαὶ τω̂ν στάσεων are the material,Jowett1885v1: 2. 1. final and efficient causes of revolutions.

περὶ ἡ̑ς ἤδη τυγχάνομεν εἰρηκότες.Jowett1885v1: 2. 2.

Sc. in what he has said about ἴσον and ἄνισον in the previous chapter.

αἱ δ’ αἰτίαι καὶ ἀρχαὶ τω̂ν κινήσεων, ὅθεν αὐτοί τε διατίθενται τὸν εἰρημένονJowett1885v1: 2. 4. τρόπον καὶ περὶ τω̂ν λεχθέντων, ἔστι μὲν ὡς τὸν ἀριθμὸν ἑπτὰ τυγχάνουσιν ον̓̂σαι, ἔστι δ’ ὡς πλείους.

The seven causes are κέρδος, τιμή, ὕβρις, ϕόβος, ὑπεροχή, καταϕρόνησις, αὔξησις παρὰ τὸ ἀνάλογον. Or, according to another way of reckoning (ἄλλον τρόπον), other elements, partly the same, and partly different, are added, viz. ἐριθεία, ὀλιγωρία, μικρότης, ἀνομοιότης.

As often happens both in the Politics (cp. bk. iv. c. 1) and in the Ethics (cp. vii. cc. 1-10) of Aristotle, the order in which the cases are at first enumerated is not the order in which they are afterwards discussed; the latter is as follows: ὕβρις, κέρδος, τιμή, ὑπεροχή, ϕόβος, καταϕρόνησις: the rest retain their original place.

περὶ τω̂ν λεχθέντων. To be taken closely with τὸν εἰρημένον τρόπον, ‘in the manner which I have described, and about the things which I have described,’ sc. κέρδος and τιμὴ to which τοɩ̂ς εἰρημένοις (§ 5) also refers.

ἀλλ’ οὐχ ὡσαύτως,Jowett1885v1: 2. 5.

sc. ὡσαύτως ταὐτά. They are the same and not the same. ‘The Edition: current; Page: [189]love of gain seeks gain for itself, the love of honour is jealous of honour bestowed upon others.’

διὰ μικρότητα,Jowett1885v1: 2. 6.

sc. τη̂ς κινήσεως. Cp. below, c. 3. § 10, ἔτι διὰ τὸ παρὰ μικρόν· λέγω δὲ παρὰ μικρόν, ὅτι πολλάκις λανθάνει μεγάλη γινομένη μετάβασις τω̂ν νομίμων, ὅταν παρορω̂σι τὸ μικρόν κ.τ.λ. for the explanation of the term.

συνέστησαν οἱ γνώριμοι ἐπὶ τὸν δη̂μον διὰ τὰς ἐπιϕερομένας δίκας.Jowett1885v1: 3. 4.

This and the revolution in Rhodes mentioned below (§ 5) appear to be the same with that of which a more minute but somewhat obscure account is given in c. 5. § 2—mentioned here as illustrating fear and contempt; in c. 5, as showing that revolutions arise from the evil behaviour of demagogues in democracies; two accounts of the same event taken from different points of view, but not inconsistent with each other. Rhodes was transferred from the alliance of Athens to Sparta in 412, and remained the ally of Sparta until after the battle of Cnidos in the year 394 b.c. when the people, assisted by the Athenians, drove out the notables who were afterwards restored by the help of Teleutias the Lacedaemonian b.c. 390. Diod. Sic. xiv. 97; Xen. Hell. iv. 8. Whether this latter revolution can be identified with the ἐπανάστασις mentioned by Aristotle is uncertain.

διὰ τὰς ἐπιϕερομένας δίκας. Cp. infra c. 5. § 2, where the suits against the rich at Rhodes appear to have been brought by private individuals; also Thuc. iii. 70.

οἱ̑ον καὶ ἐν Θήβαις μετ[Editor: illegible character] τὴν ἐν Οἰνοϕύτοις μάχην κακω̂ς πολιτευομένων ἡJowett1885v1: 3. 5. δημοκρατία διεϕθάρη.

Yet the destruction of the democracy seems hardly consistent with the preponderance which the Athenians retained in Boeotia during the nine years following the battle of Oenophyta (456), at the end of which time, and not until after they had won the battle of Coronea (447), all the Boeotians regained their independence. (Thuc. i. 112.) Compare as bearing on Aristotle’s knowledge of Theban history, infra c. 6. § 15, and note.

ἡ Μεγαρέων [δημοκρατία διεϕθάρη] δι’ ἀταξίαν καὶ ἀναρχίαν ἡττηθέντων.Jowett1885v1: 3. 5.

Probably the same event mentioned infra c. 5. § 4, but apparently Edition: current; Page: [190]not the same with the revolution in Megara, mentioned in Thuc. iv. 74, which occurred after, and in consequence of, the retirement of the Athenians (b.c. 424); possibly the same with the occasion mentioned in iv. 15. § 15, when the government was narrowed to the returned exiles and their supporters. See on iv. 15. § 15.

ἐν Συρακούσαις πρὸ τη̂ς Γέλωνος τυραννίδος,Jowett1885v1: 3. 5.

sc. ἡ δημοκρατία διεϕθάρη. According to the narrative of Herod. vii. 155, the γαμόροι were driven out by the Syracusan populace, and returned under the protection of Gelon, to whose superior force the Syracusans opened their gates. The destruction of the democracy may therefore be said to have been caused by the violent conduct of the people towards the landowners. But if so, the contradiction which Mr. Grote finds between the statements of Herodotus and Aristotle admits of a reconcilement. See note on c. 43, vol. v. 286, original edit. He thinks that for Gelo we should substitute Dionysius, and observes that the frequent confusion of the two names was noted by Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Antiq. Rom. vii. c. 1. p. 1314.

ἐν Τάραντι ἡττηθέντων.Jowett1885v1: 3. 7.

Called by Herodotus (vii. 170) ‘the greatest slaughter of Greeks within his knowledge.’ Diodorus, ‘the Sicilian,’ (xi. 52. § 5), apparently in ignorance of the geography of Italy, says that the Iapygian victors pursued the Rhegians into the town of Rhegium (a distance of about 200 miles), and entered with them!

δημοκρατία ἐγένετο ἐκ πολιτείας.Jowett1885v1: 3. 7.

Cp. vi. 5. §§ 10, 11, where the Tarentines are described in the present tense as being under a sort of πολιτεία or moderate democracy, to which they probably reverted at some time later than that referred to in the text. In the Syracusan expedition they were hostile to the Athenians (Thuc. vi. 44), and are therefore not likely at that time to have been a democracy.

καὶ ἐν Ἄργει τω̂ν ἐν τῃ̑ ἑβδόμῃ ἀπολομένων ὑπὸ Κλεομένους τον̂ ΛάκωνοςJowett1885v1: 3. 7. ἠναγκάσθησαν παραδέξασθαι τω̂ν περιοίκων τινάς.

The meaning of the name Hebdomê was unknown to the Greeks themselves. The victory of Cleomenes over the Argives is mentioned Edition: current; Page: [191]in Herodotus (vi. 76-83), Pausanias (iii. 4), and in Plutarch (De Mulierum Virtutibus, iv. 245 D). In the narrative of the latter various plays on the number seven occur, which probably originated in the word ἑβδόμη. The number of the dead slain by Cleomenes is said to have been 7777: the battle is said to have been fought on the seventh day of the month (ἑβδόμῃ ἱσταμένου μηνός, Ib.); or during a truce of seven days which Cleomenes violated by attacking the Argives during the night, he arguing that the seven days did not include the nights, or, perhaps with better reason, that vengeance on an enemy was deemed preferable to justice both by Gods and men (Apophth. Lacon. 223 B). The word may have been the name of the wood mentioned in the accounts of Herodotus and Pausanias (loc. cit.) or of some other place* called after the number seven; but more likely of a festival held on the seventh day, which gave its name to the battle.

ἀπολομένων ὑπὸ Κλεομένους κ.τ.λ. Read in the English text: ‘the Argives, after their army had been cut to pieces.’

καὶ ἐν Ἀθήναις ἀτυχούντων πεζῃ̑ οἱ γνώριμοι ἐλάττους ἐγένοντο διὰ τὸ ἐκJowett1885v1: 3. 7. καταλόγου στρατεύεσθαι ὑπὸ τὸν Λακωνικὸν πόλεμον.

The κατάλογος ὁπλιτω̂ν mentioned in Thuc. vi. 43, καὶ τούτων Ἀθηναίων μὲν αὐτω̂ν ἠ̑σαν πεντακόσιοι μὲν καὶ χίλιοι ἐκ καταλόγου, and elsewhere, Xen. Mem. iii. 4. § 1, in which the Θη̂τες, or lowest of the four classes, were not included.

ἐκ καταλόγου. Every one was obliged to take his turn in the order of the roll, and no substitutes were allowed, because the number of soldiers willing to offer themselves was not sufficient.

ὑπὸ τὸν Λακωνικὸν πόλεμον. As in the Syracusan expedition, to which the word ἀτυχούντων chiefly refers. Cp. Thuc. vii. 27.

πλειόνων γὰρ τω̂ν ἀπόρων γινομένων.Jowett1885v1: 3. 8.

Most of the extant MSS. are in favour of εὐπόρων. But ἀπόρων, which is the reading of the old translator, is not wholly indefensible. The meaning may be that power falls into the hands of the few, either when the poor become more numerous, or when properties increase; the extremes of want and of wealth coexisting in the same state. The two cases are really opposite aspects of the same phenomenon, ‘when the citizens become more and more Edition: current; Page: [192]divided into rich and poor.’ The argument from the more difficult reading is in favour of ἀπόρων.

ἐν Ὠρεῳ̑.Jowett1885v1: 3. 9.

A later name of Hestiaea in Euboea, or rather (Strabo x. p. 446) of an Athenian city established in the time of Pericles, on the same site, to maintain control over Euboea. After the fall of Athens it passed into the hands of Sparta and received an oligarchical constitution, reverting to Athens in the year 377. Probably at this time κατελύθη ἡ ὀλιγαρχία. For another reference to Hestiaea, which never entirely lost its old name (Pausan. vii. p. 592), see c. 4. § 4.

τέλος δ’ οὐθενὸς ἠ̑ρχον.Jowett1885v1: 3. 10.

οὐθενὸς is taken in the text as the genitive of value. If this way of explaining the word is rejected as unidiomatic, or rather, not likely to be employed when according to the more familiar idiom οὐθενὸς would be governed by ἠ̑ρχον, we may adopt the emendation of Bekker’s 2nd Edition, ἀπ’ οὐθενός.

οἱ̑ον Τροιζηνίοις Ἀχαιοὶ συνῴκησαν Σύβαριν, εἰ̂τα πλείους οἱ Ἀχαιοὶ γενόμενοιJowett1885v1: 3. 11. ἐξέβαλον τοὺς Τροιζηνίους· ὅθεν τὸ ἄγος συνέβη τοɩ̂ς Συβαρίταις.

The foundation of Sybaris (b. c. 720) is recorded in Strabo vi. p. 263, but nothing is said of the joint occupation of the place by the Troezenians: nor of the curse. The fall of Sybaris is attributed to a very different cause in a gossiping story told by Athenaeus xii. p. 520, of a Sybarite having beaten his slave at the altar to which he fled for refuge. A rather fabulous account of the war between Sybaris and Croton, in which Milo the athlete figures as a sort of Heracles, is given by Diod. Sic. xii. 9.

καὶ ἐν Θουρίοις Συβαρɩ̂ται τοɩ̂ς συνοικήσασιν.Jowett1885v1: 3. 12.

Sc. ἐστασίασαν or some similar word gathered from the preceding sentence. For a more detailed though not very trustworthy narrative of the event referred to, see Diod. Sic. xi. 90; xii. 10, 11. Thurii being founded on the site of Sybaris, the Sybarites who joined in the colony naturally looked upon the country as their own.

Ζαγκλαɩ̂οι δὲ Σαμίους ὑποδεξάμενοι ἐξέπεσον καἲ αὐτοί.Jowett1885v1: 3. 12.

This, which is one of the blackest stories in Greek history, is narrated at length by Herodotus vi. 23. The Zancleans had Edition: current; Page: [193]invited Hippocrates tyrant of Gela to assist them against Anaxilaus tyrant of Rhegium, but were betrayed by him and delivered over to the Samians.

Συρακούσιοι μετὰ τὰ τυραννικὰ τοὺς ξένους καὶ τοὺς μισθοϕόρους πολίταςJowett1885v1: 3. 13. ποιησάμενοι ἐστασίασαν καὶ εἰς μάχην ἠ̑λθον.

Another instance of the danger of incorporating foreigners in a state. The foreigners in this case were the mercenaries of Hiero and Gelo. After the expulsion of Thrasybulus they were allowed to remain in the city, but deprived of political privileges. The narrative of their revolt, of their seizure of Acradina and Ortygia, and of the troubles which followed the attempt to drive them out in the ill-fated island of Sicily, is to be found in Diod. xi. 72 ff.

καὶ Ἀμϕιπολɩ̂ται δεξάμενοι Χαλκιδέων ἀποίκους ἐξέπεσον ὑπὸ τούτων οἱJowett1885v1: 3. 13. πλεɩ̂στοι αὐτω̂ν.

αὐτω̂ν is to be taken with οἱ πλεɩ̂στοι, which is in partitive apposition with Ἀμϕιπολɩ̂ται. The event referred to cannot be shown to have any connexion with the revolt of Amphipolis during the Peloponnesian War (Thuc. iv. 105). Nor do we know of any other event which corresponds with the account given either here or in c. 6. § 8 where the revolution is spoken of ‘as an insurrection against an oligarchy, made by the aid of Chalcidians’ who had settled in the place. But an oligarchy could not have existed under the control of Athens; nor would a democracy be likely to have joined the Peloponnesian confederacy.

στασιάζουσι δ’ ἐν μὲν ταɩ̂ς ὀλιγαρχίαις κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 3. 14.

‘There are other differences besides those of race which divide cities. There may be two cities in one (c. 12. § 15), both in oligarchies and democracies.’ This general reflection is introduced awkwardly amid the special causes of revolutions in states. But a similar confusion of general and particular occurs in several other passages; e. g. iv. 4. § 22 ff.

καθάπερ εἴρηται πρότερον.Jowett1885v1: 3. 14.

Probably c. 1. §§ 3, 4.

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Κολοϕώνιοι καὶ Νοτιεɩ̂ς.Jowett1885v1: 3. 15.

That the Colophonians and Notians were torn by dissensions may be gathered from Thucydides iii. 34.

μα̂λλον δημοτικοὶ οἱ τὸν Πειραια̂ οἰκον̂ντες τω̂ν τὸ ἄστυ.Jowett1885v1: 3. 15.

The great power of the democracy at Athens dated from the battle of Salamis; and as the sailors were the lowest class of citizens, naturally the Piraeus was its head-quarters. Liberty was saved by the fleet in the days of the Four Hundred; and when driven out of Athens by the thirty took refuge at the Piraeus, from which it returned victorious.

γίνονται μὲν ον̓̂ν αἱ στάσεις οὐ περὶ μικρω̂ν ἀλλ’ ἐκ μικρω̂ν.Jowett1885v1: 4. 1.

Do not wars or revolutions always or almost always arise from a combination of large public and political causes with small personal and private reasons? Some spark sets fire to materials previously prepared. If Herodotus overestimates the personal and private causes of great events, does not Thucydides underestimate them, explaining everything on great principles and ignoring the trifles of politics to which Aristotle here directs attention? The course of ancient or of modern history taken as a whole appears to be the onward movement of some majestic though unseen power; when regarded in detail, it seems to depend on a series of accidents. The Greek was a lover of anecdotes; and for him this gossip about trifles had a far greater interest than the reflections of Thucydides upon the course of human events. (See Introduction, vol. i. p. xcii.)

μετέβαλε γὰρ ἡ πολιτεία κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 4. 1.

The same story is told with additions and embellishments by Plutarch ‘Praecepta gerendae reipublicae’ p. 825 C.

ὅθεν προσλαμβάνοντες τοὺς ἐν τῳ̑ πολιτεύματι διεστασίασαν πάντας.Jowett1885v1: 4. 2.

Here as infra c. 6. § 8 the word διεστασίασαν may be causal and active, ‘they took the members of the government to their respective sides and so split all the people into factions.’ (Cp. καταστασιάζεσθαι v. 6. § 14). Or as in the English text (taking διαστασιάζω, like στασιάζω, as a neuter) ‘they then drew all the members of the ruling class into their quarrel and made a revolution.’

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ὥστε καὶ τὸ ἐν αὐτῃ̑ μικρὸν ἁμάρτημα ἀνάλογόν ἐστι πρὸς τὰ ἐν τοɩ̂ςJowett1885v1: 4. 3. ἄλλοις μέρεσιν.

The argument is that the beginning is half the whole, according to the old proverb, and therefore that an error at the beginning is equivalent to half the whole amount of error. The proverb is again cited, Nic. Ethics i. 7. § 20.

καὶ ἐν Δελϕοɩ̂ς ἐκ κηδείας γενομένης διαϕορα̂ς ἀρχὴ πασω̂ν ἐγένετο τω̂νJowett1885v1: 4. 5. στάσεων τω̂ν ὕστερον.

This narrative, like the story of the Syracusan affair, is told, but in a more romantic manner, in the passage of Plutarch quoted above (Praec. geren. reip. p. 825 B) and also by Aelian, Var. Hist. xi. 5. The narrative of Plutarch contains the names of the persons concerned, Crates and Orgilaus, and is therefore probably taken not from Aristotle but from some other source. τω̂ν στάσεων κ.τ.λ., the sacred war to which another origin is assigned infra in § 7. See Essay on Contributions of Aristotle to History.

καὶ περὶ Μιτυλήνην δὲ ἐξ ἐπικλήρων στάσεως γενομένης πολλω̂ν ἐγένετοJowett1885v1: 4. 6. ἀρχὴ κακω̂ν καὶ τον̂ πολέμου τον̂ πρὸς Ἀθηναίους, ἐν ᾡ̑ Πάχης ἔλαβε τὴν πόλιν αὐτω̂ν· Τιμοϕάνους γὰρ τω̂ν εὐπόρων τινὸς καταλιπόντος δύο θυγατέρας, ὁ περιωσθεὶς καὶ οὐ λαβὼν τοɩ̂ς υἱέσιν αὑτον̂ Δόξανδρος ἠ̑ρξε τη̂ς στάσεως καὶ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους παρώξυνε, πρόξενος ὢν τη̂ς πόλεως.

No mention of Doxander occurs nor is there any hint of this story in Thucydides (iii. 2 ff.). The revolt of Mitylene is ascribed in his narrative entirely to political causes, and was long premeditated. The only point of coincidence between the two accounts is the mention of the proxenus, who is said in Thucydides to have given information to the Athenians. They are not, however, necessarily inconsistent: for Aristotle may be speaking of the slight occasion, Thucydides of the deeper cause. Nor can any argument be drawn from the silence of the latter. He may have known the tale, but may not have thought fit to mention it, any more than he has recorded the singular episode of the suicide of Paches in the public court on his return home, recorded by Plutarch iv. 8 (Nicias 6). There is also an omission in the account of Aristotle which is supplied by Thucydides. For the proxenos who gave information to the Athenians is afterwards said to have Edition: current; Page: [196]repented, and to have gone on an embassy to Athens petitioning for peace (Thucyd. iii. 4). Such stories as this about Doxander have been common in modern as well as in ancient history; they are very likely to be invented, but may sometimes be true.

Mnason, according to Timaeus, was the friend of AristotleJowett1885v1: 4. 7. (Athenaeus vi. p. 264).

ἡ ἐν Ἀρείῳ βουλὴ εὐδοκιμήσασα ἐν τοɩ̂ς Μηδικοɩ̂ς.Jowett1885v1: 4. 8.

According to Plut. Themistocles c. 10 Aristotle narrated that ‘at the time [of the battle of Salamis] when the Athenians had no public resources the council of the Areopagus gave to each sailor a sum of eight drachmas and thus enabled the triremes to be manned.’ Whether such a statement was really to be found in Aristotelian writings, perhaps in the Polities to which it is commonly ascribed, or whether Plutarch is confusing the more general statement of Aristotle contained in this passage with information which he had derived from some other source, is uncertain.

συντονωτέραν ποιη̂σαι τὴν πολιτείαν.Jowett1885v1: 4. 8.

Cp. iv. 3. § 8, ὀλιγαρχικὰς μὲν τὰς συντονωτέρας καὶ δεσποτικωτέρας, τὰς δ’ ἀνειμένας καὶ μαλακὰς δημοτικάς, sc. πολιτείας. σύντονος means the more highly pitched note given by the greater tension of the string, and hence the stricter and more rigid form of government.

ὁ ναυτικὸς ὄχλος γενόμενος τη̂ς περὶ Σαλαμɩ̂να νίκης καὶ διὰ ταύτηςJowett1885v1: 4. 8. τη̂ς ἡγεμονίας διὰ τὴν κατὰ θάλατταν δύναμιν, τὴν δημοκρατίαν ἰσχυροτέραν ἐποίησε.

διὰ ταύτης, sc. τη̂ς νίκης, ‘by means of this victory.’

τη̂ς ἡγεμονίας, sc. αἴτιος γενόμενος. διὰ τὴν κατὰ θάλατταν δύναμιν follows τη̂ς ἡγεμονίας.

Plut. Arist. 22 says that after the battle of Salamis Aristides extended the right of voting to the fourth class. He had already mentioned in c. 13 that many of the higher classes had fallen into poverty; they would therefore have been degraded but for this extension. The merits and sufferings of all classes in the war were a natural justification of such a measure. The nobility and the common people vied with one another in their defence of Edition: current; Page: [197]Hellas against the invader. No element lay deeper in the Hellenic character than the sense of superiority which all Hellenes acquired in the struggle with Persia.

περὶ τὴν ἐν Μαντινείᾳ μάχην.Jowett1885v1: 4. 9.

I. e. the first battle of Mantinea (419 b.c. described by Thuc. v. 70-74) in which, though the Argive army was defeated, the 1000 chosen Argives (doubtless belonging to the noble families) remained unconquered, and cut their way through the enemy. There is nothing in the account of Thucydides inconsistent with this statement, though he naturally dwells more on the influence of Lacedaemon in effecting the change of government (Ib. 81).

ἐν Συρακούσαις ὁ δη̂μος αἴτιος γενόμενος τη̂ς νίκης τον̂ πολέμου τον̂ πρὸςJowett1885v1: 4. 9. Ἀθηναίους ἐκ πολιτείας εἰς δημοκρατίαν μετέβαλεν.

These words are not in perfect accord with the statement of Thucydides that the Athenians were unable to cope with the Syracusans because they had a form of government like their own, Thuc. vii. 55; but they agree with Diod. xiii. 34 fin., who says that the extreme form of democracy was introduced at Syracuse by Diocles after the overthrow of the Athenians. Nor is Thucydides quite consistent with himself; for the overthrow of the Athenian expedition was effected by the aristocratic leader Hermocrates and by the aid of Corinthians and Lacedaemonians. (See Essay on Contributions of Aristotle to History.)

καὶ ἐν Ἀμβρακίᾳ.Jowett1885v1: 4. 9.

See note on English text. Ambracia is said to have been founded by Gorgus, who is described by Antonin. Liberalis (i. 4. 19 ed. Westermann) as the brother of Cypselus (cp. Neanthes apud Diog. Laert. i. 98, who says that the two Perianders were ἀνεψιοὶ ἀλλήλοις): by Scymnus (454) he is called his son. Periander is supposed by Müller (i. 8. § 3) to have been the son of Gorgus; but this is conjecture. Whether there was any real connexion, or whether the stories of relationship arise only out of an accidental similarity of names, it is impossible to determine.

οἱ δυνάμεως αἴτιοι.Jowett1885v1: 4. 10.

‘Who are the causes of the power of a state:’ cp. supra, Edition: current; Page: [198]§ 9, ὁ δη̂μος αἴτιος γενόμενος τη̂ς νίκης. The elements of strength are also the elements of danger.

ὁτὲ μὲν γὰρ ἐξαπατήσαντες . . . ἄρχουσιν αὐτω̂ν κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 4. 13.

I. e. when fraud is succeeded by force or the old fraud by a new one. To take an example from Modern History, as the presidency of Louis Napoleon was succeeded by the coup d’état, and ended in the plébiscite by which he was made Emperor of the French; or as in ancient history the tyranny of Gelo and Hiero was acquiesced in after a time by their Syracusan subjects.

οἱ̑ον ἐπὶ τω̂ν τετρακοσίων τὸν δη̂μον ἐξηπάτησαν, ϕάσκοντες τὸν βασιλέαJowett1885v1: 4. 13. χρήματα παρέξειν.

Cp. Thuc. viii. 53, where Peisander demonstrates to the Athenian assembly that their only hope lay in the alliance of the Persian king.

ψευσάμενοι.Jowett1885v1: 4. 13.

‘Having once told the lie’ which, it is inferred, was detected,

καὶ ἐν Ῥόδῳ· μισθοϕοράν τε γὰρ οἱ δημαγωγοὶ ἐπόριζον, καὶ ἐκώλυονJowett1885v1: 5. 2. ἀποδιδόναι τὰ ὀϕειλόμενα τοɩ̂ς τριηράρχοις· οἱ δὲ διὰ τὰς ἐπιϕερομένας δίκας ἠναγκάσθησαν συστάντες καταλν̂σαι τὸν δη̂μον.

‘The demagogues gained influence over the assembly by procuring pay for them: [probably they obtained the money for this purpose by not paying the trierarchs]. These were sued by their sailors or other creditors, and, not having been paid themselves, were unable to pay others; so in self-defence they overthrew the government.’ Such appears to be the meaning of this passage, a little amplified, on which no light is thrown from other sources.

The revolution here mentioned would seem to be the same as that which has been already referred to, supra, c. 3. § 4. The words διὰ τὰς ἐπιϕερομένας δίκας occur in both passages.

κατελύθη δὲ καὶ ἐν Ἡρακλείᾳ ὁ δη̂μος.Jowett1885v1: 5. 3.

Probably the Heraclea of Pontus founded by the Megarians in b. c. 559. The poems of Theognis imply that already in the sixth century b. c. a democratical party existed in the mother-city. Nine Edition: current; Page: [199]places bear the name of Heraclea. The Heraclea in Pontus is the most important of them and may be presumed to be meant when there is no further description as here or in c. 6. §§ 2, 3.

ἡ ἐν Μεγάροις κατελύθη δημοκρατία.Jowett1885v1: 5. 4.

Cp. supra c. 3. § 5.

ἢ τὰς προσόδους ταɩ̂ς λειτουργίαις.Jowett1885v1: 5. 5.

Some word containing the idea of diminishing has to be supplied from ἀναδάστους ποιον̂ντες.

Demagogues like Cleon, Lysicles, Eucrates, Hyperbolus, Cleophon,Jowett1885v1: 5. 7. were of a different type from Peisistratus or Periander, and equally different from Hiero and Gelo or Dionysius the First.

Three reasons are given for the frequent attempts to establishJowett1885v1: 5. 8. tyrannies in early Greek history—1) there were great magistracies in ancient states; 2) the people were scattered and therefore incapable of resistance; 3) the demagogues were trusted by them, because they were supposed to be the enemies of the rich.

Πεισίστρατος στασιάσας πρὸς τοὺς πεδιακούς.Jowett1885v1: 5. 9.

According to the narrative of Herodotus, i. 59 ff., Attica was at this time divided into factions, that of the inhabitants of the plain led by Lycurgus, and of the sea coast by Megacles, to which was added a third faction of the inhabitants of the highlands whom Peisistratus used as his instruments. He was restored to the tyranny by a combination of his own adherents and those of Megacles against the inhabitants of the plain.

Θεαγένης ἐν Μεγάροις.Jowett1885v1: 5. 9.

Theagenes is mentioned in Thuc. i. 126 as the father-in-law of Cylon the conspirator; and in Arist. Rhet. i. 2, 1357 b. 33, as an example of a tyrant who like Peisistratus had asked for a guard.

Διονύσιος κατηγορω̂ν Δαϕναίου.Jowett1885v1: 5. 10.

Cp. Diod. Sic. (xiii. 86, 91, 92) who narrates how Daphnaeus, having been elected general by the Syracusans, failed to relieve Agrigentum and on the motion of Dionysius was deposed from his command.

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ἐκ τη̂ς πατρίας δημοκρατίας.Jowett1885v1: 5. 10.

The same phrase is used in ii. 12. § 2 where Solon is said to have established ἡ πάτριος δημοκρατία, the ancient or traditional democracy, ‘the good old democracy,’ as opposed to the later and extreme form.

ἄκος δὲ τον̂ ἢ μὴ γίνεσθαι ἢ τον̂ γίνεσθαι ἡ̑ττον τὸ τὰς ϕυλὰς ϕέρεινJowett1885v1: 5. 11. τοὺς ἄρχοντας, ἀλλὰ μὴ πάντα τὸν δη̂μον.

τον̂ μὴ γίνεσθαι, sc. κύριον τὸν δη̂μον τω̂ν νόμων = ‘a remedy against the people becoming master.’ That is to say, when the magistrates were elected by the tribal divisions the power of the people was not so great as when they voted all together.

When the larger units of government or representation are broken up into very small ones, local interests are likely to be preferred to the general good, and local candidates for office take the place of better men—a nation ceases to be inspired by great political ideas, and cannot effectually act against other nations. On the other hand, if England, or France, or the United States were represented in the national council only as a whole, what would be the result? Aristotle might have replied that a state is not a state in which 30,000,000 of people are united under a single government, or are represented in a single assembly, having no other connecting links; nor yet when they are subdivided into parishes: cp. vii. 4. § 11.

These are extremes by which a principle may be illustrated, but no one would think of accepting either alternative. The question which Aristotle here touches has a modern and recent interest to us, and may be put in another form: ‘What should be the area of a constituency?’ Some considerations which have to be kept in view are the following: 1) The facilities of locomotion and communication; 2) The habit or tradition of acting together among the natives of a country or district; 3) The question of minorities—should the aim of a constitution be to strengthen the government, or to give a perfectly fair representation of all parties, opinions, places? 4) The greater opportunity of a political career afforded by more numerous elections and smaller bodies of electors; and, on the other hand, 5) The greater independence of the representatives of large constituencies; and 6) The advantages or disadvantages Edition: current; Page: [201]of local knowledge and of local interests have to be placed in the scale. We may conclude that in so far as the political life of a country is affected by the area of representation, it should not be so extended as to interfere with the power of common action; nor so localized that the members of the national assembly cease any longer to think in the first place of great national interests.

αἱ δ’ ὀλιγαρχίαι μεταβάλλουσι διὰ δύο μάλιστα τρόπους τοὺς ϕανερωτάτουςJowett1885v1: 6. 1, 2. . . . ἔχει δὲ καὶ ἡ ἐξ ἄλλων ἀρχὴ στάσεως διαϕοράς.

According to c. 1. § 16, ἐν μὲν γὰρ ταɩ̂ς ὀλιγαρχίαις ἐγγίνονται δύο, ἥ τε πρὸς ἀλλήλους στάσις καὶ ἔτι ἡ πρὸς τὸν δη̂μον there are two modes of revolutions in oligarchies,—1) That arising from dissensions among the oligarchs themselves; 2) that arising from dissensions between the oligarchs and the people. The order of the two is reversed in this passage. The first which is here the second is generalized into ‘that arising from those outside the governing body’ (ἡ ἐξ ἄλλων, § 2), under which four cases are included (see Introduction). To ἕνα μὲν (§ 1) corresponds grammatically μάλιστα δέ, which introduces one of the cases of στάσις arising ἐξ ἄλλων although the leader comes ἐξ αὐτη̂ς τη̂ς ὀλιγαρχίας. The other mode of revolution from within is discussed at the end of § 5 κινον̂νται δὲ κ.τ.λ., with which the second main division begins.

ἐν Νάξῳ Λύγδαμις.Jowett1885v1: 6. 1.

For a silly story about a bargain over some fish which is said to have been the origin of the revolt led by Lygdamis at Naxos, see Athenaeus viii. 348 who derives it from the Ναξίων πολιτεία in the so-called ‘Polities’ of Aristotle.

ἔχει δὲ καὶ ἡ ἐξ ἄλλων ἀρχὴ στάσεως διαϕοράς.Jowett1885v1: 6. 2.

Goettling would interpret ἄλλων as = ἄλλων ἢ τον̂ πλήθους which is harsh. The conjectures αὑτω̂ν and ἀλλήλων seem, at first sight, to simplify the passage, as everything from μάλιστα δ’ in § 1 onwards would then apply to the same mode of στάσις (ἡ ἐξ αὑτω̂ν): but Aristotle in § 2 expressly distinguishes the εὔποροι who are not in the government from the oligarchs, and therefore a revolution begun by them could not be described as arising ἐξ ἀλλήλων or ἐξ αὑτω̂ν.

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οἱ̑ον ἐν Μασσαλίᾳ.Jowett1885v1: 6. 2.

In vi. 7. § 4 Massalia is described by Aristotle, speaking probably of a later period, as having enlarged the narrow oligarchy by the admission of new citizens. The oligarchy thus became more like a πολιτεία (πολιτικωτέρα ἐγένετο ἡ ὀλιγαρχία).

The difference was settled, not by throwing open the governmentJowett1885v1: 6. 3. to a lower class, but by the admission in greater numbers of members of the same families.

τω̂ν ἐν τῃ̑ πολιτείᾳ.Jowett1885v1: 6. 5.

Here the members of the governing body, see note on c. 1. § 10.

ἐν τοɩ̂ς τριάκοντα Ἀθήνησιν οἱ περὶ Χαρικλέα ἴσχυσαν τοὺς τριάκονταJowett1885v1: 6. 6. δημαγωγον̂ντες, καὶ ἐν τοɩ̂ς τετρακοσίοις οἱ περὶ Φρύνιχον.

From Xenophon’s Hellenics ii. 3 we might be led to infer that Critias was the leading spirit of the thirty, but in Lysias contra Eratosthenem § 56, p. 125, we find that the name of Charicles precedes that of Critias among the leaders of the more extreme party. Charicles and Critias are also named together among the νομοθέται whom the thirty appointed in Xen. Mem. i. 2. § 31.

It is singular that the leadership of a party in the 400 should be ascribed to Phrynichus who was late in joining the attempt (Thuc. viii. 68) and was soon assassinated (c. 92). He was however a man of great ability and is said by Thucydides to have shown extraordinary energy when he once took part.

καὶ ἐν ὅσαις ὀλιγαρχίαις οὐχ οὑ̑τοι αἱρον̂νται τὰς ἀρχὰς ἐξ ὡ̑ν οἱ ἄρχοντέςJowett1885v1: 6. 6. εἰσιν.

The people will always be able to elect those members of the oligarchy who favour their interests. The representative depends upon his constituents, and must do their bidding. The remark of Aristotle is true, and admits of several applications. Yet the opposite reflection is almost equally true, that the popular representative easily catches the ‘esprit de corps’ of the society in which he mingles, and of the order or assembly to which he is admitted.

ὅπερ ἐν Ἀβύδῳ συνέβαινεν.Jowett1885v1: 6. 6.

We cannot be certain whether these words illustrate οἱ ὁπλɩ̂ται ἢ ὁ δη̂μος or ὁ δη̂μος only. That the membership of a club should Edition: current; Page: [203]have been the qualification for an office of which the election was in the hands of the people is remarkable (see note on § 13 infra).

καὶ ὅπου τὰ δικαστήρια μὴ ἐκ τον̂ πολιτεύματός ἐστιν· δημαγωγον̂ντες γὰρJowett1885v1: 6. 7. πρὸς τὰς κρίσεις μεταβάλλουσι τὴν πολιτείαν.

Compare ii. 12. § 3, where Solon is said to have established the democracy by appointing the courts of law from the whole people.

γίνονται δὲ μεταβολαὶ τη̂ς ὀλιγαρχίας καὶ ὅταν ἀναλώσωσι τὰ ἴδια ζω̂ντεςJowett1885v1: 6. 8. ἀσελγω̂ς.

So Plat. Rep. viii. 555 D. Compare also infra c. 12. § 17.

Hipparinus, the father of Dion, was the chief supporter ofJowett1885v1: 6. 8. Dionysius (Plut. Dio c. 3), who married his daughter.

Καὶ ἐν Αἰγίνῃ ὁ τὴν πρα̂ξιν τὴν πρὸς Χάρητα πράξας ἐνεχείρησε μεταβαλεɩ̂νJowett1885v1: 6. 9. τὴν πολιτείαν.

Probably the well-known general Chares who flourished between 367-333 is here intended. He was a man who, in spite of his disreputable character, contrived by corruption to maintain a great influence over the Athenian people in the decline of their glory. Of the transaction here referred to nothing more is known.

διὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν,Jowett1885v1: 6. 9.

sc. διὰ τὸ ἀναλω̂σαι τὰ ἴδια τοὺς εὐπόρους ζω̂ντας ἀσελγω̂ς.

ὁτὲ μὲν ον̓̂ν ἐπιχειρον̂σί τι κινεɩ̂ν, ὁτὲ δὲ κλέπτουσι τὰ κοινά· ὅθεν πρὸςJowett1885v1: 6. 9. αὐτοὺς στασιάζουσιν ἢ οὑ̑τοι ἢ οἱ πρὸς τούτους μαχόμενοι κλέπτοντας.

αὐτοὺς = ‘the government, or the other oligarchs, from whom the theft is made.’

οὑ̑τοι = ‘the thieves or peculators.’ The revolution arises in two ways, from the attack either of the thieves upon the government, or of the government upon the thieves.

ὁμοίαν τῃ̑ τω̂ν ἐν Λακεδαίμονι γερόντων.Jowett1885v1: 6. 11.

I. e. the election of the Elean elders, besides being an election out of certain families (δυναστευτικήν), resembled that of the Lacedaemonian elders who were chosen but ‘in a ridiculous fashion’ by the whole people. See ii. 9. § 27.

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Timophanes was a Corinthian general, who was about to become,Jowett1885v1: 6. 12. or for a short time became, tyrant of Corinth. He was slain either by the hand (Diod. xvi. 65), or at the instigation, of his brother Timoleon (Plutarch, Timoleon, c. 4).

τω̂ν περὶ Σɩ̂μον.Jowett1885v1: 6. 13.

σάμον is found in all the Greek MSS. and in the old Latin translator. It shews at any rate the faithfulness with which they copied an unmeaning reading. Σɩ̂μον which is adopted by Bekker in both editions is an ingenious conjecture of Schlosser. Simus, if he be the person mentioned in Demosthenes (de Cor. p. 241), was a Larissaean who betrayed Thessaly to king Philip.

ἐν Ἀβύδῳ ἐπὶ τω̂ν ἑταιριω̂ν ὡ̑ν ἠ̑ν μία ἡ Ἰϕιάδου.Jowett1885v1: 6. 13.

The name of Iphiades occurs in Demosthenes (in Aristocratem, p. 679), where it is said that his son was, or ought to have been, given up as a hostage to the Athenians by the town, not of Abydos but of Sestos. It will be remembered that at Abydos (supra c. 6. § 6) some of the magistrates were elected by the people from a political club. The manner in which he is spoken of would lead us to suppose that Iphiades was tyrant of Abydos, and that by the help of his club he had overthrown the oligarchy.

Of the great Euboean cities Chalcis and Eretria, as of so manyJowett1885v1: 6. 14. other Hellenic states which were famous in the days before the Persian War, little is known. We are told in bk. iv. 3. § 3 that the Chalcidians used cavalry against their opponents, and there is an allusion in Thuc. i. 15 to the ancient war between Chalcis and Eretria which ‘divided all Hellas,’ again mentioned by Herod. v. 99.

τω̂ν δ’ ἐν Θήβαις κατ’ Ἀρχίου.Jowett1885v1: 6. 15.

The only Archias of Thebes known to us was an oligarch, who betrayed the citadel of Thebes to the Spartans, and was afterwards himself slain by Pelopidas and his fellow conspirators. An oligarchical revolution could not therefore be said to have arisen out of his punishment. Yet the uncertainty of the details of Greek history in the age of Aristotle should make us hesitate in assuming a second person of the name. The mention of Heraclea in juxtaposition Edition: current; Page: [205]with Thebes may suggest that this is the Heraclea not in Pontus, but in Trachis. Cp. note on c. 5. § 3.

ἐϕιλονείκησαν αὐτούς.Jowett1885v1: 6. 15.

Const. preg. = ϕιλονεικον̂ντες ἐδίωκον. The infinitive δεθη̂ναι helps the construction of αὐτούς, ‘They carried their party spirit against them so far.’

διὰ τὸ ἄγαν δεσποτικὰς εἰ̂ναι τὰς ὀλιγαρχίας . . . ἡ ἐν Χίῳ ὀλιγαρχία.Jowett1885v1: 6. 16.

The Chians in the later years of the Peloponnesian War were governed by an oligarchy: cp. Thuc. viii. 14. The island was recovered by Athens under the Second Empire, but again revolted in the year 458. The population is said to have been largely composed of merchant-seamen, supra, iv. 4. § 21.

πολλάκις γὰρ τὸ ταχθὲν πρω̂τον τίμημα . . . τοὺς μέσουςJowett1885v1: 6. 17.

is an accusativus pendens; ‘Often when there has been a certain qualification fixed at first . . . the same property increases to many times the original value,’ etc.

οὐ μέντοι διὰ ταὐτὸν ὀλίγοι.Jowett1885v1: 7. 1.

The exclusiveness of aristocracy and oligarchy is equally the ruin of both, though arising in the one case from the fewness of men of virtue and good manners, in the other from the fewness of men of wealth and birth.

Παρθενίαι (ἐκ τω̂ν ὁμοίων γὰρ ἠ̑σαν).Jowett1885v1: 7. 2.

According to the legend the Partheniae were the progeny of Spartan women and of certain slaves or citizens of Sparta called ἐπεύνακτοι. They had in some way incurred the reproach of illegitimacy or inferiority. The fertile imagination of ancient writers, who were clearly as ignorant as ourselves, has devised several explanations of the name: they were the children of Spartans who remained at home during the Messenian war and were made Helots (Antiochus of Syracuse, fr. 14 Müller Fr. Hist. Gr. vol. i. p. 184); or of Helots who married the widows of those who had fallen in the war (Theop. fr. 190 Müller i. p. 310); or of the youngest of the army who had not taken the oath to remain until Edition: current; Page: [206]the war was finished (Ephor. fr. 33 Müller i. p. 247), and were sent home to beget children.

Λύσανδρος.Jowett1885v1: 7. 2.

For the narrative of the later life of Lysander and of his attempt to open the Spartan monarchy to all the Heraclidae of whom he himself was one, and of his overthrow by Agesilaus whose claim to the kingdom he had previously supported, see Plutarch’s Life of Lysander, 24-26.

Κινάδων ὁ τὴν ἐπ’ Ἀγησιλάῳ συστήσας ἐπίθεσιν ἐπὶ τοὺς Σπαρτιάτας.Jowett1885v1: 7. 3.

For a very curious account of the conspiracy of Cinadon, to which he was instigated by a desire to become one of the Spartan peers, see Xen. Hell. iii. 3. §§ 4-11.

ἐπ’ Ἀγησιλάῳ if genuine must mean ‘against Agesilaus’ and (less directly) against the Spartans.

δη̂λον δὲ καὶ τον̂το ἐκ τη̂ς Τυρταίου ποιήσεως τη̂ς καλουμένης Εὐνομίας.Jowett1885v1: 7. 4.

See Bergk Frag. 2-7, p. 316.

Hanno is mentioned by Justin, xxi. 4. He is said to have livedJowett1885v1: 7. 4. in the time of Dionysius the younger about the year 346 and to have attempted to poison the senate and raise an insurrection among the slaves. Being detected and taken he was crucified with his family.

ταν̂τα γὰρ αἱ πολιτεɩ̂αί τε πειρω̂νται μιγνύναι καὶ αἱ πολλαὶ τω̂ν καλουμένωνJowett1885v1: 7. 5. ἀριστοκρατιω̂ν.

ταν̂τα refers to τὰ δύο, democracy and oligarchy. The great difficulty is the combination of the many and the few; not of virtue with either, except from the circumstance that it so rarely exists: cp. iv. 7. §§ 3, 4, and c. 8. § 8.

διαϕέρουσι γὰρ τω̂ν ὀνομαζομένων πολιτειω̂ν αἱ ἀριστοκρατίαι τούτῳ, καὶJowett1885v1: 7. 6. διὰ τον̂τ’ εἰσὶν αἱ μὲν ἡ̑ττον αἱ δὲ μα̂λλον μόνιμοι αὐτω̂ν. τὰς γὰρ ἀποκλινούσας μα̂λλον πρὸς τὴν ὀλιγαρχίαν ἀριστοκρατίας καλον̂σιν, τὰς δὲ πρὸς τὸ πλη̂θος πολιτείας.

τούτῳ and διὰ τον̂το have been taken as follows: 1)* ‘Aristocracies differ from what are termed polities in the number of elements Edition: current; Page: [207]which they combine (supra § 5), and the nature of the combination makes some of them more and some less stable.’ The words which follow return to διαϕέρουσι: ‘there are such differences; for those of them which incline more to oligarchy are called aristocracies, those which incline to democracy, polities.’

2) τούτῳ and διὰ τον̂το may be thought to refer rather to what follows than to what precedes. ‘Aristocracies differ from polities in that polities include numbers, and because of this difference some of them are less and some of them more stable, some inclining more to oligarchy or the government of a few, others to polity, which is the government of a larger number.’

Susemihl takes the whole passage nearly in the same manner: 3) ‘Aristocracies differ from the so-called polities in this respect (i. e. in having the three elements of δη̂μος, πλον̂τος, ἀρετὴ instead of the first two only), and for this reason, the former of these two kinds of governments (αὐτω̂ν) are less stable and the latter more so. For those which incline rather to oligarchy are called aristocracies, and those which incline to democracy are called polities; and for this reason they are safer than the others: for the greater number have more influence, and because they have equality they are more content.’ Polity has only two elements, while aristocracy has three. The δη̂μος being one-half of the polity but only one-third of the aristocracy are better pleased with the existing government and therefore less disposed to revolution.

This way of explaining the passage gives an excellent sense. But the words αἱ μὲν ἡ̑ττον, αἱ δὲ μα̂λλον, are partitive of αὐτω̂ν, which refers to αἱ ἀριστοκρατίαι and cannot therefore be applied αἱ μὲν μα̂λλον μόνιμοι to timocracies αἱ δὲ ἡ̑ττον μόνιμοι to aristocracies. The passage is ill written and inaccurately worded, though the general meaning is tolerably clear, namely, that there is often an ill mingling of constitutions, which in various degrees seek to unite numbers and wealth, and that of the two, numbers are the safer basis.

συνέβη δὲ τὸ εἰρημένον ἐν Θουρίοις.Jowett1885v1: 7. 9.

Sc. the tendency of the constitution towards the prevailing element spoken of in § 7, as at Thurii from aristocracy towards oligarchy, followed by a reaction to democracy.

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ἐν Θουρίοις. Thurii was founded in the year 443 under the protection of Athens, and had nearly ceased to exist in 390. Yet in this short time it was subjected to at least two serious revolutions, 1) that which is mentioned here from an oligarchical aristocracy into a democracy; 2) another revolution, noted infra § 12, by which it passed from a polity into an oligarchy of a few families, whether earlier or later than the preceding, is unknown. It may be conjectured, but it is only a conjecture, that the narrowing of the aristocracy briefly alluded to in this passage is the same change with that which is afterwards mentioned more fully in § 12, and their overthrow which ensued may be further identified with the expulsion of the Sybarites soon after the foundation of the city. It may also be conjectured with considerable probability that the government of Thurii became an oligarchy at the time when the Athenian citizens were driven out, after the failure of the Syracusan expedition.

διὰ μὲν γὰρ τὸ ἀπὸ πλείονος τιμήματος εἰ̂ναι τὰς ἀρχὰς εἰς ἔλαττονJowett1885v1: 7. 9. μετέβη καὶ εἰς ἀρχεɩ̂α πλείω, διὰ δὲ τὸ τὴν χώραν ὅλην τοὺς γνωρίμους συγκτήσασθαι παρὰ τὸν νόμον.

Lit. ‘For because the qualification for office was high and also because the whole country was monopolized by the notables contrary to law, the qualification was reduced and the number of offices increased.’ Either the apodosis which is attached to the first member of the sentence belongs also to the second; or a clause answering to the second has been forgotten. The revolution at Thurii was a change from aristocracy or polity to democracy. The government had grown narrow and oligarchical, and the governing class had contrived to get the land into their own hands. But the people rose against the oligarchy, lowered the qualification, increased the number of offices, and got back the land. Two reasons are given for the rising of the people, 1) the increase of the qualification for office, and 2) the monopoly of land which had passed into the hands of the notables.

For εἰς ἀρχεɩ̂α πλείω, cp. ii. 11. § 14, ὥσθ’ ὅπου μὴ μικρὰ πόλις, πολιτικώτερον πλείονας μετέχειν τω̂ν ἀρχω̂ν, καὶ δημοτικώτερον· κοινότερόν τε γάρ, καθάπερ εἴπομεν, καὶ κάλλιον ἕκαστον ἀποτελεɩ̂ται τω̂ν αὐτω̂ν καὶ θα̂ττον.

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ἔτι διὰ τὸ πάσας τὰς ἀριστοκρατικὰς πολιτείας ὀλιγαρχικὰς εἰ̂ναι μα̂λλονJowett1885v1: 7. 10. κ.τ.λ.

Aristocracies are in fact more oligarchical than aristocratical, and ‘the few’ are always grasping at wealth. Cp. infra, c. 8. § 16.

ἡ Λοκρω̂ν πόλις.Jowett1885v1: 7. 10.

The mother of Dionysius the younger was Doris a Locrian woman, and when expelled from Syracuse he was received by the citizens of Locri in a most friendly manner, but he afterwards availed himself of their good will to impose a garrison on the town. They ultimately drove out his garrison [Diodorus xiv. 44, Justin xxi. 2 and 3].

ὃ ἐν δημοκρατίᾳ οὐκ ἂν ἐγένετο, οὐδ’ ἂν ἐν ἀριστοκρατίᾳ εν̓̂ μεμιγμένῃ.Jowett1885v1: 7. 10.

But why not? Aristotle seems to mean that no well-governed city would have allowed one of its citizens to marry into the family of a tyrant or would have entered into relation with him in consequence: or perhaps that in a democracy or well ordered aristocracy the marriage of a single citizen could not have become a great political event.

ὅπερ συνέβαινεν ἐπ’ Ἀθηναίων καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων.Jowett1885v1: 7. 14.

We may paraphrase this rather singular expression, ‘In the days when the Greek world was divided between the Athenians and Lacedaemonians.’

παραλογίζεται γὰρ ἡ διάνοια ὑπ’ αὐτω̂ν, ὥσπερ ὁ σοϕιστικὸς λόγος.Jowett1885v1: 8. 3.

ὑπ’ αὐτω̂ν, sc. τω̂ν δαπανω̂ν.

σοϕιστικὸς λόγος = ὁ σωρός, or ‘acervus.’

τῳ̑ μὴ ἀδικεɩ̂νJowett1885v1: 8. 5.

and the following are causal or instrumental datives after διὰ τὸ εν̓̂ χρη̂σθαι. The article is to be continued with the second μὴ ἀδικεɩ̂ν.

τῳ̑ τοὺς ἡγεμονικοὺς αὐτω̂ν εἰσάγειν εἰς τὴν πολιτείαν.Jowett1885v1: 8. 5.

For the expression of a similar spirit acting in a wider field and giving a mythological origin to the traditional policy of Rome, cp. Tac. Ann. xi. 24: ‘Quid aliud exitio Lacedaemoniis et Atheniensibus Edition: current; Page: [210]fuit, quamquam armis pollerent, nisi quod victos pro alienigenis arcebant? At conditor nostri Romulus tantum sapientia valuit, ut plerosque populos eodem die hostes, dein cives habuerit,’ and the real speech of Claudius (given by Orelli and Nipperdey in their editions).

ἔστι γὰρ ὥσπερ δη̂μος ἤδη οἱ ὅμοιοι, διὸ καὶ ἐν τούτοις ἐγγίγνονται δημαγωγοὶJowett1885v1: 8. 6. πολλάκις, ὥσπερ εἴρηται πρότερον.

ἤδη, sc. ὅταν πλείους ὠ̂σι.

ὥσπερ εἴρηται πρότερον refers only to the clause, διὸ καὶ . . . πολλάκις as will be seen from the comparison of c. 6. § 6 (demagogues in an oligarchy) where nothing is said about equals in an aristocracy becoming a democracy.

πρὶν παρειληϕέναι καὶ αὐτούς.Jowett1885v1: 8. 9.

The construction is πρὶν τὰς ϕιλονεικίας παρειληϕέναι καὶ αὐτοὺς (sc. τοὺς ἔξω), ὥσπερ τοὺς ἄλλους.

αὐτοὺς may be either the subject or the object of παρειληϕέναι, with a slightly different meaning. Either *‘before the spirit of contention has also carried away or absorbed them,’ or, ‘before they too have caught the spirit of contention.’

τον̂ τιμήματος τον̂ κοινον̂ τὸ πλη̂θος.Jowett1885v1: 8. 10.

i. e. the amount of the whole rateable property. The object is to preserve the same number of qualified persons, when the wealth of a city has increased or diminished.

συμϕέρει τον̂ τιμήματος ἐπισκοπεɩ̂ν τον̂ κοινον̂ τὸ πλη̂θος πρὸς τὸ παρελθὸνJowett1885v1: 8. 10. κατὰ τον̂τον τὸν χρόνον, ἐν ὅσαις μὲν πόλεσι τιμω̂νται κατ’ ἐνιαυτόν, κ.τ.λ.

The words κατὰ τον̂τον τὸν χρόνον, though somewhat pleonastic, have a sufficiently good sense. The government is to compare the present with the past value of property at that time, i. e. with the property serving as a qualification at the time when the change is occurring (εὐπορίας νομίσματος γιγνομένης). The words are placed after κατ’ ἐνιαυτὸν by Susemihl following the authority of William of Moerbek, but the meaning is thus over emphasized.

With κατ’ ἐνιαυτὸν repeat κατ’ ἐνιαυτὸν ἐπισκοπεɩ̂ν κ.τ.λ.

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ἐν δήμῳ καὶ ὀλιγαρχίᾳ καὶ μοναρχίᾳ καὶ πάσῃ πολιτείᾳ.Jowett1885v1: 8. 12.

καὶ μοναρχίᾳ is omitted by Bekker in his second edition, but is found in the best MSS. The advice given is at least as applicable to kings as to other rulers of states. πάσῃ πολιτείᾳ = not ‘every constitutional government’ but in a more general sense ‘every form of government.’ (See note on text.)

τὰς παραστάσεις αὐτω̂ν.Jowett1885v1: 8. 12.

= τοὺς παραστάτας, ‘their followers’ or ‘followings.’

τοὺς ζω̂ντας ἀσυμϕόρως πρὸς τὴν πολιτείαν.Jowett1885v1: 8. 13.

As an example of a life unsuited to the state of which they are citizens may be cited the case of the Spartan Ephors, ii. 9. § 24.

τούτου δ’ ἄκος τὸ ἀεὶ τοɩ̂ς ἀντικειμένοις μορίοις ἐγχειρίζειν τὰς πράξεις καὶJowett1885v1: 8. 14. τὰς ἀρχάς.

In this favourite remedy of ‘conservation by antagonism,’ which is really only an ‘unstable equilibrium,’ Aristotle does not seem to see how much of the force of the state is lost.

μοναχω̂ς δὲ καὶ ἐνδέχεται ἅμα εἰ̂ναι δημοκρατίαν καὶ ἀριστοκρατίαν, εἰJowett1885v1: 8. 17. τον̂το κατασκευάσειέ τις.

τον̂το, sc. τὸ μὴ ἀπὸ τω̂ν ἀρχω̂ν κερδαίνειν, to be gathered from the previous sentence.

ἀντίγραϕα κατὰ ϕρατρίας καὶ λόχους καὶ ϕυλὰς τιθέσθωσαν.Jowett1885v1: 8. 19.

λόχοι are military divisions to which in some states civil divisions appear to have corresponded. Cp. Xen. Hier. c. 9. § 5, διῄρηνται μὲν γὰρ ἅπασαι αἱ πόλεις αἱ μὲν κατὰ ϕυλὰς αἱ δὲ κατὰ μοίρας αἱ δὲ κατὰ λόχους· καὶ ἄρχοντες ἐϕ’ ἑκάστῳ μέρει ἐϕεστήκασιν. The accounts apparently are to be deposited at the bureaus or centres of such divisions.

μὴ μόνον τὰς κτήσεις μὴ ποιεɩ̂ν ἀναδάστους, ἀλλὰ μηδὲ τοὺς καρπούς,Jowett1885v1: 8. 20. ὃ ἐν ἐνίαις τω̂ν πολιτειω̂ν λανθάνει γιγνόμενον.

As might be done by taxes or state services exclusively imposed on the rich, or by a tax of which the rate increased in proportion to the amount assessed. Infra c. 11. § 10, Aristotle tells us how Edition: current; Page: [212]Dionysius contrived in five years to bring the whole property of his subjects into his treasury. Cp. also vi. 5. § 5.

κἄν τις ὑβρίσῃ τω̂ν εὐπόρων εἰς τούτους, μείζω τὰ ἐπιτίμια εἰ̂ναι ἢ ἂνJowett1885v1: 8. 20. σϕω̂ν αὐτω̂ν.

The construction is ἄν τις ὑβρίσῃ τινὰ σϕω̂ν αὐτω̂ν; but whether σϕω̂ν αὐτω̂ν refers 1) to οἱ εὔποροι or 2)* to τούτους, i. e. τοὺς ἀπόρους, is not clear.

μηδὲ πλειόνων ἢ μια̂ς τὸν αὐτὸν κληρονομεɩ̂ν.Jowett1885v1: 8. 20.

Cp. Mill, Pol. Econ. Bk. v. c. 9. § 1, where he urges, much in the spirit of Aristotle and Plato, ‘that no one person should be permitted to acquire by inheritance more than the amount of a moderate independence.’

τρία δέ τινα χρὴ ἔχειν κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 9. 1.

In this passage, which has the appearance of a digression, Aristotle is still speaking of the preservatives of the state.

See the summing up, § 5.

Cp. Rhet. ii. 1, 1378 a. 6, τον̂ μὲν ον̓̂ν αὐτοὺς εἰ̂ναι πιστοὺς τοὺς λέγοντας τρία ἐστὶ τὰ αἴτια· τοσαν̂τα γάρ ἐστι δι’ ἃ πιστεύομεν ἔξω τω̂ν ἀποδείξεων. ἔστι δὲ ταν̂τα ϕρόνησις καὶ ἀρετὴ καὶ εὔνοια: also Thuc. ii. 60, where Pericles claims εὔνοια, ϕρόνησις, ἀρετή as the proper qualities of a statesman: καίτοι ἐμοὶ τοιούτῳ ἀνδρὶ ὀργίζεσθε ὃς οὐδενὸς οἴομαι ἥσσων εἰ̂ναι γνω̂ναί τε τὰ δέοντα καὶ ἑρμηνεν̂σαι ταν̂τα ϕιλόπολίς τε καὶ χρημάτων κρείσσων.

δύναμιν τω̂ν ἔργων τη̂ς ἀρχη̂ς.Jowett1885v1: 9. 1.

= ‘administrative capacity,’ ‘power to do the duties of the office.’

πω̂ς χρὴ ποιεɩ̂σθαι τὴν διαίρεσιν.Jowett1885v1: 9. 2.

In this passage (cp. infra πω̂ς δεɩ̂ ποιεɩ̂σθαι τὴν αἵρεσιν) the words αἵρεσις and διαίρεσις are used almost indifferently, the latter adding to the idea of choice or selection another shade of meaning ‘discrimination or separation from others,’—‘how we are to discriminate in the choice.’

ἢ ὅτι ἐνδέχεται κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 9. 4.

Dependent on some more general idea to be supplied from Edition: current; Page: [213]ἀπορήσειεν ἄν τις. ‘May not the reason be that those who have these two qualities are possibly wanting in self control?’

ἁπλω̂ς δέ, ὅσα ἐν τοɩ̂ς νόμοις ὡς συμϕέροντα λέγομεν ταɩ̂ς πολιτείαις.Jowett1885v1: 9. 5.

We need not suppose any allusion to a lost part of the Politics, or to a special treatise called ‘οἱ νόμοι.’ The meaning is that ‘enactments in the laws of states which are supposed to be for their good are preservative of states.’ τοɩ̂ς νόμοις = ‘their laws,’ the article referring to πολιτείαις which follows.

οἱ δ’ οἰόμενοι ταύτην εἰ̂ναι μίαν ἀρετήν.Jowett1885v1: 9. 7.

ταύτην, sc. τὸ ὀλιγαρχώτατον (or δημοτικώτατον) εἰ̂ναι gathered from the preceding sentence.

Those who consider that rigid adherence to the principles of the existing constitution, whether democracy or oligarchy, is the only object worthy of a statesman, carry their theory to an extreme. They forget that ‘happy inconsistencies’ may be better than extremes. The Opportunist may do greater service to the Republic than the Intransigeant.

καθάπερ ῥίς.Jowett1885v1: 9. 7.

Cp. Rhet. i. 4, 1360 a. 23, λέγω δὲ τὸ ὑπὸ οἰκείων ϕθείρεσθαι, ὅτι ἔξω τη̂ς βελτίστης πολιτείας αἱ ἄλλαι πα̂σαι καὶ ἀνιέμεναι καὶ ἐπιτεινόμεναι ϕθείρονται, οἱ̑ον δημοκρατία οὐ μόνον ἀνιεμένη ἀσθενεστέρα γίνεται ὥστε τέλος ἥξει εἰς ὀλιγαρχίαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐπιτεινομένη σϕόδρα, ὥσπερ καὶ ἡ γρυπότης καὶ ἡ σιμότης οὐ μόνον ἀνιέμενα ἔρχεται εἰς τὸ μέσον, ἀλλὰ καὶ σϕόδρα γρυπὰ γινόμενα ἢ σιμὰ οὕτω διατίθεται ὥστε μηδὲ μυκτη̂ρα δοκεɩ̂ν εἰ̂ναι.

διὰ τὴν ὑπεροχὴν καὶ τὴν ἔλλειψιν τω̂ν ἐναντίων.Jowett1885v1: 9. 7.

‘On account of the excess (cp. above ἐὰν ἐπιτείνῃ) and of the defect of the opposite qualities.’

συμβαίνει δὴ τον̂το καὶ περὶ τὰς ἄλλας πολιτείας.Jowett1885v1: 9. 8.

ἄλλας is used adverbially, as in Plato and Thucydides, in the sense of ‘likewise.’ Cp. Nic. Eth. ii. 4. § 3, πρὸς τὸ τὰς ἄλλας τέχνας ἔχειν, where ἄλλας = ‘which we are comparing with the virtues;’ and Pol. vii. 10. § 10, διοικεɩ̂ν τὴν ἄλλην οἰκίαν.

ὥστ’ ἔχειν.Jowett1885v1: 9. 8.

ὥστε is bracketed by Bekker (2nd edition) without reason; it is Edition: current; Page: [214]found in all the MSS. and in point of Greek is unobjectionable; cp. Περὶ Ψυχη̂ς ii. 1, 412 b. 25. § 11, ἔστι δὲ οὐ τὸ ἀποβεβληκὸς τὴν ψυχὴν τὸ δυνάμει ὂν ὥστε ζη̂ν, ἀλλὰ τὸ ἔχον.

ϕθείροντες τοɩ̂ς καθ’ ὑπεροχὴν νὄμοις.Jowett1885v1: 9. 9.

Sc. τοὺς εὐπόρους ἢ τὸ πλη̂θος. ‘So that when they destroy either party by laws *carried to excess [or possibly ‘by laws based on superior power’] they destroy the state.’

μέγιστον δὲ πάντων . . . τὸ παιδεύεσθαι πρὸς τὰς πολιτείας.Jowett1885v1: 9. 11.

Cp. Rep. iv. 423 E, ταν̂τα . . . πάντα ϕαν̂λα, ἐὰν τὸ λεγόμενον ἒν μέγα ϕυλάττωσι, μα̂λλον δ’ ἀντὶ μεγάλου ἱκανόν. τί τον̂το; ἔϕη. τὴν παιδείαν, ἠ̑ν δ’ ἐγώ, καὶ τροϕήν.

νν̂ν μὲν γὰρ ἐν ἐνίαις ὀμνύουσι ‘καὶ τῳ̑ δήμῳ κακόνους ἔσομαι καὶJowett1885v1: 9. 11. βουλεύσω ὅ τι ἂν ἔχω κακόν.’

The habit of taking a formal oath of hostility may be illustrated by an Inscription containing an agreement between certain Cretan cities:—

ὀμνύω . . . θεοὺς πάντας καὶ πάσας, μὴ μὰν ἐγώ ποκα τοɩ̂ς Λυττίοις καλω̂ς ϕρονησεɩ̂ν μήτε τέχνᾳ μήτε μαχανᾳ̑ μήτε ἐν νυκτὶ μήτε πεδ’ ἁμέραν καὶ σπευσίω ὅ τι κα δύναμαι κακὸν τᾳ̑ πόλει τᾳ̑ τω̂ν Λυττίων.

The inscription is given in Vischer’s Kleine Schriften, vol. ii. p. 106.

χρὴ δὲ καὶ ὑπολαμβάνειν καὶ ὑποκρίνεσθαι τοὐναντίον.Jowett1885v1: 9. 11.

‘To have the notion and act the part of one who does no wrong,’ not necessarily implying a mere profession or simulation, as c. 11. § 19 infra, ἀλλὰ τον̂το μὲν ὥσπερ ὑπόθεσιν δεɩ̂ μένειν, τὰ δ’ ἄλλα τὰ μὲν ποιεɩ̂ν τὰ δὲ δοκεɩ̂ν ὑποκρινόμενον τὸν βασιλικὸν καλω̂ς.

νν̂ν δ’ ἐν μὲν ταɩ̂ς ὀλιγαρχίαις οἱ τω̂ν ἀρχόντων υἱοὶ τρυϕω̂σιν κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 9. 13.

Cp. Plat. Rep. viii. 556 D, ὅταν ἰσχνὸς ἀνὴρ πένης, ἡλιωμένος, παραταχθεὶς ἐν μάχῃ πλουσίῳ ἐσκιατροϕηκότι, πολλὰς ἔχοντι σάρκας ἀλλοτρίας. ἴδῃ ἄσθματός τε καὶ ἀπορίας μεστόν κ.τ.λ.

‘εἰς ὃ χρῄζων.’Jowett1885v1: 9. 15.

Probably ἐστί is to be supplied. The words do not agree with any known passage of Euripides.

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πρὸς βοήθειαν τὴν ἀπὸ τον̂ δήμου.Jowett1885v1: 10. 3.

‘The assistance which arises from i. e. is necessitated by the people.’ Such we must infer to be the meaning from the parallel clause ἐπὶ τοὺς γνωρίμους which follows.

τοɩ̂ς ἐπιεικέσι.Jowett1885v1: 10. 3.

‘The good’ in the party sense, i. e. the higher classes like the ἀγαθοὶ of Theognis 32 Bergk and elsewhere.

Besides the three accounts of the origin of monarchy given inJowett1885v1: 10. 3. i. 2. § 6 (the patriarchal); and iii. 14. § 12 and infra §§ 7, 8 (election for merit), and iv. 13. § 11 (the weakness of the middle and lower classes), we have here a fourth in which the royal authority is said to have been introduced for the protection of the aristocracy against the people.

Supra, c. 5. § 8, Aristotle speaks of tyrannies arising out of theJowett1885v1: 10. 5. need which democracies felt of a protector of the people against the rich before they became great (διὰ τὸ μὴ μεγάλας εἰ̂ναι τὰς πόλεις); here, when they were already ‘increased in power,’ (ἤδη τω̂ν πόλεων ηὐξημένων). But the discrepancy is verbal. For the terms greatness and littleness might be used of the same states at different periods of Greek history.

οἱ δη̂μοι.Jowett1885v1: 10. 5.

Not ‘the democracies,’ but ‘the peoples in different states.’

Pheidon, a legitimate king of Argos, tenth or sixth in descentJowett1885v1: 10. 6. from Temenus, called by Herodotus (vi. 127) a tyrant, who gave the Peloponnesians weights and measures. He is said to have driven out the Elean judges, and to have usurped authority over the Olympic games. According to Ephorus fr. 15, Müller i. p. 236, he recovered the whole lot of Temenus and attempted to reduce all the cities once subject to Heracles. He was at length overthrown by the Eleans and Lacedaemonians.

Phalaris, according to Arist. Rhet. ii. 20. § 5, 1393 b. 8 ff., wasJowett1885v1: 10. 6. elected by his Himerian fellow citizens general and dictator of Himera. It was on this occasion that Stesichorus told the story Edition: current; Page: [216]of the Horse and his Rider. Phalaris has been generally called tyrant of Agrigentum, and it is possible that his power having begun in the one city may have extended to the other.

Panaetius is mentioned in c. 12. § 18 as having changed the government of Leontini from an oligarchy into a tyranny.

For Cypselus, who came into power as the representative of the people against the oligarchy of the Bacchiadae from which he was himself sprung, see Herod. v. 92.

ὥσπερ Κόδρος.Jowett1885v1: 10. 8.

In the common tradition Codrus is supposed to have saved his country in a war with the Dorians by the voluntary sacrifice of his own life; here Aristotle implies that he delivered Athens from slavery by his military services.

ἐλευθερώσαντες ὥσπερ Κν̂ρος,Jowett1885v1: 10. 8.

who delivered the Persians from the Medes. See infra, § 24.

κτίσαντες χώραν.Jowett1885v1: 10. 8.

‘Who have settled a country.’

κτίζειν χώραν is said like κτίζειν πόλιν, with a slight enlargement of the meaning of the word.

ὥσπερ οἱ Λακεδαιμονίων βασιλεɩ̂ς.Jowett1885v1: 10. 8.

Referring, probably, not to the Lacedaemonian kings generally, who cannot be said to have added, except in the Messenian Wars, to the territory of Sparta, but to the original founders of the monarchy.

Μακεδόνων.Jowett1885v1: 10. 8.

Such as Perdiccas I., Alexander I. (Herod. viii. 137 ff.), Archelaus (Thuc. ii. 100), Philip the father of Alexander the Great and others.

Μολοττω̂ν.Jowett1885v1: 10. 8.

Cp. infra, c. 11. § 2, where the moderation of the Molossian monarchy is eulogized.

Cp. Nic. Eth. viii. 10. § 2, διαϕέρουσι δὲ πλεɩ̂στον· ὁ μὲν γὰρ τύραννοςJowett1885v1: 10. 9. τὸ ἑαυτῳ̑ συμϕέρον σκοπεɩ̂· ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς τω̂ν ἀρχομένων· οὐ γάρ ἐστι Edition: current; Page: [217]βασιλεὺς ὁ μὴ αὐτάρκης καὶ πα̂σι τοɩ̂ς ἀγαθοɩ̂ς ὑπερέχων· ὁ δὲ τοιον̂τος οὐδενὸς προσδεɩ̂ται· τὰ ὠϕέλιμα ον̓̂ν αὑτῳ̑ μὲν οὐκ ἂν σκοποίη τοɩ̂ς δὲ ἀρχομένοις:—in which the ideal conception of royalty maintained in the Politics also appears.

τὸ Περιάνδρου πρὸς Θρασύβουλον συμβούλευμα.Jowett1885v1: 10. 13.

See note on iii. 13. § 16.

ὁ μὲν γὰρ Ἁρμόδιος.Jowett1885v1: 10. 15.

Sc. ἐπέθετο, to be supplied from τω̂ν ἐπιθέσεων, or from ἐπιτίθενται (supra, § 14). Cp. Thuc. i. 20, vi. 54-58. The account of Aristotle agrees in the main with that of Thucydides, but there is no mention of the critical question raised by the latter, viz. whether Hippias or Hipparchus was the elder son of Peisistratus. The Peisistratidae are loosely spoken of as the authors of the insult, and the punishment inflicted is assumed to be the punishment of a tyrant. But the language of Aristotle is not sufficiently precise to be adduced on either side of the question.

ἐπεβούλευσαν δὲ καὶ Περιάνδρῳ τῳ̑ ἐν Ἀμβρακίᾳ τυράννῳ.Jowett1885v1: 10. 16.

Mentioned above, c. 4. § 9, where, not inconsistently with the account here given, he is said to have been attacked by conspirators, although the conspirators failed in attaining their object, for the people took the government.

ἡ Ἀμύντου τον̂ μικρον̂.Jowett1885v1: 10. 16.

Probably Amyntas the Second who flourished in the generation which followed the Peloponnesian War and succeeded after a struggle to the Macedonian throne b. c. 394, from which however he was deposed but afterwards restored by the help of the Spartans.

Derdas the prince of Elymia his kinsman, and at one time his ally, is probably the conspirator here mentioned.

ἡ δὲ Φιλίππου ὑπὸ Παυσανίου.Jowett1885v1: 10. 16.

The only direct allusion to Philip which is found in Aristotle except Rhet. ii. 23, 1397 b. 31, καὶ πάλιν πρὸς τὸ Θηβαίους διεɩ̂ναι Φίλιππον εἰς τὴν Ἀττικήν, ὅτι εἰ πρὶν βοηθη̂σαι εἰς Φωκεɩ̂ς ἠξίου, ὑπέσχοντο Edition: current; Page: [218]ἄν· ἄτοπον ον̓̂ν εἰ διότι προεɩ̂το καὶ ἐπίστευσε μὴ διήσουσιν. To Alexander there is none.

The murder of Philip by Pausanias occurred at the marriage of his daughter with Alexander of Epirus b.c. 336. The mention of the circumstance shows that this passage, if not the whole of the Politics, must have been composed later than the date of this event.

The story here referred to is narrated more fully by Diodorus (xvi. 93). According to his rather incredible narrative Attalus was the uncle of Cleopatra whom Philip married in 337 b.c., and he had a friend also named Pausanias of whom the assassin Pausanias was jealous. Pausanias the friend of Attalus being abused and insulted by his namesake, sought death in battle, and Attalus, to revenge the supposed insult to his friend, invited the other Pausanias to a banquet and outraged him. When Philip could not or would not punish Attalus, Pausanias turned his anger against the king. Nearly the same story is told by Justin ix. 6. and Plutarch Alex. c. 10.

καὶ ἡ τον̂ εὐνούχου Εὐαγόρᾳ τῳ̑ Κυπρίῳ.Jowett1885v1: 10. 16.

Sc. ἡ ἐπίθεσις. Εὐαγόρᾳ is governed by the ἐπὶ in ἐπίθεσις. The story is differently told by Theopompus (Fragm. 111, Müller i. p. 295). According to his account the eunuch Thrasydaeus got Evagoras and his sons into his power by inducing them to make assignations with a young maiden, who was the daughter of Nicocreon, a revolted subject of Evagoras. According to Diodorus (xv. 47) the name of the eunuch who conspired was Nicocles; but the name is probably a confusion with the son of Evagoras who succeeded him. Isocrates in his ‘Evagoras’ throws a veil over the whole story. Thus our four authorities all disagree with one another.

Archelaus, the son of Perdiccas, reigned in Macedonia 413-399,Jowett1885v1: 10. 17. and had two wives,—the name of the second was Cleopatra, the name of the first is not mentioned. He seems to have thought that he would prevent quarrels in his two families if he married a son and daughter out of each of them to one another. For Archelaus see Thuc. ii. 100 and Plat. Gorg. 470, 471; for Arrhabaeus (or Edition: current; Page: [219]Arrhibaeus) the enemy of Perdiccas, as he was afterwards the enemy of Archelaus, see Thuc. iv. 79. Of Sirra, which appears to be the name of a woman, nothing more is known. The occurrence of the name in this passage has suggested a very ingenious emendation in the words of Strabo, bk. viii. c. 7. p. 327, ἡ Φιλίππου μήτηρ τον̂ Ἀμύντου Εὐρυδίκη Σίῤῥα δὲ θυγάτηρ where read Εὐρυδίκη Σίῤῥα δὲ θυγάτηρ. (Dindorf.)Jowett1885v1: 10. 18.

Cotys was assassinated in 358 b. c. by the brothers Heraclides and Parrhon called also Python, Dem. c. Aristocr. p. 659. According to Plut. Adv. Coloten 32 and Diog. Laert. iii. 31 they had been disciples of Plato.Jowett1885v1: 10. 19.

πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ διὰ τὸ εἰς τὸ σω̂μα αἰκισθη̂ναι πληγαɩ̂ς ὀργισθέντες οἱ μὲν διέϕθειραν οἱ δ’ ἐνεχείρησαν ὡς ὑβρισθέντες, καὶ τω̂ν περὶ τὰς ἀρχὰς καὶ βασιλικὰς δυναστείας.

The first καὶ means that attempts were also made in consequence of personal ill-treatment of another sort, and the second καὶ that they were made not only upon tyrants, but upon magistrates and royal personages. See also note on Text.

In this passage, though speaking primarily of tyrannies, Aristotle digresses into monarchies generally and oligarchies.

ἐνεχείρησαν, sc. διαϕθείρειν.

Πενθαλίδας.Jowett1885v1: 10. 19.

It was Penthilus, the son of Orestes, who according to Strabo, bk. ix. p. 403, xiii. p. 582, and Pausanias iii. 2. p. 207 recolonized Lesbos. The Penthalidae derived their name from him.

ὁ δ’ Εὐριπίδης ἐχαλέπαινεν εἰπόντος τι αὐτον̂ εἰς δυσωδίαν τον̂ στόματος.Jowett1885v1: 10. 20.

This story, which casts a rather unfavourable light on the character of Euripides, is alluded to in Stobaeus, Serm. 39. p. 237, Εὐριπίδης ὀνειδίζοντος αὐτῳ̑ τινὸς ὅτι τὸ στόμα δυσω̂δες ἠ̑ν, πολλὰ γάρ, εἰ̂πεν αὐτῳ̑, ἀπόῤῥητα ἐγκατεσάπη, i. e. Some one said to Euripides, ‘Your breath smells.’ ‘Yes,’ he replied, ‘for many things which might not be spoken have been decomposed in my mouth.’

ὥσπερ καὶ περὶ τὰς πολιτείας καὶ τὰς μοναρχίας.Jowett1885v1: 10. 21.

We must supply περὶ in thought before μοναρχίας. It is inserted Edition: current; Page: [220]in the margin of P5. ‘As well in monarchies as in more popular forms of government.’

οἱ̑ον Ξέρξην Ἀρταπάνης ϕοβούμενος τὴν διαβολὴν τὴν περὶ Δαρεɩ̂ον, ὅτιJowett1885v1: 10. 21. ἐκρέαασεν οὐ κελεύσαντος Ξέρξου, ἀλλ’ οἰόμενος συγγνώσεσθαι ὡς ἀμνημονον̂ντα διὰ τὸ δειπνεɩ̂ν.

The Xerxes here referred to is Xerxes the First, cp. Ctesiae Fragmenta, Περσικὰ § 29 (edit. Didot p. 51), Ἀρτάπανος (sic) δὲ μέγα παρὰ Ξέρξῃ δυνάμενος, μετ’ Ἀσπαμίτρου τον̂ εὐνούχου καὶ αὐτον̂ μέγα δυναμένου βουλεύονται ἀνελεɩ̂ν Ξέρξην, καὶ ἀναιρον̂σι, καὶ πείθουσιν Ἀρτοξέρξην (sic) τὸν υἱὸν ὡς Δαρειαɩ̂ος (sic) αὐτὸν ὁ ἕτερος παɩ̂ς ἀνεɩ̂λε. Καὶ παραγίνεται Δαρειαɩ̂ος ἀγόμενος ὑπὸ Ἀρταπάνου εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν Ἀρτοξέρξου πολλὰ βοω̂ν καὶ ἀπαρνούμενος ὡς οὐκ εἴη ϕονεὺς τον̂ πατρός· καὶ ἀποθνήσκει. According to Diod. xi. 69, Artabanus an Hyrcanian, having by a false accusation got rid of one of the sons of Xerxes, shortly afterwards attacked the other son Artaxerxes who succeeded him, but he was discovered and put to death. Both these stories, which are substantially the same, are so different from the narrative of Aristotle that it is better not to try and reconcile them by such expedients as the placing οὐ before ἐκρέμασε. The purport of Aristotle’s rather obscure words seems to be as follows: Artapanes had hanged Darius the son of Xerxes who was supposed to have conspired against his father; he had not been told to hang him or he had been told not to hang him (for οὐ κελεύσαντος may mean either); but he had hoped that Xerxes in his cups would forget what precisely happened.

Ctesias is several times quoted by Aristotle in the Historia Animalium but always with expressions of distrust, ii. 1. 501 a. 25, iii. 22. 523 a. 26, viii. 28. 606 a. 8; also De Gen. An. ii. 2. 736 a. 2.

Σαρδανάπαλον.Jowett1885v1: 10. 22.

A rather mythical person apparently the same with the Assurbanipal of the Assyrian inscriptions, a mighty hunter and great conqueror, who became to the Greeks and through them to the civilized world the type of oriental luxury. The story of his effeminacy is taken by Diodorus (ii. 23-27) from Ctesias and is again referred to by Aristotle in Nic. Eth. i. 5. § 3.

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εἰ δὲ μὴ ἐπ’ ἐκείνου, ἀλλ’ ἐπ’ ἄλλου γε ἂν γένοιτο ἀληθές.Jowett1885v1: 10. 22.

For another example of a similar manner of treating old legends, see i. 11. § 8.

Διονυσίῳ τῳ̑ ὑστέρῳ Δίων ἐπέθετο.Jowett1885v1: 10. 23.

See infra §§ 28 and 32.

ὥσπερ οἱ στρατηγον̂ντες τοɩ̂ς μονάρχοις, οἱ̑ον Κν̂ρος Ἀστυάγῃ.Jowett1885v1: 10. 24.

Aristotle in this passage follows a legend, differing from that of Herodotus who selected the tradition about Cyrus’ life (i. 95 ff.) and death (i. 214) which seemed to him the most probable. In Aristotle’s version Cyrus, not Harpagus, was represented as the general of Astyages. Of a misconception entertained by Herodotus, Aristotle speaks with some severity in his Historia Animalium, iii. 22, 523 a. 17.

Σεύθης ὁ Θρᾳ̑ξ.Jowett1885v1: 10. 24.

A friend and acquaintance of Xenophon who recovered his small kingdom by the help of some of the ten thousand. He is mentioned in Anab. vii. 3, Hell. iii. 2. § 2, iv. 8. § 26.

οἱ̑ον Ἀριοβαρζάνῃ Μιθριδάτης.Jowett1885v1: 10. 25.

According to Corn. Nepos Datames, c. 11, Mithridates the son of Ariobarzanes, a revolted satrap of Pontus, attacked not Ariobarzanes but Datames the celebrated satrap of Caria. It does not therefore become less probable that he may also have attacked his own father; and the latter fact is confirmed by the allusion of Xenophon, Cyrop. viii. 8. 4, ὥσπερ Μιθριδάτης τὸν πατέρα Ἀριοβαρζάνην προδούς.

οἱ̑ς ἀκολουθεɩ̂ν δεɩ̂ τὴν Δίωνος ὑπόληψιν.Jowett1885v1: 10. 28.

‘There should be ever present with them the resolution of Dion.’

ἱκανὸν αὐτῳ̑.Jowett1885v1: 10. 28.

Sc. ὄν.

Διὸ Λακεδαιμόνιοι πλείστας κατέλυσαν τυραννίδας.Jowett1885v1: 10. 30.

Διό, ‘because one form of government naturally hates another.’ Cp. Thuc. i. 18, ἐπειδὴ δὲ οἵ τε Ἀθηναίων τύραννοι καὶ οἱ ἐκ τη̂ς ἄλλης Edition: current; Page: [222]Ἑλλάδος ἐπὶ πολὺ καὶ πρὶν τυραννευθείσης οἱ πλεɩ̂στοι καὶ τελευταɩ̂οι, πλὴν τω̂ν ἐν Σικελίᾳ, ὑπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων κατελύθησαν: and Hdt. v. 92 about the Lacedaemonian hatred to tyranny.

καὶ Συρακούσιοι.Jowett1885v1: 10. 30.

This period of liberty and prosperity lasted for sixty years, 466-406, from the overthrow of Thrasybulus to the usurpation of Dionysius. But more is known of Sicily in the days of the tyrants than of the time when the island was comparatively free.

καὶ νν̂ν ἡ τω̂ν περὶ Διονύσιον.Jowett1885v1: 10. 31.

The final expulsion of Dionysius the younger by Timoleon occurred b. c. 343; but it is the first expulsion by Dion to which Aristotle is here referring, b. c. 356, as the Politics were written not earlier than 336 (see supra note on § 16). We have thus a measure of the latitude with which Aristotle uses the expression καὶ νν̂ν ‘quite lately’ which recurs in ii. 9. § 20, καὶ νν̂ν ἐν τοɩ̂ς Ἀνδρίοις.

οἱ δὲ συστάντες αὐτω̂ν.Jowett1885v1: 10. 31.

Either 1) the same persons who are called οἰκεɩ̂οι συστάντες, or some part of them, οἱ συστάντες being taken substantively = οἱ συστασιω̂ται. Or 2) αὐτω̂ν may be understood of the whole people as if πολɩ̂ται had preceded; συστάντες would then refer to another band of conspirators who were not of the family. Bekker in his second edition has inserted κατ’ before αὐτω̂ν without MS. authority. Susemihl suggests μετά. Neither emendation is satisfactory.

The reign of Thrasybulus, if indeed he reigned at all except in the name of his nephew, as seems to be implied in this passage, lasted only eleven months; see infra c. 12. § 6. According to Diodorus (xi. 67, 68), who says nothing of a son of Gelo, he immediately succeeded Hiero, but soon provoked the Syracusans by his cruelty and rapacity to expel him.

Διονύσιον δὲ Δίων στρατεύσας, κηδεστὴς ὢν καὶ προσλαβὼν τὸν δη̂μον,Jowett1885v1: 10. 32. ἐκεɩ̂νον ἐκβαλὼν διεϕθάρη.

This is a reminiscence of § 28. The emphasis is on ἐκβαλών. Aristotle is speaking of cases in which tyrants were destroyed by Edition: current; Page: [223]members of their own family. He means to say that Dion drove out Dionysius who was his kinsman, although he himself perished more than twelve months afterwards when the revolution was completed. Or, ‘Dion did indeed perish (as I have already implied), but not until he had driven out his kinsman Dionysius.’

ἀλλὰ μα̂λλον τὸ μɩ̂σος,Jowett1885v1: 10. 35.

sc. χρη̂ται τῳ̑ λογισμῳ̑ which is supplied from the preceding sentence.

ὅσας αἰτίας εἰρήκαμεν τη̂ς τε ὀλιγαρχίας,Jowett1885v1: 10. 35.

sc. τη̂ς ϕθορα̂ς τη̂ς ὀλιγαρχίας, understood from the general meaning of the preceding passage.

οὐ γίγνονται δ’ ἔτι βασιλεɩ̂αι νν̂ν.Jowett1885v1: 10. 37.

Cp. iii. 14. § 13, a passage in which the gradual decline of royalty is described.

ἀλλ’ ἄν περ γίγνωνται, μοναρχίαι [καὶ] τυραννίδες μα̂λλον.Jowett1885v1: 10. 37.

The objection to the καὶ (which is found in all the MSS.) is that μοναρχία is elsewhere the generic word (cp. supra §§ 1, 2), including βασιλεία and τυραννίς. If we accept the reading of the MSS., some general idea, ‘wherever there are such forms of government’ must be supplied with γίγνωνται from βασιλεɩ̂αι. ‘There are no royalties nowadays: but if there are any,’ or rather ‘instead of them mere monarchies and tyrannies.’ Here ‘monarchies’ is taken in some specific bad or neutral sense opposed to βασιλεɩ̂αι. But a variation in a technical use of language which he was endeavouring to fix, but was not always capable of himself observing, is not a serious objection to a reading found in Aristotle’s Politics.

ῥᾳδία γὰρ ἐγίνετο ἡ κατάλυσις.Jowett1885v1: 10. 38.

‘For their overthrow was easily effected.’ The imperfect graphically represents the historical fact.

ἡ περὶ Μολοττοὺς βασιλεία.Jowett1885v1: 11. 2.

Cp. supra, c. 10. § 8.

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Theopompus is said by Tyrtaeus to have terminated the firstJowett1885v1: 11. 2. Messenian War, Fr. 3 Bergk, Poet. Lyr. Graeci:—

Ἡμετέρῳ βασιλη̂ϊ θεοɩ̂σι ϕίλῳ Θεοπόμπῳ,

ὃν διὰ Μεσσήνην εἵλομεν εὐρύχορον,

Μεσσήνην ἀγαθὴν μὲν ἀρον̂ν, ἀγαθὴν δὲ ϕυτεύειν·

ἀμϕ’ αὐτὴν δ’ ἐμάχοντ’ ἐννεακαίδεκ’ ἔτη

νωλεμέως, αἰεὶ ταλασίϕρονα θυμὸν ἔχοντες

αἰχμηταὶ πατέρων ἡμετέρων πατέρες·

εἰκοστῳ̑ δ’ οἱ μὲν κατὰ πίονα ἔργα λιπόντες,

ϕεν̂γον Ἰθωμαίων ἐκ μεγάλων ὀρέων.

According to Plutarch, Lyc. 7, he increased the power of the Ephors, but he also made the ῥήτρα more stringent which forbade the people to amend or modify proposals submitted to them.

In this passage the institution of the Ephors is attributed to Theopompus, but in ii. c. 9 it seems to be assumed that Lycurgus is the author of all the Spartan institutions: see note in loc.

ἡ γὰρ γνω̂σις πίστιν ποιεɩ̂ μα̂λλον πρὸς ἀλλήλους.Jowett1885v1: 11. 5.

Cp. Thuc. viii. 66 where the difficulty of overthrowing the 400 is attributed to the uncertainty of the citizens as to who were or were not included in the conspiracy.

καὶ τὸ τοὺς ἐπιδημον̂ντας ἀεὶ ϕανεροὺς εἰ̂ναι καὶ διατρίβειν περὶ θύρας.Jowett1885v1: 11. 6.

ἐπιδημον̂ντας is translated by William de Moerbek without any authority ‘praefectos populi,’ apparently an etymological guess.

περὶ θύρας. Either *‘at his gate’ or ‘at their own gates.’ In whichever way the words are taken, the general meaning is the same, viz. that the people are not to hide but to show themselves.

καὶ τὸ πένητας ποιεɩ̂ν τοὺς ἀρχομένους, τυραννικόν, ὅπως ἥ τε ϕυλακὴJowett1885v1: 11. 8. τρέϕηται.

1) *Reading ἥ τε with Bekker’s second edition after Victorius: ‘Also he should impoverish his subjects that he may find money for the support of his guards.’ Yet the mode of expression is indirect and awkward. If 2) we retain μήτε with the MSS. we must translate either ‘that he may not have to keep soldiers,’ for his subjects will keep them for him; or, ‘so that a guard need not Edition: current; Page: [225]be kept,’ because he will be in no danger on account of the depressed state of his subjects. Neither explanation is satisfactory; there is a balance of difficulties.

ἀναθήματα τω̂ν Κυψελιδω̂ν κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 11. 9.

See Herod. i. 14.

Florence in the fifteenth century, and Paris in the nineteenth, witness to a similar policy.

τω̂ν περὶ Σάμον ἔργα Πολυκράτεια.Jowett1885v1: 11. 9.

Lit. and ‘among’ or ‘of the buildings of Samos the works of Polycrates.’ Among these splendid works an artificial mountain containing a tunnel forming an aqueduct, a mole in front of the harbour, and the greatest temple known, are commemorated in Herod. iii. 60, but he does not expressly attribute them to Polycrates.

καὶ ἡ εἰσϕορὰ τω̂ν τελω̂ν, οἱ̑ον ἐν Συρακούσαις· ἐν πέντε γὰρ ἔτεσιν ἐπὶJowett1885v1: 11. 10. Διονυσίου τὴν οὐσίαν ἅπασαν εἰσενηνοχέναι συνέβαινεν.

Compare a story equally incredible told of Cypselus in the pseudo-Aristotelian Oeconomics ii. 1346 a. 32: ‘Cypselus the Corinthian made a vow that if he ever became lord of the city he would consecrate to Zeus the whole wealth of the citizens, so he bade them register themselves, and when they were registered he took from them a tithe of their property and told them to go on working with the remainder. Each year he did the like; the result was that at the end of ten years he got into his possession all which he had consecrated; the Corinthians meanwhile had gained other property.’

There are several similar legends respecting Dionysius himself recorded in the Oeconomics, such as the story of his collecting the women’s ornaments, and after consecrating them to Demeter lending them to himself, 1349 a. 14; or of his taking the money of the orphans and using it while they were under age, ib. b. 15; or of his imposition of a new cattle-tax, after he had induced his subjects to purchase cattle by the abolition of the tax, ib. b. 6. The fertile imagination of the Greeks was a good deal occupied with inventions about the tyrants; the examples given throw a light upon the character of such narratives.

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βουλομένων μὲν πάντων, δυναμένων δὲ μάλιστα τούτων.Jowett1885v1: 11. 10.

Cp. note on text.

καὶ γὰρ ὁ δη̂μος εἰ̂ναι βούλεται μόναρχος.Jowett1885v1: 11. 11.

i. e. ‘for they are both alike.’

ἥλῳ γὰρ ὁ ἡ̑λος, ὥσπερ ἡ παροιμία.Jowett1885v1: 11. 13.

Sc. ἐκκρούεται, ‘one nail is knocked out by another’ = one rogue is got rid of by another. That is to say; ‘The tyrant finds in rogues handy and useful instruments.’ Such appears to be the application of the proverb in this passage. Yet the common meaning of it given in collections of proverbs is that ‘one evil is mended by another.’ Cp. Lucian, Pro Lapsu inter Salutandum, § 7, μυρία δὲ καὶ ἄλλα ἔκ τε ποιητω̂ν καὶ συγγραϕέων καὶ ϕιλοσόϕων καταδεɩ̂ξαί σοι ἔχων, προτιμώντων τὸ ὑγιαίνειν, τον̂το μὲν παραιτήσομαι, ὡς μὴ εἰς ἀπειροκαλίαν τινὰ μειρακιώδη ἐκπέσῃ μοι τὸ σύγγραμμα καὶ κινδυνεύωμεν ἄλλῳ ἥλῳ ἐκκρούειν τὸν ἡ̑λον.

αὑτὸν γὰρ εἰ̂ναι μόνον ἀξιοɩ̂ τοιον̂τον ὁ τύραννος.Jowett1885v1: 11. 13.

Compare the saying attributed to the Russian Emperor Paul, ‘Il n’y a pas de considérable ici que la personne à laquelle je parle, et pendant le temps que je lui parle.’ Wallace’s Russia, p. 280, ed. 8.

οὐθὲν δ’ ἐλλείπει μοχθηρίας.Jowett1885v1: 11. 14.

Sc. ὁ τύραννος; or οἰθὲν may be the nominative to ἐλλείπει.

εἰς οὓς μὲν ον̓̂ν ὅρους . . . ϕρονω̂σιν.Jowett1885v1: 11. 16.

The end of § 16 is bracketed by Bekker in his 2nd Edition (after Schneider). It is only a repetition of what goes before, the three aims of the tyrant being stated in a different order.

The 1st in § 15 = 3rd in § 16.

The 2nd in § 15 = 1st in § 16.

The 3rd in § 15 = 2nd in § 16.

The parallel words are either a summary or a duplicate.

But there is no reason for excluding either of the two passages any more than for excluding the repetitions in Homer. Both versions can hardly be supposed to have come from the hand of Aristotle, but they belong to a text which we cannot go behind.

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ὁ δ’ ἕτερος σχεδὸν ἐξ ἐναντίας ἔχει τοɩ̂ς εἰρημένοις τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν.Jowett1885v1: 11. 17.

Literally, ‘the other manner of preserving a tyranny takes pains,’ i.e. works, ‘from an opposite direction.’

ἓν ϕυλάττοντα μόνον τὴν δύναμιν . . . . τον̂το μὲν ὥσπερ ὑπόθεσιν δεɩ̂Jowett1885v1: 11. 18, 19. μένειν, τὰ δ’ ἄλλα τὰ μὲν ποιεɩ̂ν τὰ δὲ δοκεɩ̂ν ὑποκρινόμενον τὸ βασιλικὸν καλω̂ς.

Compare Machiavelli, who in his ‘Prince’ goes much farther than Aristotle in preaching the doctrine of ‘doing evil that good may come’ and of ‘keeping up appearances’ and of ‘fear to be preferred to love.’ ‘Let it be the Prince’s chief care to maintain his authority; the means he employs, be they what they may, will for this purpose always appear honourable and meet applause; for the vulgar are ever caught by appearances and judge only by the event.’ (c. 18, Bohn’s Translation, p. 461.) Again ‘A prince ought to be very sparing of his own or of his subjects’ property.’ . . . ‘To support the reputation of liberality, he will often be reduced to the necessity of levying taxes on his subjects and adopting every species of fiscal resource, which cannot fail to make him odious.’ (c. 16. pp. 454, 455.) And for much of what follows, infra §§ 20, 25: ‘He should make it a rule above all things never to utter anything which does not breathe of kindness, justice, good faith and piety; this last quality it is most important for him to appear to possess, for men judge more from appearances than from reality.’ (ib.) Again, cp. §§ 22, 23 with Machiavelli c. 19. p. 462: ‘Nothing in my opinion renders a prince so odious as the violation of the rights of property and disregard to the honour of married women. Subjects will live contentedly enough under a prince who neither invades their property nor their honour, and then he will only have to contend against the pretensions of a few ambitious persons whom he can easily find means to restrain. A prince whose conduct is light, inconstant, pusillanimous, irresolute and effeminate is sure to be despised—these defects he ought to shun as he would so many rocks and endeavour to display a character for courage, gravity, energy and magnificence in all his actions.’ Like Aristotle he advises that princes should practise economy and not overcharge the people with taxes; they should give festivals and shows at Edition: current; Page: [228]certain periods of the year and ‘should remember to support their station with becoming dignity,’ p. 476. Cp. Hallam, Mid. Ages i. 66, ‘The sting of taxation is wastefulness. What high-spirited man could see without indignation the earnings of his labour yielded ungrudgingly to the public defence become the spoil of parasites and speculators?’ (quoted by Congreve).

Bekker in his 2nd edition, following a suggestion of Schneider,Jowett1885v1: 11. 19. adds εἰς before δωρεάς, but unnecessarily.

The moderation here described in everything but ambition wasJowett1885v1: 11. 22. shown by the elder Dionysius as he is pictured by Cornelius Nepos De Regibus c. 2: ‘Dionysius prior . . et manu fortis et belli peritus fuit, et, id quod in tyranno non facile reperitur, minime libidinosus, non luxuriosus, non avarus, nullius rei denique cupidus, nisi singularis perpetuique imperii, ob eamque rem crudelis. Nam dum id studuit munire, nullius pepercit vitae, quem ejus insidiatorem putaret.’

The second Dionysius would furnish a tyrant of the opposite type (§ 23), if we may believe the writer of the Aristotelian Polity of Syracuse, Ἂριστοτέλης δὲ ἐν τῃ̑ Συρακοσίων πολιτείᾳ καὶ συνεχω̂ς ϕησὶν αὐτὸν [Διονύσιον τὸν νεώτερον] ἔσθ’ ὅτε ἐπὶ ἡμέρας ἐνενήκοντα μεθύειν· διὸ καὶ ἀμβλυωπότερον γενέσθαι τὰς ὄψεις. (Arist. Berl. Ed. 1568, b. 19.)

ϕαίνεσθαι τοɩ̂ς ἄλλοις βούλονται τον̂το ποιον̂ντες.Jowett1885v1: 11. 23.

These words curiously illustrate the love of ostentation inherent in the Greek character.

κατασκευάζειν γὰρ δεɩ̂ καὶ κοσμεɩ̂ν τὴν πόλιν.Jowett1885v1: 11. 24.

Like Polycrates at Samos, Gelo at Syracuse, Cypselus and Periander at Corinth, Theron at Agrigentum, Peisistratus at Athens.

κολάσεως.Jowett1885v1: 11. 28.

Bracketed by Bekker in his 2nd edition after Schneider. Certainly the word is not appropriate if taken with ἡλικίαν, but ὕβρεως may be supplied with τη̂ς εἰς τὴν ἡλικίαν from the preceding.

διαϕθείραντες.Jowett1885v1: 11. 30.

Sc. τὸν τύραννον.

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χαλεπὸν θυμῳ̑ μάχεσθαι.Jowett1885v1: 11. 31.

Quoted in Nic. Eth. ii. 3. § 10, ἔτι χαλεπώτερον ἡδονῃ̑ μάχεσθαι ἢ θυμῳ̑, καθάπερ ϕησὶν Ἡράκλειτος.

For the arts of the tyrant cp. Machiavelli’s ‘Prince’ quoted above, especially chaps. 14, 15, 16, 17, 19, 21, 23.

μάλιστα μὲν ἀμϕοτέρους ὑπολαμβάνειν δεɩ̂ σώζεσθαι διὰ τὴν ἀρχήν.Jowett1885v1: 11. 32.

The consciousness that no other government could hold the balance between irreconcileable parties seems to have been the main support of recent French Imperialism.

ἔτι δ’ αὐτὸν διακεɩ̂σθαι κατὰ τὸ ἠ̑θος ἤτοι καλω̂ς πρὸς ἀρετὴν ἢ ἡμίχρηστονJowett1885v1: 11. 34. ὄντα, καὶ μὴ πονηρὸν ἀλλ’ ἡμιπόνηρον.

Cp. Machiavelli, Prince, c. 15. p. 453, in a still more subtle style of reflection: ‘It would doubtless be happy for a prince to unite in himself every species of good quality, but as our nature does not allow of so great a perfection a prince should have prudence enough to avoid those defects and vices which may occasion his ruin.’ And again: ‘He should not shrink from encountering some blame on account of vices which are important to the support of his states; for there are some things having the appearance of virtues which would prove the ruin of a prince, should he put them in practice, and others upon which, though seemingly bad and vicious, his actual welfare and security entirely depend.’

Hdt. vi. 126 gives the Sicyonian tyrants as 1) Andreas, 2) Myron,Jowett1885v1: 12. 1. 3) Aristonymus, 4) Cleisthenes. According to Pausanias x. 7. § 3. p. 814 Cleisthenes is said to have won a victory in the Pythian games b.c. 582. Grote (vol. iii. c. 9. p. 43) says ‘there is some confusion about the names of Orthagoras and Andreas. It has been supposed with some probability that the same person is designated under both names: for the two names do not seem to occur in the same author.’ Orthagoras, ‘speaker for the right,’ may have been a surname or second name of Andreas. Infra § 12, Aristotle supposes the tyranny to have passed directly from Myron to Cleisthenes.

Πεισίστρατον ὑπομεɩ̂ναί ποτε προσκληθέντα δίκην εἰς Ἄρειον πάγον.Jowett1885v1: 12. 2.

According to Plutarch in the life of Solon c. 31 he is said to Edition: current; Page: [230]have gone to the Court of the Areopagus intending to defend himself against a charge of homicide, but his accuser did not appear.

Cypselidae.Jowett1885v1: 12. 3.

The addition in this passage appears to be incorrect.

Cypselus | 30 | years.
Periander | 44 | years.
Psammetichus | 3 | years.
| 77 |

From these numbers how does Aristotle get a total 73½ years?

Sylburg would change τρία καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα into ἑπτὰ καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα. Giphanius would omit καὶ τέτταρα after τετταράκοντα. Susemihl would change τέτταρα into ἥμισυ, which would give exactly the sum wanted. Goettling has a very farfetched and groundless supposition that the reign of Psammetichus was omitted by Aristotle in the addition, because he was only a commander of mercenaries and not of Cypselid blood. It might also be suggested that some of the reigns overlap in consequence of a tyrant adopting his successor as colleague. But a mistake either of Aristotle or his copyists is more likely.

All the MSS. read τέτταρα or τέσσαρα.

τριάκοντα καὶ πέντε.Jowett1885v1: 12. 5.

Hdt. v. 65 makes the Peisistratidae rule Athens 36 years.

Peisistratus seized the sovereignty in 560 b.c. and died in 527; he reigned 17 years out of the 33. Hippias reigned 14 years before the death of Hipparchus (514), and in the year 510, four years afterwards, he was expelled. 17 + 14 + 4 = 35.

The whole period 560-510 is 50 years, 35 of actual rule. In the calculation of Herodotus there is a year more. From Thuc. vi. 54 we learn that even at Athens not 100 years after the event, there were erroneous ideas about the expulsion of the Peisistratidae.

Here the addition is correct. 7 + 10 + 1 = 18, although theJowett1885v1: 12. 6. time assigned to Hiero’s reign does not agree with the statement of Diodorus (xi. 66) that he reigned 11 years. But why does Edition: current; Page: [231]Aristotle omit Dionysius, whose tyranny lasted longer, and therefore afforded a better example? Dionysius I b.c. 405-367, Dionysius II 367-356, and again 346-344, besides the shorter reigns of Dion and others, in all about 60 years.

ἰδίως.Jowett1885v1: 12. 7.

i.e. in any way specially applicable to that form of government.

We may observe that Aristotle criticises the Platonic number asJowett1885v1: 12. 8. if it had a serious meaning: yet he omits τρὶς αὐξηθείς, words which are an essential part of the calculation, after δύο ἁρμονίας παρέχεται. (See Rep. viii. 546 C.)

διά τε τον̂ χρόνου.Jowett1885v1: 12. 9.

Sc. τί ἂν ἴδιος εἴη μεταβολὴ to be supplied from the preceding sentence. ‘And in what is any special change made by time?’ i.e. What has time alone to do with the changes of states?

With τὰ μὴ ἀρξάμενα supply τί or διὰ τί from τί ἂν εἴη above; cp.Jowett1885v1: 12. 9. διὰ τίν’ αἰτίαν (infra § 10). ‘And why should things which do not begin together change together?’

διὰ τίν’ αἰτίαν ἐκ ταύτης εἰς τὴν Λακωνικὴν μεταβάλλει;Jowett1885v1: 12. 10.

Aristotle unfairly criticizes Plato’s order as if it were meant to be an order in time. The same objection might be taken to his own use of the phrases μεταβάλλειν and μεταβαίνειν in Nic. Eth. viii. 10, where he talks as if states always ‘passed over’ into their opposites:—the ‘passing over’ is logical, a natural connexion of ideas, not always historical.

ἔτι δὲ τυραννίδος οὐ λέγει οὔτ’ εἰ ἔσται μεταβολή, οὔτ’ εἰ μὴ ἔσται,Jowett1885v1: 12. 11. διὰ τίν’ αἰτίαν, καὶ εἰς ποίαν πολιτείαν.

1) *‘He never says whether tyranny is or is not liable to revolutions, and if it is, what is the cause of them and into what form it changes’—a condensed sentence in which καὶ is omitted before διὰ τίν’ εἰς ποίαν πολιτείαν, sc. ἔσται μεταβολή.

2) It is also possible and perhaps better, with Bekker in his second edition, to place a comma after the second οὔτε: οὔτ’, εἰ μὴ ἔσται, διὰ τίν’ αἰτίαν. (It will be remembered that tyranny is the last Edition: current; Page: [232]development of the Platonic cycle, and it is natural to ask ‘Why does not the cycle continue or return into itself?’) The meaning may then be paraphrased as follows: ‘He never says whether (as might be expected) tyranny, like other forms of government, experiences a change, or if not, what is the explanation of this inconsistency?’

ἡ Χαριλάου.Jowett1885v1: 12. 12.

According to Heraclides Ponticus (fr. 2 Müller) Charillus, as the name is also spelt in ii. 10. § 2, or Charilaus, as here, made himself tyrant during the absence of Lycurgus, who on his return to Sparta restored or introduced good order. The change which he then effected in the constitution of Sparta is called by Aristotle, who appears to follow the same tradition, a change from tyranny to aristocracy.

ἐν Καρχηδόνι.Jowett1885v1: 12. 12.

Sc. τυραννὶς μετέβαλεν εἰς ἀριστοκρατίαν. Yet he says in Book ii. c. 11. § 2 — ‘that Carthage has never had a sedition worth speaking of, nor been under a tyrant,’ and a similar statement occurs in this chapter (§ 14). Cp. also vi. 5. § 9, τοιον̂τον δέ τινα τρόπον Καρχηδόνιοι πολιτευόμενοι ϕίλον κέκτηνται τὸν δη̂μον· ἀεὶ γάρ τινας ἐκπέμποντες τον̂ δήμου πρὸς τὰς περιοικίδας ποιον̂σιν εὐπόρους κ.τ.λ. To avoid this apparent contradiction St. Hilaire conjectures Χαλκηδόνι, a useless emendation of which there can be neither proof nor disproof; for we know nothing of the history of Chalcedon and not much of the history of Carthage.

It might be argued that the text as it stands may refer to a time in the history of Carthage before the establishment of the aristocratical constitution described in Bk. ii. c. 11, as he says in this very passage of Lacedaemon, § 12, that it passed from tyranny into aristocracy. But such a violent supposition is hardly to be assumed in order to save Aristotle’s consistency. In § 14 infra, he calls Carthage a democracy. In ii. 11. § 5, he talks of it as having a democratic element.

ἄτοπον δὲ καὶ τὸ ϕάναι δύο πόλεις εἰ̂ναι τὴν ὀλιγαρχικήν, πλουσίων καὶJowett1885v1: 12. 15. πενήτων.

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Here as elsewhere Aristotle is really objecting to a figure of speech, Plat. Rep. iv. 422 E; viii. 551 D. It may be certainly said of a state which is governed by an oligarchy, with much more truth than of a timocracy or democracy, that it consists of two cities.

Bekker inserts καὶ in his 2nd Edition—ἀσωτευόμενοι (καὶ) κατατοκιζόμενοι.Jowett1885v1: 12. 17. The addition makes no change in the sense.

μεταβάλλουσιν οὐθὲν μα̂λλον οὐδέποτε εἰς δη̂μον ἢ εἰς ἄλλην πολιτείαν.Jowett1885v1: 12. 18.

Yet in iii. 15. § 12, Aristotle says that oligarchies passed into tyrannies and these into democracies.

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BOOK VI.

The greater part of Book vi. has been already anticipated in iv. There are also several repetitions of Book v. A few sentences may be paralleled out of ii. and iii. (See English Text.) The whole is only a different redaction of the same or nearly the same materials which have been already used; not much is added. The varieties of democracy and oligarchy and the causes of their preservation or destruction are treated over again, but in a shorter form. The management of the poor is worked out in greater detail: the comparison of the military and civil constitution of a state is also more precise and exact. The magistrates required in states are regarded from a different point of view: in iv. they are considered chiefly with reference to the mode of electing them and their effect on the constitution; in vi. they are enumerated and described, and the officers necessary to all states are distinguished from those which are only needed in certain states. There are several passages in which a previous treatment of the same subjects is recognized (1. § 1, § 5, § 8, § 10; 4. § 1, § 15; 5. § 2; 8. § 1). The references seem to have been inserted with a view of combining the two treatments in a single work.

ἅμα τε περὶ ἐκείνων εἴ τι λοιπόνJowett1885v1: 1. 2.

seems to indicate the supplementary character of this part of the work. 1) ‘As well as any omission of those matters (ἐκείνων) which have just been mentioned,’ i. e. the offices, law-courts, etc.; or 2*) ἐκείνων may refer to the forms of constitutions [πολιτειω̂ν].

Bekker in his 2nd edition inserts περὶ τὸ before βουλενόμενον inJowett1885v1: 1. 4-6. § 4, and ἐπεὶ before δεɩ̂ in § 6 without any authority, both apparently in order to make the language smoother and more regular. But this is not a good reason for altering the text of Aristotle.

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αὕτη δ’ ἐστὶν ἣν καλον̂σί τινες ὀλιγαρχίαν,Jowett1885v1: 1. 6.

‘which they call oligarchy,’ is perhaps only an example of unmeaning pleonasm like the expression ὁ καλούμενος ἀήρ, Meteor. i. 3, 339 b. 3; τὴν τον̂ καλουμένου γάλακτος ϕύσιν, Pol. i. 8. § 10. But it is also possible that Aristotle here uses the term in the wider sense in which he has previously spoken of oligarchy and democracy as the two principal forms of government under which the rest are included (iv. 3. § 6). Cp. note on iv. 8. § 1.

τῃ̑ δ’ ἅπαντα ταν̂τα.Jowett1885v1: 1. 9.

‘All the democratic elements of which he has spoken generally and is going to speak more particularly,’ i. e. election by lot, elections of all out of all, no property qualification, payment of the citizens (etc., see infra c. 2. § 5), ‘may exist in the same state.’

ὡς ἐν μόνῃ τῃ̑ πολιτείᾳ ταύτῃ μετέχοντας ὲλευθερίας.Jowett1885v1: 2. 1.

μετέχοντας, accusative absolute, or a second accusative after λέγειν εἰώθασιν, the subject and object being nearly the same.

τον̂τ’ εἰ̂ναι καὶ τέλος, καὶ τον̂τ’ εἰ̂ναι τὸ δίκαιον.Jowett1885v1: 2. 2.

‘That is also the end, and that is the just principle.’

εἴπερ τον̂ δούλου ὄντος τὸ ζη̂ν.Jowett1885v1: 2. 3.

The MSS. vary between δουλεύοντος and δούλου ὄντος. Supply ἔστι or some weaker word than ἔργον.

συμβάλλεται ταύτῃ πρὸς τὴν ἐλευθερίαν τὴν κατὰ τὸ ἴσον.Jowett1885v1: 2. 4.

‘The impatience of control passes into the love of equality; mankind are unwilling to be ruled and therefore they rule and are ruled in turn. Thus the two characteristics of freedom meet or coincide.’

τὸ δικάζειν πάντας καὶ ἐκ πάντων.Jowett1885v1: 2. 5.

The old translator takes this as if he read ἢ ἐκ. But we may retain καί, regarding ἐκ πάντων as explanatory of the manner in which the whole people exercised their judicial functions by the election of smaller bodies out of their own number.

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τὸ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν κυρίαν εἰ̂ναι πάντων, ἀρχὴν δὲ μηδεμίαν μηθενὸς ἢ ὅτιJowett1885v1: 2. 5. ὀλιγίστων ἢ τω̂ν μεγίστων κυρίαν.

The passage as it stands in the MSS. [ἢ ὅτι ὀλιγίστων ἢ τω̂ν μεγίστων κυρίαν] gives no suitable meaning. It is possible to correct it 1*) by placing the words ἢ τω̂ν μεγίστων after πάντων, or 2) by inserting μὴ before τω̂ν μεγίστων [Lambinus].

ἀρχω̂νJowett1885v1: 2. 6.

is used in the generic sense to include the ἀόριστος ἀρχὴ of iii. 1. § 7.

μεθόδῳ τῃ̑ πρὸ ταύτης.Jowett1885v1: 2. 6.

Sc. iv. 6. § 5 and c. 15. § 13.

τω̂ν ἀρχω̂ν ἃς ἀνάγκη συσσιτεɩ̂ν μετ’ ἀλλήλων.Jowett1885v1: 2. 7.

i. e. the chief magistrates whom the law required to take their meals together. This, which is a regulation prescribed by Aristotle in vii. 12. § 2, may be inferred to have been the general custom.

ἔτι ἐπειδὴ ὀλιγαρχία καὶ γένει καὶ πλούτῳ καὶ παιδείᾳ ὁρίζεται κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 2. 7.

The term oligarchy is here used nearly in the sense of aristocracy. Education cannot be said to be characteristic of oligarchy in the strict sense of the word. Cp. iv. 8. § 3. ‘The term aristocracy is applied to those forms of government which incline towards oligarchy, because birth and education are commonly the accompaniments of wealth.’

ἐπὶ δὲ τω̂ν ἀρχω̂ν τὸ μηδεμίαν ἀΐδιον εἰ̂ναι.Jowett1885v1: 2. 8.

Sc. δημοτικὸν δοκεɩ̂ εἰ̂ναι. For the general power of the ancient magistrates cp. iii. 16. § 1; v. 1. §§ 10, 11; c. 10. § 5.

ἐξ ἀρχα[Editor: illegible character]ας μεταβολη̂ς.Jowett1885v1: 2. 8.

These words are translated in the text *‘has survived some ancient change’; they may also mean, though the expression is somewhat inaccurate, ‘have survived from the old state before the change.’ For an example of such a ‘survival’ compare the custom at Epidamnus of the magistrates going into the assembly at elections, v. 1. § 10.

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τὰ μὲν ον̓̂ν κοινὰ ταɩ̂ς δημοκρατίαις ταν̂τ’ ἐστίν.Jowett1885v1: 2. 9.

ταν̂τα, i. e. ‘election out of all, all over each, each over all, some payment for services, poverty, mean birth are in various degrees characteristic of all democracies.’

τὸ μηθὲν μα̂λλον ἄρχειν τοὺς ἀπόρους ἢ τοὺς εὐπόρουςJowett1885v1: 2. 9.

is the reading of all the MSS. except one, and is supported by Moerbek. The phrase is peculiar: ‘that the poor should no more have power than the rich’ — we might expect rather ‘that the rich should no more have power than the poor.’ But Aristotle is speaking of democracy in the previous passage. It has been suggested that we should transpose the words; for the confusion of εὔποροι and ἄποροι (ii. 11. § 12, iii. 17. § 4, and v. 3. § 8) is common, and renders such a transposition not improbable. But a sufficiently good meaning is elicited from the text as it stands.

Τὸ δὲ μετὰ τον̂το ἀπορεɩ̂ται πω̂ς ἕξουσι τὸ ἴσον, πότερον δεɩ̂ τὰ τιμήματαJowett1885v1: 3. 1. διελεɩ̂ν χιλίοις τὰ τω̂ν πεντακοσίων καὶ τοὺς χιλίους ἴσον δύνασθαι τοɩ̂ς πεντακοσίοις, ἢ οὐχ οὕτω δεɩ̂ τιθέναι τὴν κατὰ τον̂το ἰσότητα, ἀλλὰ διελεɩ̂ν μὲν οὕτως, ἔπειτα ἐκ τω̂ν πεντακοσίων ἴσους λαβόντα καὶ ἐκ τω̂ν χιλίων, τούτους κυρίους εἰ̂ναι τω̂ν διαιρέσεων καὶ τω̂ν δικαστηρίων.

The meaning of the first case (πότερον δεɩ̂ τὰ τιμήματα κ.τ.λ.) is that the five hundred men of property should have as many votes as the thousand; of the second case that the proportion between the rich and the poor being maintained (500 = 1000), the electors instead of voting directly should choose representatives in equal numbers and transfer to them all the electoral and judicial power.

χιλίοις is the dative after διελεɩ̂ν: ‘to distribute to or among the thousand the qualification of the 500.’ The clause which follows (καὶ . . . πεντακοσίοις) is explanatory and illustrates the meaning. The qualification of the 500 is to be distributed among the 1000, and so the 1000 are equal to the 500. Others take the words with ἴσον δύνασθαι, placing a comma at διελεɩ̂ν, ‘and arrange the qualifications so that the votes of the 500 should be equal to those of the 1000, and the 1000 equal to the 500.’ According to this Edition: current; Page: [238]way of taking the passage, τὰ τιμήματα τω̂ν πεντακοσίων is not parallel with χιλίοις, sc. πολίταις, for which we should have expected τοɩ̂ς τω̂ν χιλίων. The irregularity is not continued in the next clause.

διελεɩ̂ν μὲν οὕτως. ‘We ought to distribute the qualification in this proportion, i. e. so that 1000 shall have together as much as 500 have together; and carry out the principle by electing an equal number of representatives from both.’ In the previous case Aristotle supposes a direct election, in this an election through representatives.

The word διαιρέσεων in this passage is doubtful. If genuine, it probably means the distribution of the citizens in classes or courts, like διελεɩ̂ν in the previous sentence (ἀλλὰ διελεɩ̂ν μὲν οὕτως κ.τ.λ.).

λέγουσι γὰρ ὡς ὅ τι ἂν δόξῃ τοɩ̂ς πλείοσι τω̂ν πολιτω̂ν, τον̂τ’ ε[Editor: illegible character]ναι δεɩ̂Jowett1885v1: 3. 4. κύριον κ.τ.λ.

‘It is commonly said that the majority must prevail, but in the majority the elements both of wealth and numbers have to be included. Suppose for example there are ten rich and twenty poor, six rich are of one opinion, fifteen poor of another. Five poor vote with the six rich, and four rich with the fifteen poor. When both are added up, then of whichever side the qualification exceeds, that is supreme.’

In the instance given, assuming the qualification of the poor to be half that of the rich then the votes of the side on which

the poor have a majority = 4 × 2 + 15 = | 23,
the rich have a majority = 6 × 2 + 5 = | 17,
Majority of poor . . . | 6

The precise arithmetical expression which is given to an imaginary problem is rather curious. It is also remarkable that the formula which is used seems applicable to timocracy rather than to democracy, which is now being discussed. But here as elsewhere Aristotle is always trying to escape from democracy pure and simple.

ὁποτ[Editor: illegible character]ρων ον̓̂ν τὸ τίμημα ὑπερτείνει συναριθμουμένων ἀμϕοτέρων ἑκατέροις,Jowett1885v1: 3. 5. τον̂το κύριον.

ἑκατέροις is the dative after ὑπερτείνει and a pleonastic explanation of ὁποτέρων.

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λέγω δὲ πρώτην ὥσπερ ἄν τις διέλοι τοὺς δήμους· βέλτιστος γὰρ δη̂μοςJowett1885v1: 4. 1. ὁ γεωργικός ἐστιν, ὥστε καὶ ποιεɩ̂ν ἐνδέχεται δημοκρατίαν, ὅπου ζῃ̑ τὸ πλη̂θος ἀπὸ γεωργίας ἢ νομη̂ς.

ὥσπερ ἄν τις κ.τ.λ. is the explanation of πρώτην, ‘I call it the first, meaning that which comes first in the classification of democracies,’ because it is the best and most natural, implied in βέλτιστος γὰρ δη̂μος.

ποιεɩ̂ν ἐνδέχεται δημοκρατίαν. The commentators require the addition of βελτίστην which may be supplied from βέλτιστος. Or Aristotle may mean, that you can have a democracy (though not commonly found to exist) among a rustic population, for that is the very best material of a democracy.

ἀπὸ γεωργίας ἢ νομη̂ς. Aristotle is here speaking not of nomadic tribes ‘cultivating their living farm’ (i. 8. § 6), who are far from being the most peaceable of mortals, not of an exclusively pastoral life at all (cp. § 11 infra), but of the tending of cattle as one of the ordinary pursuits of an agricultural population.

διὰ μὲν γὰρ τὸ μὴ πολλὴν οὐσίαν ἔχειν ἄσχολος, ὥστε μὴ πολλάκιςJowett1885v1: 4. 2. ἐκκλησιάζειν· διὰ δὲ τὸ μὴ ἔχειν τἀναγκαɩ̂α πρὸς τοɩ̂ς ἔργοις διατρίβουσι καὶ τω̂ν ἀλλοτρίων οὐκ ἐπιθυμον̂σιν.

It may appear strange that their being poor should be a reason why people do not desire the property of others. But though a little paradoxical the meaning is clear. Aristotle is describing a population which having little or no independent means, is absorbed in labour, and can only obtain through their labour the necessaries of life; they are patient as well as industrious, and too busy to covet the property of others.

κἂν μὴ μετέχωσι τη̂ς αἱρέσεως τω̂ν ἀρχω̂ν ἀλλά τινες αἱρετοὶ κατὰ μέροςJowett1885v1: 4. 4. ἐκ πάντων, ὥσπερ ἐν Μαντινείᾳ.

These words probably mean that a body of representatives elected the magistrates, this body consisting of persons elected in turn, or by sections out of all the citizens. A similar principle was adopted in the constitution of Telecles the Milesian (iv. 14. § 4), in which the citizens were to deliberate by turns, as here they elect by turns.

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καὶ δεɩ̂ νομίζειν καὶ τον̂τ’ εἰ̂ναι σχη̂μά τι δημοκρατίας, ὥσπερ ἐν ΜαντινείᾳJowett1885v1: 4. 5. ποτ’ ἠ̑ν.

So iv. 9. § 7, πολλοὶ γὰρ ἐγχειρον̂σι λέγειν ὡς δημοκρατίας οὔσης [τη̂ς Λακεδαιμονίων πολιτείας] διὰ τὸ δημοκρατικὰ πολλὰ τὴν τάξιν ἔχειν. Mantinea is to be counted as a democracy ‘after a fashion,’ at a certain period of her history, because the electors to offices, although themselves a small body only, were elected by all, and because the whole people had the right of deliberating. Schneider thinks that the names of the magistrates mentioned in the treaty made between Athens, Argos, Mantinea and Elis, b. c. 420 (Thuc. v. 47), likewise indicate a democratic form of government. But this is fanciful. That Mantinea was at that time a democracy may be more safely inferred from the alliance which she formed with Athens and Argos. Aristotle’s cautious language would lead us to suppose that the government of Mantinea, though not strictly speaking a democracy, wore the appearance of one, and was a form of government which he himself greatly admired, being in name a democracy but in reality administered by its chief citizens.

The chief magistrates are to be a select class possessing a highJowett1885v1: 4. 5, 6. qualification, but they will be controlled by the whole people. Thus the democratical constitution is supposed to be happily balanced. But it may be questioned whether a democracy which has a supreme power in the assembly would be willing to elect its magistrates from a privileged class. It may equally be doubted, whether a great people like the Athenians would have submitted to the checks and artifices by which democracy is bridled. Such theories of government look well in books, but they are ‘paperconstitutions’ only. They may sometimes be realized in fact when events have prepared the way for them; but cannot be imposed as the behests of political philosophy on a reluctant people merely with a view to their good.

διὸ δὴ καὶ συμϕέρον ἐστὶ τῃ̑ πρότερον ῥηθείσῃ δημοκρατίᾳ.Jowett1885v1: 4. 5.

διὸ refers to what has preceded. ‘And because of the general contentment which is thereby secured, it is advantageous to this rural form of democracy to be allowed to elect officers and review and judge’: a thought which is illustrated in what follows, § 6.

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ἄρχειν τοὺς ἐπιεικεɩ̂ς ἀναμαρτήτους ὄντας.Jowett1885v1: 4. 7.

Lit. ‘and they are blameless,’ ‘do no wrong,’ or taken in connexion with the preceding words, as in the translation, *‘are prevented from doing wrong.’ An example of a condensed sentence in which two thoughts are compressed into one.

πρὸς δὲ τὸ κατασκευάζειν γεωργὸν τὸν δη̂μον τω̂ν τε νόμων τινὲς τω̂νJowett1885v1: 4. 8. παρὰ τοɩ̂ς πολλοɩ̂ς κειμένων τὸ ἀρχαɩ̂ον χρήσιμοι πάντες, ἢ τὸ ὅλως μὴ ἐξεɩ̂ναι κεκτη̂σθαι πλείω γη̂ν μέτρου τινὸς ἢ ἀπό τινος τόπου πρὸς τὸ ἄστυ καὶ τὴν πόλιν.

ἀπό τινος τόπου, ‘beginning from a certain place,’ reckoned in relation to the town. *If reckoning inwards, we must supply μὴ from μὴ ἐξεɩ̂ναι; if outwards, the force of μὴ is not continued.

‘The law provided that no one should possess more than a certain quantity of land; or, if he did, it was not to be within a certain distance of the city; or, regarded from another point of view, it was to be beyond a certain distance from the city.’ In other words he was not to monopolize the valuable portions of the land (cp. Plato’s Laws, v. 739 foll.), which were to be distributed among as many of the citizens as possible.

ἄστυ the city is more precisely defined by πόλις, the Acropolis, as at Athens, cp. Thuc. ii. 15.

ἔστι δὲ καὶ ὃν λέγουσιν Ὀξύλου νόμον εἰ̂ναι τοιον̂τόν τι δυνάμενος, τὸ μὴJowett1885v1: 4. 9. δανείζειν εἴς τι μέρος τη̂ς ὑπαρχούσης ἑκάστῳ γη̂ς.

That is to say, a certain portion of the land could not be pledged, and was therefore always clear of incumbrances. In ancient as well as in modern times there were agricultural troubles; and many plans were devised for securing the peasant proprietor against the money-lender.

νν̂ν δὲ δεɩ̂ διορθον̂ν καὶ τῳ̑ Ἀϕυταίων νόμῳ· πρὸς γὰρ ὃ λέγομεν ἐστὶJowett1885v1: 4. 9, 10. χρήσιμος. ἐκεɩ̂νοι γάρ, καίπερ ὄντες πολλοὶ κεκτημένοι δὲ γη̂ν ὀλίγην, ὅμως πάντες γεωργον̂σιν· τιμω̂νται γὰρ οὐχ ὅλας τὰς κτήσεις, ἀλλὰ κατὰ τηλικαν̂τα μόρια διαιρον̂ντες ὥστ’ ἔχειν ὑπερβάλλειν ταɩ̂ς τιμήσεσι καὶ τοὺς πένητας.

διορθον̂ν. ‘Now, when through the want of an enactment such as Edition: current; Page: [242]that which is ascribed to Oxylus the evil has already sprung up, we should correct it by the law of the Aphytaeans.’

The object aimed at was to maintain or to preserve a large number of small proprietors who were freemen. This was effected at Aphytis by dividing the lots into small portions, each of which gave a qualification for citizenship, so that every one, however poor, was included: e.g. suppose a citizen of Aphytis to have possessed fifty acres, and that forty of these were seized by the usurer, still the remaining ten were sufficient to preserve his rights of citizenship. Or, more generally, ‘though the properties were often larger, the portion of land required for a qualification was small.’

The meaning of ὑπερβάλλειν is doubtful. It has been thought to mean that ‘even the small proprietors exceeded in number some other class, i.e. the rich or the inhabitants of the town,’ or* better ‘they exceeded the amount required.’

Aphytis was a city in Pallene, which, according to Heraclides Ponticus, fr. 39, Müller, vol. ii. p. 223, bore an excellent character for honesty among Hellenic cities. Δικαίως καὶ σωϕρόνως βιον̂σιν καὶ ἀλλοτρίων οὐ θιγγάνουσιν ἀνεῳγμένων τω̂ν θυρω̂ν. Then follows the story of the stranger who bought wine and entrusted it to no one, but on returning after a voyage found it in the same place.

τὰ πρὸς τὰς πολεμικὰς πράξεις.Jowett1885v1: 4. 11.

Not to be taken after γεγυμνασμένοι; nor is it necessary with some editors to bracket τά. Translate, ‘and as regards military actions, their mode of life is an excellent training for them.’ Compare Alexander’s speech to his army, made a few months before his death, 323 b.c., recorded by Arrian, Exped. Alexandri, vii. 9, in which he contrasts the Oriental luxury of his Macedonian soldiers with their former life as mountain shepherds.

The pastoral democracies of the Swiss mountains have been among the most lasting democracies in the world, and they have also furnished some of the best soldiers.

ἑπομένως δεɩ̂ παρεκβαίνειν,Jowett1885v1: 4. 15.

sc. τὰς ἄλλας. ‘The other sorts must deviate in a corresponding order.’

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ἑπομένως, i.e. ‘in an order corresponding to their goodness or badness,’ gathered from βελτίστην καὶ πρώτην.

χεɩ̂ρον ἀεὶ πλη̂θος χωρίζειν.Jowett1885v1: 4. 15.

‘At each stage we shall exclude a population worse in kind than at the preceding stage.’ Thus the first and best kind of democracy excludes the class of τεχνɩ̂ται (and a fortiori of course all below them). The second excludes the θη̂τες, and so on till at last nobody remains to be excluded. For the analogous process in oligarchy, cp. infra c. 6. §§ 2, 3.

ἃ δὲ ϕθείρειν συμβαίνει καὶ ταύτην καὶ τὰς ἄλλας πολιτείας, εἴρηται πρότερον Jowett1885v1: 4. 15. τὰ πλεɩ̂στα σχεδόν.

Either the stress is to be laid upon καὶ ταύτην, to which the words καὶ τὰς ἄλλας are subordinated, for other states have not been spoken of, ‘Most of the causes which are wont to destroy this like other states, have been already mentioned.’ Or, if the emphasis on καὶ τὰς ἄλλας πολιτείας is retained, the reference is to the causes of the destruction of states in bk. v.

ἃ δὲ . . . εἴρηται. The connexion is, ‘But I need not speak of the causes which destroy states; for they have been already spoken of.’ For the absolute use of μα̂λλον cp. Plat. Phaedo 63 D, ϕησὶ γὰρ θερμαίνεσθαι μα̂λλον τοὺς διαλεγομένους.

ἅπαν γὰρ οἰκεɩ̂ον τον̂το τῳ̑ τοιούτῳ δήμῳ μα̂λλον.Jowett1885v1: 4. 16.

The last word qualifies οἰκεɩ̂ον: ‘For all this admission of citizens is rather natural than alien to a democracy of this kind.’

ὅπερ συνέβη τη̂ς στάσεως αἴτιον γενέσθαι περὶ Κυρήνην.Jowett1885v1: 4. 17.

ὅπερ = the violence of the democracy which was established after the overthrow of the royal power (Herod. iv. 161), about 460 or 450 b.c., and was extended at a somewhat later period in the history of Cyrene.

Κλεισθένης.Jowett1885v1: 4. 18.

Cp. Hdt. v. 69, ὡς γὰρ δὴ τὸν Ἀθηναίων δη̂μον πρότερον ἀπωσμένον τότε πάντα (al. lect. πάντων) πρὸς τὴν ἑωυτον̂ μοɩ̂ραν προσεθήκατο, τὰς ϕυλὰς μετουνόμασε καὶ ἐποίησε πλεν̂νας ἐξ ἐλασσόνων. δέκα τε δὴ ϕυλάρχους Edition: current; Page: [244]ἀντὶ τεσσέρων ἐποίησε, δέκα δὲ καὶ τοὺς δήμους κατένεμε ἐς τὰς ϕυλάς.

Cp. Schömann’s Antiquities of Greece, Engl. Transl., p. 336.

The breaking up old divisions in an army and a state is not a mere change of names, but of traditions, customs, personal relations—to the ancients even of gods. The division of France into departments, the reorganisation of Italy and Germany, or, to take a minor instance, the recent redistribution of the English regiments, are modern examples of the manner in which such changes affect the habits of men or offend their prejudices.

ἔστι δ’ ἔργον . . . μέγιστον ἔργον.Jowett1885v1: 5. 1.

The repetition of ἔργον is awkward; but the general style of the Politics is not sufficiently accurate to justify us in omitting the word in either place.

διὸ δεɩ̂, περὶ ὡ̑ν τεθεώρηται πρότερον, τίνες σωτηρίαι καὶ ϕθοραὶ τω̂νJowett1885v1: 5. 2. πολιτειω̂ν, ἐκ τούτων πειρα̂σθαι κατασκευάζειν τὴν ἀσϕάλειαν.

διὸ because of the instability of states; the words περὶ ὡ̑ν τεθεώρηται πρότερον are either omitted or altered by those who change the order of the books.

The clause τίνες σωτηρίαι is the explanation of περὶ ὡ̑ν, and is resumed in ἐκ τούτων.

καὶ ϕερόντων πρὸς τὸ κοινόν.Jowett1885v1: 5. 3.

These words are an explanation of τω̂ν καταδικαζομένων, ‘of those who are condemned, and so bring money into the public treasury,’ not voluntarily, but by the penalties which they incur.

Cp. Cleon in Aristoph. Knights (923):

δώσεις ἐμοὶ καλὴν δίκην,

ἰπούμενος ταɩ̂ς ἐσϕοραɩ̂ς.

ἐγὼ γὰρ ἐς τοὺς πλουσίους

σπεύσω σ’ ὅπως ἂν ἐγγραϕῃ̑ς.

δεɩ̂ ποιεɩ̂ν ὀλίγας ἐκκλησίας.Jowett1885v1: 5. 5.

Cp. iv. 14. § 4.

ἀθρόα χρὴ διανέμειν τοɩ̂ς ἀπόροις, μάλιστα μέν, εἴ τις δύναται τοσον̂τον ἀθροίζων ὅσον εἰς γηδίου κτη̂σιν.Jowett1885v1: 5. 8.

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ὰθρόα, ‘in lump sums,’ opposed to the piecemeal method of doling out money which he had been describing above.

εἴ τις, indefinite ‘if we can only collect.’

δύναται, sc. ἀθρόα διανέμειν. The MSS. vary between ἀθροίζων and συναθροίζων. Bekker’s emendation ἀθροίζειν is unnecessary.

ἐν δὲ τούτῳ.Jowett1885v1: 5. 9.

‘In the meantime,’ i.e. until the poor have all received their share they should be assisted by the rich, who should pay them for attending the assembly.

ἀϕιεμένους τω̂ν ματαίων λειτουργιω̂ν.Jowett1885v1: 5. 9.

They being excused from those services which are useless. Cp. v. 8. § 20.

For Tarentum, see Müller’s Dorians (iii. 9. § 14), who suggestsJowett1885v1: 5. 10. without any proof that the words κοινὰ ποιον̂ντες τὰ κτήματα refer only to the ager publicus. Compare ii. 5. § 8, where Aristotle describes the Lacedaemonians as using one another’s horses and dogs in common.

ἔστι δὲ τον̂το ποιη̂σαι καὶ τη̂ς αὐτη̂ς ἀρχη̂ς μερίζοντας, τοὺς μὲν κληρωτοὺςJowett1885v1: 5. 11. τοὺς δ’ αἱρετούς.

See note on text.

ἀρχη̂ς is a genitive of respect, assisted by μερίζειν. ‘Either there may be two sets of offices, filled up the one by lot and the other by vote, or the same office may be filled up sometimes by lot and sometimes by vote.’

τοὺς μὲν κληρωτούς, sc. ἄρχοντας. Either the accusative immediately follows ποιη̂σαι, or is in apposition with τον̂το; or some word like καθιστάντας is to be supplied from μερίζοντας.

The people of Tarentum elected to some of their offices by vote and to some by lot; the same result might have been attained if they had divided each office, and filled up the vacancies alternately by vote and by lot.

πω̂ς δεɩ̂ ϕανερὸν ἐκ τούτων.Jowett1885v1: 6. 1.

With δεɩ̂, κατασκευάζειν from the previous sentence, or some similar word suitable to the construction, has to be supplied.

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τὴν μὲν εὔκρατον μάλιστα τω̂ν ὀλιγαρχιω̂ν καὶ πρώτην.Jowett1885v1: 6. 1.

With these words have to be supplied, though not therefore to be inserted in the text (Lambinus), πρὸς τὴν βελτίστην δημοκρατίαν καὶ πρώτην from the beginning of chap. 4.

ᾐ̑ δεɩ̂.Jowett1885v1: 6. 2.

ᾐ̑ = ἐν ᾐ̑. ‘And in this.’

μετέχειν ἐξεɩ̂ναι,Jowett1885v1: 6. 2.

sc. δεɩ̂.

τοσον̂τον εἰσαγομένου τον̂ δήμου πλη̂θος,Jowett1885v1: 6. 2.

‘The people being introduced in such numbers.’ An accusative of measure. (Matth. G. G. 421. § 5.)

ὥσπερ γὰρ τὰ μὲν σώματα εν̓̂ διακείμενα πρὸς ὑγίειαν καὶ πλοɩ̂α τὰ πρὸςJowett1885v1: 6. 4. ναυτιλίαν καλω̂ς ἔχοντα τοɩ̂ς πλωτη̂ρσιν ἐπιδέχεται πλείους ἁμαρτίας.

καλω̂ς ἔχοντα is taken in a double construction with τὰ πρὸς ναυτιλίαν and with πλωτη̂ρσι. Either (1)* ‘well furnished with sailors for navigation,’ or (2) ‘well furnished in respect of naval equipments for their sailors.’ τοɩ̂ς πλωτη̂ρσιν may also be construed with ἐπιδέχεται, ‘allow of more errors in their sailors.’ (1) is confirmed by the words which follow πλωτήρων τετυχηκότα ϕαύλων.

ἐπεὶ δὲ τέτταρα μέν ἐστι κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 7. 1.

Interpreters correctly remark that the four kinds of military force have no connexion with the four classes of the people.

ἐνταν̂θα μὲν εὐϕυω̂ς ἔχει κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 7. 1.

‘There nature favours the establishment of an oligarchy which will be strong,’ or ‘we may naturally expect to establish an oligarchy.’

ὅπου δ’ ὁπλίτην.Jowett1885v1: 7. 1.

Sc. εἰ̂ναι συμβέβηκε understood from the previous words though with a slight change of meaning in the word εἰ̂ναι. It is not necessary to read 1) ὁπλɩ̂τιν with Bekker (in his second edition), or 2) ὁπλιτικὴν with Susemihl (on the authority of one MS. which reads ὁπλιτικὸν and the old translator who gives ‘armativam’).

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The oligarchy find themselves outnumbered and overmatchedJowett1885v1: 7. 2, 3. by the light-armed troops. The remedy for this evil is to combine a light-armed force of their own with their cavalry and heavyarmed.

νν̂ν μὲν ον̓̂ν ὅπου τοιον̂τον πολὺ πλη̂θός ἐστιν, ὅταν διαστω̂σι, πολλάκιςJowett1885v1: 7. 2. ἀγωνίζονται χείρω.

The change in the nominatives is observable, ‘When the two parties (πλη̂θος καὶ εὔποροι) fall out, the rich (εὔποροι) are often worsted in the struggle.’

ϕάρμακον . . . στρατηγω̂ν.Jowett1885v1: 7. 2.

‘A remedy such as military commanders employ.’

ταύτῃ δ’ ἐπικρατον̂σιν.Jowett1885v1: 7. 3.

The antecedent of ταύτῃ, ‘in this way,’ is not clear. It appears to mean (as we gather from the context) ‘by their superior flexibility’—sc. διὰ τὸ ψιλὴν τὴν δύναμιν εἰ̂ναι.

ἐκκεκριμένους δὲ ἐκ παίδων ἀθλητὰς εἰ̂ναι αὐτοὺς τω̂ν ἔργων.Jowett1885v1: 7. 3.

Lit. ‘and that persons selected out of boys [thus trained] should themselves become actual light-armed warriors.’ The opposition of ἐκκεκριμένους δὲ to ἔτι μὲν ὄντας νέους implies that the persons selected had passed the stage of youth. For ἀθλητὰς τω̂ν ἔργων cp. Plat. Rep. viii. 543 B, ἀθλητὰς πολέμου.

ἐν Μασσαλίᾳ.Jowett1885v1: 7. 4.

See note on v. 6. § 2.

κατασκευάζειν τι τω̂ν κοινω̂νJowett1885v1: 7. 6.

should be taken generally of some permanent work, to erect some public building or monument.

τὰ λήμματα γὰρ ζητον̂σιν οὐχ ἡ̑ττον ἢ τὴν τιμήν.Jowett1885v1: 7. 7.

Cp. Eth. viii. 16. § 3, οὐ γὰρ ἔστιν ἅμα χρηματίζεσθαι ἐκ τω̂ν κοινω̂ν καὶ τιμα̂σθαι.

The plan of this book, which is for the most part a repetitionJowett1885v1: 8. of Book iv., here abruptly breaks down. For though democracy Edition: current; Page: [248]and oligarchy are fully discussed, nothing is said of other forms of government, notwithstanding the intention expressed at the beginning of the book, c. 1. § 2, of considering ‘the modes of organisation proper to each form of government.’

πρω̂τον μὲν ον̓̂ν ἐπιμέλεια τω̂ν ἀναγκαίων ἡ περὶ τὴν ἀγοράν, ἐϕ’ ᾐ̑ δεɩ̂Jowett1885v1: 8. 3. τινὰ ἀρχὴν εἰ̂ναι τὴν ἐϕορω̂σαν περί τε τὰ συμβόλαια καὶ τὴν εὐκοσμίαν.

τω̂ν ἀναγκαίων, sc. 1) ἐπιμελειω̂ν; or *2) ἀρχω̂ν, cp. supra § 1, τω̂ν ἀναγκαίων ἀρχω̂ν.

μετὰ δὲ ταύτην ἐχομένη μὲν ἀναγκαιοτάτη δὲ σχεδὸν καὶ χαλεπωτάτη τω̂νJowett1885v1: 8. 8. ἀρχω̂ν ἐστὶν ἡ περὶ τὰς πράξεις τω̂ν καταδικασθέντων καὶ τω̂ν προτιθεμένων κατὰ τὰς ἐγγραϕάς.

πράξεις is here used generally to include execution of sentences passed on criminals, and exaction of debts from public debtors.

τω̂ν προτιθεμένων appears to mean those whose names, having been first entered on the register as defaulters or criminals (κατὰ τὰς ἐγγραϕάς), are publicly posted up. Cp. infra § 10, περὶ τὰς προθέσεις τω̂ν ἀναγεγραμμένων: and Plato Laws 784 D where the incorrigible are to be written up (ἀναγεγραμμένοι) and deprived of citizenship.

καὶ πράξεων μὴ γιγνομένων,Jowett1885v1: 8. 9.

sc. κοινωνεɩ̂ν ἀδύνατον ἀλλήλοις.

ἔτι δ’ ἔνια πράττεσθαι καὶ τὰς ἀρχὰς τάς τε ἄλλας καὶ τὰς τω̂ν νέωνJowett1885v1: 8. 10. μα̂λλον τὰς νέας, καὶ τὰς τω̂ν ἐνεστώτων ἑτέρας καταδικασάσης ἑτέραν εἰ̂ναι τὴν πραττομένην, οἱ̑ον ἀστυνόμους τὰς παρὰ τω̂ν ἀγορανόμων, τὰς δὲ παρὰ τούτων ἑτέρους.

‘Moreover, in some cases, the magistrates too should execute the sentence; and there should be fresh magistrates to execute the sentences on fresh offences; but in the case of old or existing offences (τω̂ν ἐνεστώτων opposed to τω̂ν νέων) one magistrate should condemn, another should exact the penalty; for example, the wardens of the city should exact the fines imposed by the wardens of the agora.’

With τὰς τω̂ν νέων and τὰς τω̂ν ἐνεστώτων supply δίκας.

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τὸ δὲ περὶ πάντων τοὺς αὐτοὺς πολεμίους πα̂σιν.Jowett1885v1: 8. 11.

Sc. ποιεɩ̂ understood from ἀπέχθειαν ἔχει διπλη̂ν.

διὸ βέλτιον καὶ ταύτην χωρίζειν, καὶ τὸ σόϕισμα ζητεɩ̂ν καὶ περὶJowett1885v1: 8. 12. ταύτην.

τὸ σόϕισμα, ‘the suitable or appropriate device.’ The correction τι σόϕισμα, which is supported by the expression ἐὰν μή τι σοϕίζωνται (ii. 5. § 19), is unnecessary and feeble. Such an idiomatic use of the article is not unknown in English: e. g. ‘to find out the way’ or ‘the proper way of making the office less unpopular.’

καὶ περὶ ταύτην, sc. τὴν ϕυλάττουσαν. ‘About this as well as the last case,’ i. e. the case of the jailor and the executioner, as well as of the judge and the executioner.

τοιαν̂ται δ’ εἰ̂εν αἵ τε περὶ τὴν ϕυλακὴν τη̂ς πόλεως, καὶ ὅσαι τάττονταιJowett1885v1: 8. 14. πρὸς τὰς πολεμικὰς χρείας.

The optative here would seem to require ἄν, which is inserted by Bekker in his second edition, or εἰ̂εν may be altered into εἰ̂σι.

τὸ δὲ πα̂ν ἕν τι τούτων ἐστὶν εἰ̂δος ἐπιμελείας πολεμικω̂ν.Jowett1885v1: 8. 15.

The order of the words is τὸ δὲ πα̂ν εἰ̂δος τούτων ἐστὶν ἕν τι εἰ̂δος ἐπιμελείας πολεμικω̂ν. Bekker, in his 2nd edition (after Lambinus), reads ἐπιμέλεια, a change which is unnecessary.

καὶ προσευθυνον̂σαν.Jowett1885v1: 8. 16.

‘And which in addition audits them.’

ἡ γὰρ αὐτὴ πολλάκις ἔχει τὸ τέλος καὶ τὴν εἰσϕοράν.Jowett1885v1: 8. 17.

The connexion proves that the latter words can only mean ‘the final ratification and the introduction of measures.’

ἐχομένη δὲ ταύτης ἡ πρὸς τὰς θυσίας ἀϕωρισμένη τὰς κοινὰς πάσας, ὅσαςJowett1885v1: 8. 20. μὴ τοɩ̂ς ἱερεν̂σιν ἀποδίδωσιν ὁ νόμος, ἀλλ’ ἀπὸ τη̂ς κοινη̂ς ἑστίας ἔχουσι τὴν τιμήν.

Either 1)* the words ἐκείνοις ὅσοι, or 2) αἱ θυσίαι must be supplied before ἔχουσι.

Aristotle is opposing the priests, who perform the ordinary sacrifices assigned to them by law, to the great officers of state, who offer sacrifice at the public hearth of the city.

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καλον̂σι δ’ οἱ μὲν ἄρχοντας κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 8. 20.

Cp. iii. 14. § 13.

ἐπιλογισμούς.Jowett1885v1: 8. 21.

Audits by the officers called λογισταί (cp. § 16). But it is hard to distinguish them from ἐξετάσεις since Aristotle (supra § 16) says that λογισταὶ and ἐξετασταὶ are only different names for the same officers.

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BOOK VII.

Bernays (Die Dialoge des Aristoteles, p. 69 ff.) has drawnJowett1885v1: 1-3. attention to the peculiar style of the opening chapters (1, 2, 3) of this book, which he supposes to be taken from some Aristotelian dialogue. (See Essay on Structure of Aristotelian Writings.) The passage is certainly remarkable for a flow and eloquence which are not common in Aristotle. But though rare, there are other traces of grace and elevation of style to be discovered in the Politics: e.g. in the discussion about education (viii. c. 3-5), where the writer seems to derive inspiration from his subject; in the introduction to the criticism on the forms of government ii. c. 1; parts of ii. c. 5, especially § 11, are easy and flowing; the descriptions of the middle class citizen iv. c. 11; of the tyrant v. c. 11; and of the city vii. cc. 11, 12, are graphic and striking. There are also several passages in the Nicomachean Ethics as well as many fine expressions in which beauty of style shines through the logical analysis, e. g. Eth. i. 10. § 14; c. 10. § 12, ὅμως δὲ καὶ . . μεγαλόψυχος; ix. 4. §§ 3-6: x. 8. §§ 7, 8. If we could suppose these passages to be a fair sample of any complete writing of Aristotle, we could better understand why his style was so highly praised by Cicero (Acad. ii. 38), and other writers.

ἀδήλου γὰρ ὄντος τούτου καὶ τὴν ἀρίστην ἀναγκαɩ̂ον ἄδηλον εἰ̂ναιJowett1885v1: 1. 1. πολιτείαν.

‘For the best life may be expected to show us the best state.’

ἄριστα γὰρ πράττειν προσήκει τοὺς ἄριστα πολιτευομένους ἐκ τω̂ν ὑπαρχόντωνJowett1885v1: 1. 1. αὐτοɩ̂ς, ἐὰν μή τι γίγνηται παράλογον.

ἐκ τω̂ν ὑπαρχόντων is to be taken closely with πολιτευομένους. Not ‘they lead the best life, as far as their conditions of life admit, who are governed in the best manner:’ but ‘they lead the best Edition: current; Page: [252]life who have the best form of government possible under their conditions of life.’

The qualification ἐκ τω̂ν ὑπαρχόντων, though not mentioned in the first sentence, naturally occurs to the mind of Aristotle, who thinks of life under the conditions of life. Cp. infra § 13, νɩ̂ν δ’ ὑποκείσθω τοσον̂τον, ὅτι βίος μὲν ἄριστος, καὶ χωρὶς ἑκάστῳ καὶ κοινῃ̑ ταɩ̂ς πόλεσιν, ὁ μετ’ ἀρετη̂ς κεχορηγημένης ἐπὶ τοσον̂τον ὥστε μετέχειν τω̂ν κατ’ ἀρετὴν πράξεων.

Aristotle adds a further qualification ἐὰν μή τι γίγνηται παράλογον: as we might say without much meaning and almost as a façon de parler, ‘under ordinary circumstances.’

νομίσαντας ον̓̂ν ἱκανω̂ς πολλὰ λέγεσθαι καὶ τω̂ν ἐν τοɩ̂ς ἐξωτερικοɩ̂ςJowett1885v1: 1. 2, 3. λόγοις περὶ τη̂ς ἀρίστης ζωη̂ς, καὶ νν̂ν χρηστέον αὐτοɩ̂ς. ὡς ἀληθω̂ς γὰρ πρός γε μίαν διαίρεσιν οὐδεὶς ἀμϕισβητήσειεν ἂν ὡς οὐ τριω̂ν οὐσω̂ν μερίδων, τω̂ν τε ἐκτὸς καὶ τω̂ν ἐν τῳ̑ σώματι καὶ τω̂ν ἐν τῃ̑ ψυχῃ̑, πάντα ταν̂τα ὑπάρχειν τοɩ̂ς μακαρίοις δεɩ̂.

καὶ τω̂ν is partitive, ‘enough has been said among, or in, the things which have been said.’

ἐν τοɩ̂ς ἐξωτερικοɩ̂ς λόγοις. ‘Popular writings in general,’ whether those of Aristotle or of others, containing opinions or distinctions which were generally accepted. The threefold division of goods, into goods of the body, goods of the soul, and external goods, here said to be found in the ἐξωτερικοὶ λόγοι, is again mentioned in Rhet. i. 5. § 4, 1360 a. 25, and would seem to have been a received notion not peculiar to Aristotle. Cp. Nic. Eth. i. 8. § 2, νενεμημένων δὴ τω̂ν ἀγαθω̂ν τριχῃ̑, καὶ τω̂ν μὲν ἐκτὸς λεγομένων, τω̂ν δὲ περὶ ψυχὴν καὶ σω̂μα, τὰ περὶ ψυχὴν κυριώτατα λέγομεν καὶ μάλιστα ἀγαθά· τὰς δὲ πράξεις καὶ τὰς ἐνεργείας τὰς ψυχικὰς περὶ ψυχὴν τίθεμεν. ὥστε καλω̂ς ἂν λέγοιτο κατά γε ταύτην τὴν δόξαν παλαιὰν ον̓̂σαν καὶ ὁμολογουμένην ὑπὸ τω̂ν ϕιλοσοϕούντων. The λόγοι ἐξωτερικοὶ are alluded to in the same manner and nearly in the same words by Aristotle, Nic. Eth. i. 13. § 9. They are opposed to λόγοι κατὰ ϕιλοσοϕίαν Eud. Eth. 1217 b. 22.

τριω̂ν οὐσω̂ν μερίδων, sc. τω̂ν ἀγαθω̂ν, which is somewhat strangely omitted. The clause which follows τω̂ν τε ἐκτὸς κ.τ.λ., is either dependent on these words, or in apposition with them.

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ἀνδρίας κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 1. 4.

The virtues here mentioned are the four cardinal virtues of Plato (Rep. iv. 428), who calls ϕρόνησις by the term σοϕία, making no such distinction between σοϕία and ϕρόνησις as Aristotle afterwards introduced (Nic. Eth. vi.).

τοὺς ϕιλτάτους ϕίλους.Jowett1885v1: 1. 4.

ϕίλους is bracketed by Bekker in his second edition. But why object to the pleonasm in a rhetorical passage?

ἀλλὰ ταν̂τα μὲν λεγόμενα ὥσπερ πάντες ἂν συγχωρήσειαν, διαϕέρονται δ’Jowett1885v1: 1. 5. ἐν τῳ̑ ποσῳ̑ καὶ ταɩ̂ς ὑπεροχαɩ̂ς.

ὥσπερ is bracketed* by Bekker in his second edition, but without reason. If retained it may either be construed with ἂν συγχωρήσειαν, ‘as all would agree in these things the moment they are uttered, so on the other hand they differ’ etc.; or ὥσπερ may be a qualification of πάντες, ‘in a manner every one’ (Schlosser, Bonitz s.v.).

διαϕέρονται δ’ ἐν τῳ̑ ποσῳ̑ καὶ ταɩ̂ς ὑπεροχαɩ̂ς.Jowett1885v1: 1. 5.

Cp. infra § 8, κατὰ τὴν ὑπεροχὴν ἥνπερ εἴληϕε διάστασιν.

‘Virtue can never be in excess, and he who has the most virtueJowett1885v1: 1. 5-13. is the best of men and the happiest; for happiness consists in virtue provided with sufficient means or instruments of good action; and this principle applies equally to individuals and to states, and is the foundation both of ethics and of politics.’

The proof that external goods are inferior to the goods of theJowett1885v1: 1. 6, 7. soul is twofold:

1) διὰ τω̂ν ἔργων, from the fact that the former are acquired by the latter and not vice versâ.

2) κατὰ τὸν λόγον σκοπουμένοις, from reason, i. e. the nature of things, because external goods, being an instrument, have a limit; of the goods of the soul there is no limit.

On the antithesis of facts and reason and the connexion between them in Aristotle, cp. note on i. 5. § 1.

τω̂ν δὲ περὶ ψυχὴν ἕκαστον ἀγαθω̂ν, ὅσῳπερ ἂν ὑπερβάλλῃ, τοσούτῳJowett1885v1: 1. 7. μα̂λλον χρήσιμον εἰ̂ναι.

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Yet this is only true of the goods of the soul in their most general sense; a man cannot have too much justice, or wisdom, or intelligence, but he may have too much memory or too much imagination, and perhaps even too much courage or liberality. He cannot have too much of the highest, but he may have too much of the lower intellectual and moral qualities. Cp. Ethics ii. 6. § 17 where Aristotle, after defining virtue as a μεσότης, is careful to explain that it is also an ἀκρότης.

ὅλως τε δη̂λον ὡς ἀκολουθεɩ̂ν ϕήσομεν τὴν διάθεσιν τὴν ἀρίστην ἑκάστουJowett1885v1: 1. 8. πράγματος πρὸς ἄλληλα κατὰ τὴν ὑπεροχήν, ἥνπερ εἴληϕε διάστασιν ὡ̑ν ϕαμὲν αὐτὰς εἰ̂ναι διαθέσεις ταύτας.

The general meaning of this passage is simple enough. ‘If one thing is superior to another, the best state of that thing is superior to the best state of the other.’ But an awkwardness is caused by the insertion of διάστασιν, after the relative ἥνπερ in apposition with ὑπεροχήν. ‘According to the excess or interval which exists between the different states of things.’ The subject of εἴληϕε is the antecedent of ὡ̑ν, i. e. πράγματα, supplied from έκάστου πράγματος.

Bekker, following the old translation ‘sortita est,’ reads εἴληχε for εἴληϕε in his second edition. The change makes no real difference in the sense.

ἔτι δὲ τη̂ς ψυχη̂ς ἕνεκεν ταν̂τα πέϕυκεν αἱρετὰ καὶ δεɩ̂ πάντας αἱρεɩ̂σθαιJowett1885v1: 1. 9. τοὺς εν̓̂ ϕρονον̂ντας, ἀλλ’ οὐκ ἐκείνων ἕνεκεν τὴν ψυχήν.

Cp. Matth. xvi. 26, τί γὰρ ὠϕεληθήσεται ἄνθρωπος ἐὰν τὸν κόσμον ὅλον κερδήσῃ τὴν δὲ ψυχὴν αὐτον̂ ζημιωθῃ̑;

μάρτυρι τῳ̑ θεῳ̑ χρωμένοις.Jowett1885v1: 1. 10.

Cp. Nic. Eth. vii. 14. § 8, Διὸ ὁ θεὸς ἀεὶ μίαν καὶ ἁπλη̂ν χαίρει ἡδονήν· οὐ γὰρ μόνον κινήσεώς ἐστιν ἐνέργεια ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀκινησίας καὶ ἡδονὴ μα̂λλον ἐν ἠρεμίᾳ ἐστὶν ἢ ἐν κινήσει: also Ib. x. 8. § 7, ὥστε ἡ τον̂ θεον̂ ἐνέργεια, μακαριότητι διαϕέρουσα, θεωρητικὴ ἂν εἴη: and Metaph. xi. c. 7, 1072 b. 26, ἡ γὰρ νον̂ ἐνέργεια ζωή, ἐκεɩ̂νος δὲ (sc. ὁ θεὸς) ἡ ἐνέργεια· ἐνέργεια δὲ ἡ καθ’ αὑτὴν ἐκείνου ζωὴ ἀρίστη καὶ ἀΐδιος.

ἐχόμενον δ’ ἐστὶ καὶ τω̂ν αὐτω̂ν λόγων δεόμενον καὶ πόλιν εὐδαίμονα τὴνJowett1885v1: 1. 11. ἀρίστην εἰ̂ναι καὶ πράττουσαν καλω̂ς.

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The words πράττουσαν καλω̂ς may be taken either with εὐδαίμονα or with τὴν ἀρίστην. Either 1)* ‘the happy state is that which is (morally) best, and which does rightly’: or 2) ‘the happy state and that which does rightly is the best’: or 3) (and this though not the only allowable rendering of the passage probably has the most point) ‘the best state and that which acts rightly is happy,’ as God has been said to be happy in the previous sentence. The last words πράττουσαν καλω̂ς are ambiguous, including both our own ‘doing well,’ and ‘faring well.’ The argument is that as God is happy in his own nature so the state can be happy only so far as it partakes of virtue or wisdom.

ἀνδρία δὲ πόλεως καὶ δικαιοσύνη καὶ ϕρόνησις τὴν αὐτὴν ἔχει δύναμιν καὶJowett1885v1: 1. 12. μορϕήν, ὡ̑ν μετασχὼν ἕκαστος τω̂ν ἀνθρώπων λέγεται δίκαιος καὶ ϕρόνιμος καὶ σώϕρων.

τὴν αὐτὴν δύναμιν, sc. ἐκείνοις, to be supplied before ὡ̑ν μετασχών, ‘with that power or force which each man partakes of when he is called just and temperate and wise.’ Cp. for construction supra § 8.

Bekker, in his second edition (after Coraes), inserts καὶ σωϕροσύνη after ϕρόνησις, and ἀνδρεɩ̂ος καὶ before δίκαιος to make the passage symmetrical; but there is no reason to expect this exact symmetry.

έτέρας γάρ ἐστιν ἔργον σχολη̂ς ταν̂τα.Jowett1885v1: 1. 13.

Lit. ‘For this is the business of another time of leisure,’ or ‘of another time when we shall be at leisure,’ or*, ‘of another discussion.’ Yet he returns to the subject at the beginning of the next chapter. The word σχολὴ is translated ‘discussion’ in this passage by Stahr, and so explained in Liddell and Scott’s Lexicon. It is found in this sense in the Laws of Plato, 820 C, and perhaps in Arist. Polit. v. 11. § 5.

ἐπὶ τη̂ς νν̂ν μεθόδου.Jowett1885v1: 1. 14.

‘Enquiry,’ rather than ‘treatise.’ No reference is made in the Politics to the whole work as a book.

It has been already said, c. 1. § 11, not exactly that the happinessJowett1885v1: 2. 1. of the state is the same as that of the individual, but that they can Edition: current; Page: [256]be shown to be the same by the same kind of arguments; and again, § 13, the best life for both is declared to be the life of virtue, furnished sufficiently with the means of performing virtuous actions; and in § 14 he proposes to defer matters of controversy for the present. But at the beginning of the second chapter, as if he were dissatisfied with his conclusion, he resumes the question, which has been already in a manner briefly determined, and as if he had forgotten the intention to defer it. There appears to be a latent incongruity even in this rhetorical passage.

It has been thought by Susemihl that c. 1. § 11, ἐχόμενον δ’ ἐστὶ καὶ τω̂ν αὐτω̂ν λόγων δεόμενον κ.τ.λ. is another form of what follows, and that if c. 1. §§ 11, 12 be omitted the connexion of c. 1 and c. 2 would be restored. But the similarity of §§ 11, 12 in c. 1 with c. 2 is not very close; and the difference of style in the two chapters remains as striking as ever.

The analogy of the individual and the state is drawn out at length in the Republic of Plato, iv. 435 ff.

εἴτε πα̂σιν ὄντος αἱρετον̂ κοινωνεɩ̂ν πόλεως εἴτε καὶ τισὶ μὲν μὴ τοɩ̂ς δὲJowett1885v1: 2. 3. πλείστοις.

‘Whether it be a democracy or a timocracy.’ The remark is parenthetical, and is not further expanded.

ἐπεὶ δὲ τη̂ς πολιτικη̂ς διανοίας καὶ θεωρίας τον̂τ’ ἐστὶν ἔργον, ἀλλ’ οὐ τὸJowett1885v1: 2. 4. περὶ ἕκαστον αἱρετόν, ἡμεɩ̂ς δὲ ταύτην προῃρήμεθα νν̂ν τὴν σκέψιν, ἐκεɩ̂νο μὲν πάρεργον ἂν εἴη τον̂το δ’ ἔργον τη̂ς μεθόδου ταύτης.

ταυτήν, sc. σκέψιν πολιτικὴν supplied from πολιτικη̂ς.

ἐκεɩ̂νο, sc. the question, ‘which is the more eligible life?’

τον̂το, sc. the question, ‘which is the best state?’ Cp. Nic. Eth. i. 2. § 8.

ἀμϕισβητεɩ̂ται . . . πότερον ὁ πολιτικὸς καὶ πρακτικὸς βίος αἱρετὸς ἢ μα̂λλονJowett1885v1: 2. 5. ὁ πάντων τω̂ν ἐκτὸς ἀπολελυμένος, οἱ̑ον θεωρητικός τις.

Cp. Nic. Eth. x. 7, where the relative value of the two kinds of life is fully discussed.

ἀνάγκη γὰρ τόν τε εν̓̂ ϕρονον̂ντα πρὸς τὸν βελτίω σκοπὸν συντάττεσθαιJowett1885v1: 2. 6. καὶ τω̂ν ἀνθρώπων ἕκαστον καὶ κοινῃ̑ τὴν πολιτείν.

Yet Aristotle does not show how the two lives of action and Edition: current; Page: [257]contemplation are to be transferred to the sphere of politics, the parallel which he sets over against them in this passage being only the life of the tyrant and the life of the private individual. At § 16 he opposes the state in activity to the state in isolation; and this is perhaps the half-expressed contrast which is floating before his mind.

νομίζουσι δ’ οἱ μὲν τὸ τω̂ν πέλας ἄρχειν δεσποτικω̂ς μὲν γιγνόμενον μετ’Jowett1885v1: 2. 7. ἀδικίας τινὸς εἰ̂ναι τη̂ς μεγίστης, πολιτικω̂ς δὲ τὸ μὲν ἄδικον οὐκ ἔχειν, ἐμπόδιον δὲ ἔχειν τῃ̑ περὶ αὐτὸν εὐημερίᾳ.

ἐμπόδιον δὲ ἔχειν, ‘to contain an impediment.’ The article may be supplied, if necessary from τὸ μὲν ἄδικον.

ὥσπερ ἐν Λακεδαίμονι καὶ Κρήτῃ πρὸς τοὺς πολέμους συντέτακται σχεδὸνJowett1885v1: 2. 9. ἥ τε παιδεία καὶ τὸ τω̂ν νόμων πλη̂θος.

Cp. Plato’s Laws, bk. i. 630 ff., where the principle that the laws of nations should have some higher object than success in war is energetically maintained, and for the approval of these sentiments by Aristotle, supra, ii. 9. § 34.

καθάπερ ἐν Καρχηδόνι ϕασὶ τὸν ἐκ τω̂ν κρίκων κόσμον λαμβάνειν.Jowett1885v1: 2. 10.

It may be instructive and is certainly amusing to remark that William de Moerbek either reading κρίνων from κρίνον, ‘a lily,’ or confusing κρίνων and κρίκων, translated ‘lilia.’

ἐν δὲ Σκύθαις οὐκ ἐξη̂ν πίνειν ἐν ἑορτῃ̑ τινὶ σκύϕον περιϕερόμενον τῳ̑Jowett1885v1: 2. 11. μηθένα ἀπεκταγκότι πολέμιον.

Cp. Hdt. iv. 66, where it is said that once in every year the governor of each district mixes a bowl of wine from which those only may drink who have captured enemies.

The accusative σκύϕον περιϕερόμενον may be regarded as an accusative absolute, assisted by the verb of cognate signification, ‘when the cup was brought round.’

Here is a beginning of national and international morality. TheJowett1885v1: 2. 12-18. question whether the contemplative or the practical life is the superior was discussed in Nic. Eth. x. c. 7, but entirely with reference to the individual. In this passage an analogous question is raised concerning Edition: current; Page: [258]the state. May not an individual find within himself the best kind of action?—May not the state, though isolated and self-centred, lead a true political life? These two questions to us appear distinct; but they are very closely connected in the mind of Aristotle, to whom the individual is the image of the state.

The isolated life of the state is suggested as a possibility by Aristotle. But he is quite aware that all states have relations to their neighbours which they cannot afford to neglect. Cp. ii. 6. § 7; c. 7. § 14.

ἀλλὰ τὸ πρὸς τον̂το θηρευτόν.Jowett1885v1: 2. 15.

Cp. in i. 7. § 5, οἱ̑ον ἡ δικαία, and infra c. 14. § 21.

καίτοι τάχ’ ἂν ὑπολάβοι τις τούτων οὕτω διωρισμένων ὅτι τὸ κύριον εἰ̂ναιJowett1885v1: 3. 3, 4. πάντων ἄριστον· οὕτω γὰρ ἂν πλείστων καὶ καλλίστων κύριος εἴη πράξεων. ὥστε οὐ δεɩ̂ τὸν δυνάμενον ἄρχειν παριέναι τῳ̑ πλησίον, ἀλλὰ μα̂λλον ἀϕαιρεɩ̂σθαι, καὶ μήτε πατέρα παίδων μήτε παɩ̂δας πατρὸς μήθ’ ὅλως ϕίλον ϕίλου μηθένα ὑπολογεɩ̂ν μηδὲ πρὸς τον̂το ϕροντίζειν· τὸ γὰρ ἄριστον αἱρετώτατον.

‘It is argued by some that power gives the opportunity for virtue, and if so, the attainment of power will be the attainment of virtue. But power in the higher sense implies the qualities which enable a man to make the true use of it, and these he will not gain but lose by violating the equality which nature prescribes.’ Compare the notion of Thrasymachus (Plat. Rep. i.) that justice is the interest of the superior and supra, note on i. 6. § 3; also the thesis maintained by Callicles (Gorgias 484 ff.) that the tyrant is wisest and best and the refutation of this notion by Socrates.

πρὸς τον̂το, sc. πρὸς τὸ ὑπολογεɩ̂ν παίδων, κ.τ.λ.

μὴ διαϕέροντι τοσον̂τον ὅσον ἀνὴρ γυναικὸς ἢ πατὴρ τέκνων ἢ δεσπότηςJowett1885v1: 3. 5. δούλων.

These family relations are chosen as types of government answering to various kinds of rule, aristocratical, royal, tyrannical (cp. Nic. Eth. viii. 10).

Aristotle means to say that a man is harmed by ruling over others unless he have a right to rule; but this right can be given only by a natural superiority.

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τοɩ̂ς γὰρ ὁμοίοις τὸ καλὸν καὶ τὸ δίκαιον ἐν τῳ̑ μέρει.Jowett1885v1: 3. 5.

Either 1) ‘For equals to share in the honourable is just,’ or 2)* ‘For to equals the honourable and the just consists in all having a turn.’

ἐνδέχεται γὰρ κατὰ μέρη καὶ τον̂το συμβαίνειν.Jowett1885v1: 3. 9.

καὶ τον̂το = οὐκ ἀπρακτεɩ̂ν; or rather some positive idea which is to be elicited from these words. ‘There may be in a state internal as well as external activity.’

ὁμοίως δὲ τον̂το ὑπάρχει καὶ καθ’ ἑνὸς ὁτουον̂ν τω̂ν ἀνθρώπων.Jowett1885v1: 3. 10.

‘Like the state the individual may be isolated, yet he may have many thoughts and powers energizing within him.’

σχολῃ̑ γὰρ ἂν ὁ θεὸς ἔχοι καλω̂ς καὶ πα̂ς ὁ κόσμος οἱ̑ς οὐκ εἰσὶν ἐξωτερικαὶJowett1885v1: 3. 10. πράξεις παρὰ τὰς οἰκείας τὰς αὐτω̂ν.

i.e. ‘were happiness not possible in isolation.’ Cp. Nic. Eth. ix. 4. § 4, ἔχει γὰρ καὶ νν̂ν ὁ θεὸς τἀγαθὸν ἀλλ’ ὢν ὅτι ποτ’ ἐστίν; ib. x. 8. § 7, quoted supra, c. 1. § 10.

καὶ τοɩ̂ς ἀνθρώποις.Jowett1885v1: 3. 10.

There is no reason for bracketing these words as Bekker has done in his second edition; = ‘mankind generally.’ Cp. supra c. 2. § 17, where πόλεις are joined with γένος ἀνθρώπων.

περὶ αὐτω̂ν.Jowett1885v1: 4. 1.

‘About these general questions.’

περὶ τὰς ἄλλας πολιτείας κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 4. 1.

‘Other than the best.’ These words seem most naturally to refer to Books iv, v, and vi, and are therefore inconsistent with the altered order of the books. It is impossible to believe with Hildenbrand and Teichmüller that Book ii., in which Aristotle treats not of different forms of government, but of certain theoretical or historical constitutions, furnishes a sufficient antecedent for these words. (See Susemihl’s note, 749, vol. ii. p. 180.)

περὶ τη̂ς μελλούσης κατ’ εὐχὴν συνεστάναι πόλεως.Jowett1885v1: 4. 1.

Compare iv. 1. § 3, ὥστε δη̂λον ὅτι καὶ πολιτείαν τη̂ς αὐτη̂ς ἐστὶν ἐπιστήμης τὴν ἀρίστην θεωρη̂σαι τίς ἐστι, καὶ ποία τις ἂν ον̓̂σα μάλιστ’ εἴη κατ’ εὐχήν, Edition: current; Page: [260]μηδενὸς ἐμποδίζοντος τω̂ν ἐκτός. Aristotle appears to start with a consideration of the perfect state; but in attempting to describe the conditions of it he seems to forget his higher purpose. Unless it may be supposed that the Politics is an unfinished work.

τὴν οἰκείαν ὕλην.Jowett1885v1: 4. 3.

= τὰς ὑποθέσεις, the conditions mentioned in § 1.

ἔστι γάρ τι καὶ πόλεως ἔργον, ὥστε τὴν δυναμένην τον̂το μάλιστ’ ἀποτελεɩ̂ν,Jowett1885v1: 4. 5. ταύτην οἰητέον εἰ̂ναι μεγίστην, οἱ̑ον Ἱπποκράτην οὐκ ἄνθρωπον ἀλλ’ ἰατρὸν εἰ̂ναι μείζω ϕήσειεν ἄν τις τον̂ διαϕέροντος κατὰ τὸ μέγεθος τον̂ σώματος.

‘That city is the greatest, not which is numerically largest, but which is best adapted to its end; just as Hippocrates is greater, not as a man but as a physician, than somebody else who is taller.’ The great city must have the qualities suited to a city, just as the great Hippocrates must have the qualities, not of a tall man, but of a physician. It is the accident of a city that it is populous, just as it is the accident of Hippocrates that he is tall.

ὁ δὲ λίαν ὑπερβάλλων ἀριθμὸς οὐ δύναται μετέχειν τάξεως· θείας γὰρ δὴJowett1885v1: 4. 8, 9. τον̂το δυνάμεως ἔργον, ἥτις καὶ τόδε συνέχει τὸ πα̂ν· ἐπεὶ τό γε καλὸν ἐν πλήθει καὶ μεγέθει εἴωθε γίνεσθαι. διὸ καὶ πόλιν ἡ̑ς μετὰ μεγέθους ὁ λεχθεὶς ὅρος ὑπάρχει, ταύτην εἰ̂ναι καλλίστην ἀναγκαɩ̂ον.

The connexion is as follows: ‘The divine power which holds together the universe can alone give order to infinity. For beauty consists in number and magnitude; wherefore that city in which magnitude is combined with the principle of order is to be deemed the fairest.’

In this and similar passages we may note mingling with Pythagorean fancies, a true sense that proportion is the first principle of beauty. Cp. Metaph. xii. 8. § 26, 1074 b. 1, παραδέδοται δὲ παρὰ τω̂ν ἀρχαίων καὶ παμπαλαίων ἐν μύθου σχήματι καταλελειμμένα τοɩ̂ς ὕστερον ὅτι θεοί τέ εἰσιν οὑ̑τοι καὶ περιέχει τὸ θεɩ̂ον τὴν ὅλην ϕύσιν· τὰ δὲ λοιπὰ μυθικω̂ς ἤδη προση̂κται πρὸς τὴν πειθὼ τω̂ν πολλω̂ν καὶ πρὸς τὴν εἰς τοὺς νόμους καὶ τὸ συμϕέρον χρη̂σιν.

τον̂το refers to τάξεως, but is neuter because it is attracted by ἔργον.

ὁ λεχθεὶς ὅρος, ‘the above-mentioned principle,’ sc. εὐταξία.

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διὸ πρώτην μὲν εἰ̂ναι πόλιν ἀναγκαɩ̂ον τὴν ἐκ τοσούτου πλήθους ὃ πρω̂τονJowett1885v1: 4. 11. πλη̂θος αὔταρκες πρὸς τὸ εν̓̂ ζη̂ν ἐστὶ κατὰ τὴν πολιτικὴν κοινωνίαν.

διὸ refers not to the clause immediately preceding but to the principal idea of the sentence, contained in the words ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ πόλις, ἡ μὲν ἐξ ὀλίγων λίαν οὐκ αὐτάρκης κ.τ.λ. Cp. Nic. Eth. ix. 10. § 3, οὔτε γὰρ ἐκ δέκα ἀνθρώπων γένοιτ’ ἂν πόλις, οὔτ’ ἐκ δέκα μυριάδων ἔτι πόλις ἐστίν.

πρώτην and πρω̂τον. ‘We then first have a state when we first have a sufficient number.’ πρω̂τον may be either adjective or adverb.

κατὰ τὴν πολιτικὴν κοινωνίαν. ‘A good life according to the requirements of the political community,’ i. e. the life of a freeman and citizen.

εἰ̂ναι μείζω πόλιν.Jowett1885v1: 4. 12.

μείζω is unnecessarily bracketed by Bekker in his 2nd edition. The point is as follows: ‘There may be also a greater city than is required by the limit of self sufficiency, but this increase is not unlimited.’ He has said above (§ 4) ‘that the more numerous city is not necessarily the greater,’ but in this case it is or may be.

εἰσὶ γὰρ αἱ πράξεις τη̂ς πόλεως τω̂ν μὲν ἀρχόντων, τω̂ν δ’ ἀρχομένων.Jowett1885v1: 4. 12.

The πράξεις, or actions of a state, are the actions of two classes which act upon each other, the governors and the governed. Cp. i. 5. § 3, ὅπου δὲ τὸ μὲν ἄρχει τὸ δ’ ἄρχεται ἐστί τι τούτων ἔργον.

ἀναγκαɩ̂ον γνωρίζειν ἀλλήλους.Jowett1885v1: 4. 13.

Cp. Plat. Laws v. 738 D, E, οὑ̑ μεɩ̂ζον οὐδὲν πόλει ἀγαθὸν ἢ γνωρίμους αὐτοὺς (sc. τοὺς πολίτας) αὑτοɩ̂ς εἰ̂ναι. Ὅπου γὰρ μὴ ϕω̂ς ἀλλήλοις ἐστὶν ἀλλήλων ἐν τοɩ̂ς τρόποις ἀλλὰ σκότος, οὔτ’ ἂν τιμη̂ς τη̂ς ἀξίας οὔτ’ ἀρχω̂ν οὔτε δίκης ποτέ τις ἂν τη̂ς προσηκούσης ὀρθω̂ς τυγχάνοι.

δη̂λον τοίνυν ὡς οὑ̑τός ἐστι πόλεως ὅρος ἄριστος, ἡ μεγίστη τον̂ πλήθουςJowett1885v1: 4. 14. ὑπερβολὴ πρὸς αὐτάρκειαν ζωη̂ς εὐσύνοπτος.

This is a condensed sentence, meaning ‘the largest number which can be seen at once, and at the same time suffices for the purposes of life.’ Aristotle wishes to combine μέγεθός τι with εὐνομία. Cp. Poet. 7, 1451 a. 3, ὥστε δεɩ̂ καθάπερ ἐπὶ τω̂ν σωμάτων καὶ ἐπὶ τω̂ν ζῴων ἔχειν μὲν μέγεθος, τον̂το δὲ εὐσύνοπτον εἰ̂ναι.

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ἕλκοντας,Jowett1885v1: 5. 2.

like the English word ‘draw,’ is used neutrally, ‘those who draw or pull to either extreme.’

The paragraph—τὸ δ’ εἰ̂δος . . . . εὐπαρακόμιστον—is ill arranged:Jowett1885v1: 5. 3, 4. it may be analysed as follows: ‘The city should be difficult of access to enemies, and easy of egress to the citizens; the whole territory should be seen at a glance (for a country which is easily seen is easily protected): it should be well situated both in regard to sea and land. Herein are contained two principles: 1) the one already mentioned, about inaccessibility to enemies and convenience to friends: to which may be added 2) a second principle, that the situation should be adapted to commerce.’

The words δεɩ̂ . . . . ἁπάντων are a repetition of the words τὸ δ’ εὐσύνοπτον τὸ εὐβοήθητον εἰ̂ναι τὴν χώραν ἐστίν.

εἱ̑ς μὲν ὁ λεχθεὶς ὅρος,Jowett1885v1: 5. 4.

sc. περὶ τον̂ εἴδους τη̂ς χώρας.

ἔτι δὲ τη̂ς περὶ ξύλα ὕλης, κἂν εἴ τινα ἄλλην ἐργασίαν ἡ χώρα τυγχάνοιJowett1885v1: 5. 4. κεκτημένη τοιαύτην, εὐπαρακόμιστον.

τη̂ς ὕλης dependent on εὐπαρακόμιστον = εν̓̂ ἔχουσαν πρὸς τὴν κομιδήν: τη̂ς περὶ ξύλα ὕλης either 1) wood (ὕλη) which is used as timber, or 2) timber which is used as material (ὕλη).

The echo of these antimaritime prejudices is heard in Cicero,Jowett1885v1: 6. who discusses the subject at length in his De Republica, Book ii. cc. 3 and 4.

καὶ τὴν πολυανθρωπίαν,Jowett1885v1: 6. 1.

sc. ἀσύμϕορον εἰ̂ναί ϕασιν.

ὅτι μὲν ον̓̂ν, εἰ ταν̂τα μὴ συμβαίνει, κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 6. 2.

‘That however, if we could get rid of these evils, there would be an advantage in a city being connected with the sea is obvious.’

αὑτῃ̑ γὰρ ἐμπορικήν, ἀλλ’ οὐ τοɩ̂ς ἄλλοις δεɩ̂ εἰ̂ναι τὴν πόλιν.Jowett1885v1: 6. 4.

‘Like the individual (i. 9. § 14) the city may receive what she absolutely needs, but is not to import and export without limit.’

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Aristotle would restrain foreign trade as much as possible, not because he aims at exclusiveness, but because he dislikes the moneymaking and commercial spirit.

ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ νν̂ν ὁρω̂μεν πολλαɩ̂ς ὑπάρχον καὶ χώραις καὶ πόλεσιν ἐπίνειαJowett1885v1: 6. 5. καὶ λιμένας εὐϕυω̂ς κείμενα πρὸς τὴν πόλιν, ὥστε μήτε τὸ αὐτὸ νέμειν ἄστυ μήτε πόρρω λίαν, ἀλλὰ κρατεɩ̂σθαι τείχεσι καὶ τοιούτοις ἄλλοις ἐρύμασι, ϕανερὸν ὡς εἰ μὲν ἀγαθόν τι συμβαίνει γίγνεσθαι διὰ τη̂ς κοινωνίας αὐτω̂ν, ὑπάρξει τῃ̑ πόλει τον̂το τὸ ἀγαθόν, εἰ δέ τι βλαβερόν, ϕυλάξασθαι ῥᾴδιον τοɩ̂ς νόμοις ϕράζοντας καὶ διορίζοντας τ[Editor: illegible character]νας οὐ δεɩ̂ καὶ τίνας ἐπιμίσγεσθαι δεɩ̂ πρὸς ἀλλήλους.

In this passage ὑπάρχον the reading of the MSS. has been altered into 1) ὑπάρχειν by Schneider and by Bekker in his 2nd Edition; and also 2) into ὑπάρχοντα, in the latter case with the omission of καί. The alteration, though probable, is not necessary; for ἐμπόριον may be supplied with ὑπάρχον from the preceding sentence, the plural words ἐπίνεια καὶ λιμένας being taken in apposition as an epexegesis. ‘But now-a-days there are many cities and places in which such a mart exists, [containing] docks and harbours conveniently situated in relation to the city; and as is obvious, whatever evil there may be is avoided and the good secured, when they are placed at a moderate distance, but commanded by walls and similar fortifications.’

The inland position of the ancient Greek cities, as Thucydides (i. 7) remarks, was due to the prevalence of piracy. Their ports were added later, as the Piraeus at Athens, Nisaea at Megara, Cenchreae and Lechaeum at Corinth, Cyllene at Elis, Gythium at Sparta, Nauplia at Argos, Siphae at Thespiae, Notium at Colophon, etc.

κρατεɩ̂σθαι = to be controlled or held in check by.

εἰ μὲν γὰρ ἡγεμονικὸν καὶ πολιτικὸν ζήσεται βίον.Jowett1885v1: 6. 7.

ἡγεμονικόν, like Athens or Sparta in the days of their greatness, v. 7. § 14. The alteration of πολινικὸν into πολεμικὸν in Bekker’s 2nd edition is quite unnecessary. For πολιτικὸς βίος, applied to a city, cp. ii. 6. § 7, εἰ δεɩ̂ τὴν πόλιν ζη̂ν βίον πολιτικόν.

πολλὰς γὰρ ἐκπληρον̂σι τριήρεις [οἱ Ἡρακλεω̂ται].Jowett1885v1: 6. 8.

Cp. Xen. Anab. v. 6. § 10, πολλὰ γάρ ἐστι πλοɩ̂α ἐν Ἡρακλείᾳ.

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καὶ πόλεων.Jowett1885v1: 6. 9.

πόλεων, if genuine, is a difficult word. It may be taken in the sense of ‘ports like the Piraeus’*; or closely connected with λιμένων of ‘cities in relation to their harbours,’ cp. supra, c. 5. § 3. But neither of these explanations is satisfactory. The word has been bracketed by Bekker in his second edition and is probably corrupt. The conjectural emendations ἐπινείων (Coraes), ἐμπορίων (Schmidt), περιπολίων (Broughton) are not fortunate; πλοίων might also be suggested (cp. supra, § 6). But it is more probable that some words have been accidentally transposed and that we should read περὶ μὲν ον̓̂ν χώρας καὶ πόλεων [or πόλεως] καὶ λιμένων κ.τ.λ. or, περὶ μὲν ον̓̂ν πόλεων [or πόλεως] καὶ χώρας κ.τ.λ.

τὰ μὲν ἐν τοɩ̂ς ψυχροɩ̂ς τόποις ἔθνη καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν Εὐρώπην.Jowett1885v1: 7. 2.

According to Aristotle it would seem that Europe includes the colder, that is, the Northern parts of Europe and excludes Hellas. The words καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν Εὐρώπην are explanatory of τὰ ἐν τοɩ̂ς ψυχροɩ̂ς τόποις ἔθνη. Compare the Hymn to Apollo l. 250:

ἠμὲν ὅσοι Πελοπόννησον πίειραν ἔχουσιν,

ἠδ’ ὅσοι Εὐρώπην τε καὶ ἀμϕιρύτας κατὰ νήσους,

in which a similar notion of Europe is implied.

Plato too was no stranger to speculations about race. Cp. Laws v. 747 D, μηδὲ τον̂θ’ ἡμα̂ς λανθανέτω περὶ τόπων, ὡς οὐκ εἰσὶν ἄλλοι τινὲς διαϕέροντες ἄλλων τόπων πρὸς τὸ γεννα̂ν ἀνθρώπους ἀμείνους καὶ χείρους: and Rep. iv. 435 E, τὸ θυμοειδὲς . . . οἱ̑ον οἱ κατὰ τὴν Θρᾴκην τε καὶ Σκυθικὴν καὶ σχεδόν τι κατὰ τὸν ἄνω τόπον, ἢ τὸ ϕιλομαθές, ὃ δὴ περι τὸν παρ’ ἡμɩ̂ν μάλιστ’ ἄν τις αἰτιάσαιτο τόπον, ἢ τὸ ϕιλοχρήματον, ὃ περὶ τούς τε Φοίνικας εἰ̂ναι καὶ τοὺς κατὰ Αἴγυπτον ϕαίη τις ἂν οὐχ ἥκιστα. Cp. also Herod. ix. 122, ϕιλέειν γὰρ ἐκ τω̂ν μαλακω̂ν χώρων μαλακοὺς ἄνδρας γίνεσθαι· οὐ γάρ τοι τη̂ς αὐτη̂ς γη̂ς εἰ̂ναι καρπόν τε θωμαστὸν ϕύειν καὶ ἄνδρας ἀγαθοὺς τὰ πολέμια: and iii. 106, ἡ Ἑλλὰς τὰς ὥρας πολλόν τι κάλλιστα κεκρημένας ἔχει. So Plat. Tim. 24 C, ἡ θεὸς . . . ἐκλεξαμένη τὸν τόπον ἐν ᾡ̑ γεγένησθε (viz. Hellas), τὴν εὐκρασίαν τω̂ν ὡρω̂ν ἐν αὐτῳ̑ κατιδον̂σα, ὅτι ϕρονιμωτάτους ἄνδρας οἴσοι.

μια̂ς τυγχάνον πολιτείας.Jowett1885v1: 7. 3.

Could Hellas have been united in a federation, she might have governed the world. But the individuality of Greek cities was too Edition: current; Page: [265]strong to allow of such a union, and the country was too much divided by natural barriers. The cities on the coast might be coerced into an Athenian Empire, but could not be fused into a political whole. Cp. Herod. ix. 2, where the Thebans say to Mardonius that the Greeks if united would be a match for the whole world,—κατὰ μὲν γὰρ τὸ ἰσχυρὸν Ἕλληνας ὁμοϕρονέοντας, οἵπερ καὶ πάρος ταὐτὰ ἐγίνωσκον, χαλεπὰ εἰ̂ναι περιγίνεσθαι καὶ ἅπασι ἀνθρώποισι.

ϕασί τιψες δεɩ̂ν ὑπάρχειν τοɩ̂ς ϕύλαξι, τὸ ϕιλητικοὺς μὲν εἰ̂ναι κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 7. 5.

This, like some of Aristotle’s other criticisms on Plato, is chiefly interesting as shewing the difficulty which he found in understanding the play of language which is characteristic of Plato. [See Essay on Aristotle’s Criticisms of Plato.] The passage referred to is Rep. ii. 375 E, πρὸς μὲν τοὺς συνήθεις τε καὶ γνωρίμους ὡς οἱ̑όν τε πραοτάτους εἰ̂ναι, πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ἀγνω̂τας τοὐναντίον, where we may observe that the word ϕιλητικὸς is not used by Plato.

ὁ θυμός.Jowett1885v1: 7. 5.

‘Passion’ = the depth or force of character which makes a good lover or a good hater. Compare Theognis, l. 1091 Bergk—

ἀργαλέως μοι θυμὸς ἔχει περὶ ση̂ς ϕιλότητος,

οὔτε γὰρ ἐχθαίρειν οὔτε ϕιλεɩ̂ν δύναμαι.

But in the Topics ii. 7, 113 b. 1 Aristotle raises the question whether ϕιλία resides in τὸ ἐπιθυμητικὸν and not in τὸ θυμοειδές. Like our word passion, θυμὸς has both a wider and narrower use, and is employed by Aristotle here in a more philosophical, but in the Topics in a more popular sense.

Aristotle truly remarks that anger is felt, not against strangers,Jowett1885v1: 7. 5-8. but against friends who have wronged or slighted us. Cp. Rhet. ii. c. 2, 1379 b. 2, καὶ [ὀργίζονται] μα̂λλον τοɩ̂ς ϕίλοις ἢ τοɩ̂ς μὴ ϕίλοις: and Psalm xli. 9, ‘Yea, even mine own familiar friend, whom I trusted, who did also eat of my bread, hath lifted up his heel against me.’

οὐ γὰρ δὴ περὶ ϕίλων ἀπάγχεο.Jowett1885v1: 7. 6.

The reading of the MSS. which is repudiated in the translation is not indefensible, though, in the absence of context, it is impossible Edition: current; Page: [266]to interpret it with certainty: ‘For were they not friends about whom thou wast plagued or grieved’? cp. again from Psalm lv. 12: ‘It is not an open enemy that hath done me this dishonour, for then I could have borne it.’ A mot attributed to a well-known statesman who had been anonymously attacked in a newspaper is to the point, ‘It must have been by a friend,’ he said, ‘an enemy would not have been so bitter.’ The verse is very probably taken from the well-known poem of Archilochus in Trochaic verse beginning θυμὲ θύμ’ ἀμηχάνοισι κήδεσιν κυκώμενε, of which a fragment is preserved (Bergk 60): the metre might be restored either by omitting δή, which may have been added by Aristotle, or by inserting ον̓̂ν before δή.

The translators William de Moerbek and Aretino render ἀπάγχεο ‘a lanceis,’ as if they had read or imagined they read ἀπ’ ἐγχέων.

οὐδ’ εἰσὶν οἱ μεγαλόψυχοι τὴν ϕύσιν ἄγριοι, πλὴν πρὸς τοὺς ἀδικον̂ντας.Jowett1885v1: 7. 7.

Yet the μεγαλόψυχος described in Nic. Eth. iv. 3. is rather unapproachable by his neighbours.

οὐ γὰρ τὴν αὐτὴν ἀκρίβειαν δεɩ̂ ζητεɩ̂ν διά τε τω̂ν λόγων καὶ τω̂ν γιγνομένωνJowett1885v1: 7. 9. διὰ τη̂ς αἰσθήσεως.

Cp. below c. 12. § 9. Aristotle is opposing political theories to facts, as in the Ethics he contrasts the moral certainty of Ethics (Nic. Eth. i. 3. § 4) with the absolute certainty of mathematics, though the ἀκρίβεια in the two cases is different, meaning in the one the necessity and à priori truth of mathematics, in the other exactness of detail.

ἐπεὶ δ’ ὥσπερ τω̂ν ἄλλων τω̂ν κατὰ ϕύσιν συνεστώτων οὐ ταὐτά ἐστιJowett1885v1: 8. 1. μόρια τη̂ς ὅλης συστάσεως, ὡ̑ν ἄνευ τὸ ὅλον οὐκ ἂν εἴη, δη̂λον ὡς οὐδὲ πόλεως μέρη θετέον ὅσα ταɩ̂ς πόλεσιν ἀναγκαɩ̂ον ὑπάρχειν, οὐδ’ ἄλλης κοινωνίας οὐδεμια̂ς, ἐξ ἡ̑ς ἕν τι τὸ γένος.

In this rather complex sentence Aristotle is distinguishing between the conditions and the parts of the whole. The words ὡ̑ν ἄνευ τὸ ὅλον οὐκ ἂν εἴη answer to ὅσα ταɩ̂ς πόλεσιν ἀναγκαɩ̂ον ὑπάρχειν in the application to the state.

The editions vary between ταν̂τα and ταὐτά. ταν̂τα is confirmed by the words of § 6, πόσα ταν̂τ’ ἐστὶν ὡ̑ν ἄνευ πόλις οὐκ ἂν εἴη. If we Edition: current; Page: [267]read ταὐτὰ it will be convenient to supply ἐκείνοις with ὡ̑ν ἄνευ, if ταν̂τα, ἐκεɩ̂να.

ἐξ ἡ̑ς ἕν τι τὸ γένος, i.e. ‘out of which is formed,’ or ‘which forms a lower class having a unity;’ ‘which in its nature is a whole, and not a mere aggregate,’ ἕν τι τὸ γένος = ἕν τί ἐστι τὸ γένος.

‘The end has nothing in common with the means; the finalJowett1885v1: 8. 3. cause with the conditions.’ Just as in iii. 1. § 9 things prior and posterior are said to have no quality in common with each other. Of course the modern philosopher makes the opposite reflection, ‘that the end is inseparable from the means,’ or, ‘is only the sum of the means’; that causes are indistinguishable from condition; and equally indistinguishable from effects; ‘that no line can be drawn between à priori and à posteriori truth.’ The common understanding, like ancient philosophy, rebels against this higher view, because it can point to numberless visible instances in which the end is separable from the means, the effect from the causes. Both lines of reflection are constantly returning upon us, and the opposition between them gives rise to many metaphysical problems. It is the old difficulty, as old as the opposition of ideas to phenomena, of finding the similarity where there is difference or contrast.

ὀργάνῳ τε παντὶ πρὸς τὸ γιγνόμενον ἔργον καὶ τοɩ̂ς δημιουργοɩ̂ς.Jowett1885v1: 8. 3.

Governed by οὐθὲν κοινόν ἐστι. ‘The builder and his tools have nothing in common with the work; so property has nothing in common with the State.’

The connexion of this passage in which means and ends, partsJowett1885v1: 8. 5-6. and conditions are curiously combined appears to be as follows: ‘Now happiness is imparted in various degrees to states, making them to be what they are according to the degree of happiness which they attain. But we must also ascertain what are the conditions of states, for in these we shall find their parts.’ He seems to mean that through what is outward only we can arrive at the true elements of the state; and that happiness, which is the end of the state, is not to be confounded with the conditions of it. The argument is interrupted by the seemingly irrelevant remark that the Edition: current; Page: [268]character of states is given to them by the degrees of happiness which they attain. Here as in other passages (cp. c. 9. § 2 infra), when speaking of the perfect state, he occasionally goes back to the imperfect forms.

ἀρετη̂ς ἐνέργεια καὶ χρη̂σις.Jowett1885v1: 8. 5.

Cp. the more complete statement of the Nic. Eth. i. 7. §§ 14-16, ψυχη̂ς ἐνέργεια κατ’ ἀρετὴν ἀρίστην ἐν βίῳ τελείῳ.

ἐπισκεπτέον δὲ καὶ πόσα ταν̂τ’ ἐστὶν ὡ̑ν ἄνευ πόλις οὐκ ἂν εἴη.Jowett1885v1: 8. 6.

‘Besides considering the highest good of the state or the idea of the state in its highest terms (gathered from the previous section) we must also consider the indispensable conditions of it, and among them we shall find its parts.’ All the parts are conditions of a state, not all the conditions are parts; e.g. the θη̂τες are a condition but not a part; τὸ βουλευόμενον both a condition and a part.

πέμπτον δὲ καὶ πρω̂τον.Jowett1885v1: 8. 7.

‘First,’ i. e. in honour, not in necessity, for that place he assigns to the sixth class.

Spengel would omit καὶ πρω̂τον. But how could the insertion of such a clause ever be explained, unless it had been put in by the piety of a Greek monk?

ἣν καλον̂σιν ἱερατείαν, ‘which they call ritual.’ The formula ἣν καλον̂σιν seems to imply some technical or uncommon use of the word, which occurs nowhere else in classical Greek, cp. ἣν καλον̂σί τινες ὀλιγαρχίαν, vi. 1. § 6.

ἕκτον δὲ τὸν ἀριθμόν.Jowett1885v1: 8. 7.

The last words are pleonastic, ‘sixth in numerical succession.’

The conjecture of Lambinus τω̂ν δικαίων taken from τω̂ν συμϕερόντωνJowett1885v1: 8. 9. καὶ τω̂ν δικαίων above, § 7, has been adopted in the text. But the reading of the MSS. τω̂ν ἀναγκαίων, ‘of necessary matters of life,’ is really defensible and is confirmed by the word ἀναγκαιότατον in § 7. ἀναγκαίων may also refer to punishments: see infra c. 13. § 6.

οὐκ ἐν πάσῃ δὲ τον̂το πολιτείᾳ.Jowett1885v1: 9. 1, 2.

‘This question, however, does not arise in every state, for it is Edition: current; Page: [269]already decided. In democracies all share in all, while in oligarchies only some share in some employments or functions. But we are speaking of the ideal state in which the question remains to be considered.

καθάπερ γὰρ εἴπομεν.Jowett1885v1: 9. 2.

This passage can hardly refer to ii. 1. § 2, for there Aristotle is speaking of the distribution of property: here of the distribution of functions in the state. The reference is rather to iv. c. 4 and c. 14; see supra c. 4. § 1.

ἐπεὶ δὲ τυγχάνομεν σκοπον̂ντες περὶ τη̂ς ἀρίστης πολιτείας . . . εἴρηταιJowett1885v1: 9. 3. πρότερον.

The connexion is as follows: ‘But in the best state, with which we are now concerned, all cannot participate in all, for the trader, the artisan and the husbandman have no leisure for education, neither are they capable of political functions.’

εἴρηται πρότερον in c. 8. § 5 supra. It is noticeable that Aristotle in describing the perfect state no longer, as in a democracy (cp. vi. c. 4.), regards the husbandmen as the best material out of which to form citizens.

τοὺς μέλλοντας ἔσεσθαι,Jowett1885v1: 9. 4.

sc. πολίτας, (ἐν τῃ̑ κάλλιστα πολιτευομένῃ πόλει § 3), ‘citizens of the best state.’

πότερον ἕτερα καὶ ταν̂τα θετέον.Jowett1885v1: 9. 4.

Bekker in his second edition inserts ἑτέροις after ἕτερα unnecessarily. Without it we may translate: ‘Are these also to be distinct, or are both to be given to the same persons?’

Compare Book ii. 5. § 26.Jowett1885v1: 9. 5.

ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ τὰς κτήσεις δεɩ̂ εἰ̂ναι περὶ τούτους.Jowett1885v1: 9. 7.

The use of περὶ is singular: the force of the preposition may be paraphrased as follows: ‘they too should have a near interest in property,’ an indirect way of expressing what is more distinctly said infra § 8 τὰς κτήσεις εἰ̂ναι τούτων.

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εἴπερ ἀναγκαɩ̂ον εἰ̂ναι τοὺς γεωργοὺς δούλους ἢ βαρβάρους.Jowett1885v1: 9. 8.

The necessity seems to arise from the impossibility of the husbandman having the leisure which a citizen requires for mental cultivation and the fulfilment of political duties, cp. § 4.

καὶ κεχώρισται δὴ τούτων ἕκαστον, τὸ μὲν ἀεί, τὸ δὲ κατὰ μέρος.Jowett1885v1: 9. 10.

τούτων, i. e. not merely the ὁπλιτικὸν and βουλευτικόν; to these must be added the γεωργοί, τεχνɩ̂ται, and τὸ θητικόν, in all five. The two first interchange with each other, but never with the three last.

The division between the mere conditions of the state (viz. the γεωργοί, τεχνɩ̂ται and τὸ θητικόν) and the parts of it (τὸ ὁπλιτικὸν καὶ βουλευτικόν) is permanent. The division between τὸ ὁπλιτικόν, τὸ τω̂ν ἱερέων γένος and τὸ βουλευτικὸν is transitory or κατὰ μέρος, i. e. the same persons may belong in turn, or at different stages of life, to all three classes.

ἔοικε δ’ οὐ νν̂ν οὐδὲ νεωστὶ τον̂τ’ εἰ̂ναι γνώριμον τοɩ̂ς περὶ πολιτείαςJowett1885v1: 10. 1. ϕιλοσοϕον̂σιν, ὅτι δεɩ̂ διῃρη̂σθαι χωρὶς κατὰ γένη τὴν πόλιν.

This chapter has been regarded, and perhaps with reason, as a criticism of Plato, Aristotle being desirous of disproving by historical facts the claim of Plato to originality in instituting the system of caste and of common meals.

τὰ μὲν περὶ Κρήτην γενόμενα κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 10. 2.

In apposition with τω̂ν συσσιτίων ἡ τάξις, ‘the custom in Crete going back to the reign of Minos.’

‘The name Italy was originally confined to the district betweenJowett1885v1: 10. 3-5. the Lametic and Scylletic Gulfs’ (Golfo di Eufemia and Golfo di Squillace), ‘and was derived from Italus, an ancient king of the Oenotrians’ (called by Thucydides vi. 2 a Sicel king) ‘who inhabited these regions. The people to the north-west towards Tyrrhenia were called Ausones and those to the north-east in the district called Siritis’ (on the shore of the Tarentine gulf) ‘Chones.’

The mention of Italy (taken in this narrower sense) leads the writer to particularise its different regions; but nothing is said about how far the custom of common meals may have extended.

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ὅση τετύχηκεν ἐντὸς ον̓̂σα, viz. that part of Italy which is bounded or enclosed at its narrowest point by the two gulfs. The reason (ἀπέχει γὰρ ταν̂τα) is imperfectly expressed: ‘You may call this the boundary because the distance is so small between the two gulfs.’ It is in fact about 20 miles.

It has been asked, ‘What does Aristotle purpose in this digression?’ There is a fallacy in requiring that every part of an ancient work should have a distinct purpose. Aristotle, like Aeschylus, Herodotus, Thucydides, ‘breaks out’ into the favourite subject of geography, and his conceptions of it, as might be expected in the beginning of such studies, are not perfectly accurate or distinct.

It is evident that common meals played a great part in the political organisation of Hellas and the south of Italy. But, according to Susemihl, no other writer mentions their existence in Italy.

Σύρτιν is the reading of most MSS., σύρτην of two only. TheJowett1885v1: 10. 5. MSS. of the old translator appear all to give syrtem. Σɩ̂ριν is conjectured by Heyne, who compares Arist. Fragm. Πολιτεɩ̂αι 542, καὶ οἱ τὴν Σɩ̂ριν δὲ κατοικον̂ντες . . . ὥς ϕησι Τίμαιος καὶ Ἀριστοτέλης, εἰς τρυϕὴν ἐξώκειλαν οὐχ ἡ̑σσον Συβαριτω̂ν, Athen. xii. 523 C. Hence Goëttling’s conjecture Σιρɩ̂τις the district of Siris. Of any district of Italy called Syrtes or Syrtis there is no mention elsewhere.

ἡ μὲν ον̓̂ν τω̂ν συσσιτίων τάξις ἐντεν̂θεν γέγονε πρω̂τον, ὁ δὲ χωρισμὸς ὁJowett1885v1: 10. 6. κατὰ γένος τον̂ πολιτικον̂ πλήθους ἐξ Αἰγύπτου· πολὺ γὰρ ὑπερτείνει τοɩ̂ς χρόνοις τὴν Μίνω βασιλείαν ἡ Σεσώστριος,

is translated in the English text: ‘From this part of the world originally came the institution of common tables; the separation into castes [which was much older] from Egypt, for the reign of Sesostris is of far greater antiquity than that of Minos.’

It is also possible to supply the ellipse differently: ‘The separation into castes came [not from Italy or Crete, but] from Egypt.’

The sentence is then parallel with the other statements. Common tables existed in Crete and in Italy: the latter were the older, and therefore are called ‘the origin of the institution’ (§§ 2, 4); similarly, caste existed in Crete and in Egypt; in the latter Edition: current; Page: [272]country its origin dates further back than in the former, for Sesostris is older than Minos, and therefore it is said to have originated there.

σχεδὸν μὲν ον̓̂ν καὶ τὰ ἄλλα δεɩ̂ νομίζειν εὑρη̂σθαι πολλάκις ἐν τῳ̑ πολλῳ̑Jowett1885v1: 10. 7. χρόνῳ.

A favourite reflection of Aristotle’s. See note on text for parallel passages.

ὅτι δὲ πάντα ἀρχαɩ̂α.Jowett1885v1: 10. 8.

‘All political institutions are ancient; for they are found in Egypt which is the most ancient of all countries.’ Cp. Plat. Laws ii. 657. ‘Their (i. e. the Egyptian) works of art are painted or moulded in the same forms which they had ten thousand years ago; this is literally true, and no exaggeration.’ For further references see note on text. That this sameness was the weakness of Egypt, and that the life of Hellas was progress, seems not to have occurred either to Aristotle or Plato.

τοɩ̂ς μὲν εἰρημένοιςJowett1885v1: 10. 8.

is the reading of the MSS., altered in the text after Lambinus into εὑρημένοις, a change which seems to be required by the want of a suitable antecedent and by the parallelism of παραλελειμμένα. Cp. supra, σχεδὸν μὲν ον̓̂ν καὶ τὰ ἄλλα δεɩ̂ νομίζειν εὑρη̂σθαι πολλάκις, and ii. 5. § 16.

ὕστερον ἐρον̂μεν.Jowett1885v1: 10. 10.

This promise is not fulfilled. In c. 12. § 1 the common meals are only mentioned in passing; no reason is given in support of the institution.

τὸ πρὸς τοὺς ἀστυγείτονας πολέμους ὁμονοητικώτερον.Jowett1885v1: 10. 11.

A lesson learned from the experience of Athens during the Peloponnesian War. The Acharnians whose lands lay on the borders, seeing them ravaged, wished to attack the invaders rashly (Thuc. ii. 21), and afterwards when they had lost their possessions as Archidamus thought likely (Thuc. ii. 20 ἐστερημένους τω̂ν σϕετέρων οὐχ ὁμοίως προθύμους ἔσεσθαι ὑπὲρ τη̂ς τω̂ν ἄλλων κινδυνεύειν, Edition: current; Page: [273]στάσιν δὲ ἐνέσεσθαι), and as Aristophanes in his ‘Acharnians’ seems to imply, were wanting to make peace.

For reference to Plato and criticism on him see note on text.Jowett1885v1: 10. 11.

δεύτερον δὲ βαρβάρους περιοίκους.Jowett1885v1: 10. 13.

Compare above c. 9. § 8, ἀναγκαɩ̂ον εἰ̂ναι τοὺς γεωργοὺς δούλους ἢ βαρβάρους ἢ περιοίκους, a comparison which has led to the insertion of ἢ before περιοίκους in this passage, or to the omission of it in c. 9. The text of the MSS. is probably right in both passages. ‘If we could have the very best thing, the husbandmen should be slaves; or if slaves cannot be had, then perioeci of alien stock.’

αὐτη̂ς δὲ πρὸς αὑτὴν εἰ̂ναι τὴν θέσιν εὔχεσθαι δεɩ̂ κατατυλχάνειν πρὸςJowett1885v1: 11. 1. τέτταρα βλέποντας.

The order of the words is as follows—δεɩ̂ εὔχεσθαι κατατυγχάνειν [τον̂] τὴν θέσιν εἰ̂ναι.

The four points to be attended to appear to be as follows: 1) healthy and airy situation, open to the winds (cp. § 4, infra): 2) good water: 3) convenience for administration (πρὸς πολιτικὰς πράξεις): 4) adaptation to military requirements (πρὸς πολεμικὰς πράξεις).

Cp. Xen. Oecon. 9. 4, καὶ σύμπασαν δὲ τὴν οἰκίαν ἐπέδειξα αὐτῃ̑, ὅτι πρὸς μεσημβρίαν ἀναπέπταται, ὥστε εὔδηλον εἰ̂ναι, ὅτι χειμω̂νος μὲν εὐήλιός ἐστι, τον̂ δὲ θέρους εὔσκιος.

Vitruvius i. 6 tells us how the inhabitants of Mitylene suffered from the situation of their town: ‘Oppidum magnificenter est aedificatum et eleganter; sed positum non prudenter. In quâ civitate auster cum flat homines aegrotant, cum eurus, tussiunt, cum septentrio, restituuntur in sanitatem, sed in angiportis et plateis non possunt consistere propter vehementiam frigoris.’ (Quoted by Eaton.)

δεύτερον δὲ κατὰ βορέαν.Jowett1885v1: 11. 2.

κατὰ βορέαν = ‘facing the same way that the North wind does,’ (cp. κατὰ ῥόον) i. e. sheltered from the North wind. Cp. Plat. Crit. 118 A, B, ὁ δὲ τόπος οὑ̑τος ὅλης τη̂ς νήσου πρὸς νότον ἐτέτραπτο, ἀπὸ τω̂ν ἄρκτων κατάβοῤῥος.

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δεύτερον may either be taken as *an alternative, or as introducing a second condition of healthfulness, so that a South Eastern aspect is what is recommended; i. e. a situation which is open to the healthy East winds and affords shelter from the North wind.

τον̂τό γ’ εὕρηταιJowett1885v1: 11. 3.

is the reading of all the MSS. The conjecture of Lambinus, εὑρη̂σθαι, adopted by Bekker in his second edition, is unnecessary.

τον̂τό γ’ εὕρηται = ‘a remedy has been found for this,’ i. e. ‘a remedy may be found.’ The language is not quite symmetrical, but this is no reason for altering it.

ὑποδοχὰς ὀμβρίοις ὕδασιν.Jowett1885v1: 11. 3.

Five MSS. read ὀμβρίους, a possible reading, ‘rain cisterns for water’ instead of ‘cisterns for rain water.’

ἔν τε τοιούτῳ καὶ πρὸς τοιον̂τον.Jowett1885v1: 11. 4.

‘In the situation described, and looking to the quarter described.’

τοιούτων ναμάτων.Jowett1885v1: 11. 5.

The reading of the best MSS. and the old translator, ‘such streams as I have spoken of above,’ that is to say, ‘good streams’ (ὑγιεινω̂ν § 4).

ἀκρόπολις ὀλιγαρχικὸν καὶ μοναρχικόν, ἀριστοκρατικὸν . . . ἰσχυροὶ τόποιJowett1885v1: 11. 5. πλείους.

It may be asked: ‘Why should a single fortress be adapted to a monarchy, or oligarchy, several strongholds to an aristocracy?’ Probably because in the former case the government is more concentrated. A small governing class, if they are to maintain their power against the people, must draw together. An aristocracy has only to defend itself against foreign enemies, and is therefore better dispersed.

ἄν τις οὕτω κατασκευάζῃ, καθάπερ ἐν τοɩ̂ς γεωργοɩ̂ς ἃς καλον̂σί τινες τω̂νJowett1885v1: 11. 7. ἀμπέλων συστάδας.

The last word is explained by Hesychius (under ξυστάδες) as αἱ πυκναὶ ἄμπελοι, ἄμεινον δὲ τὰς εἰκη̂ καὶ μὴ κατὰ στοɩ̂χον πεϕυτευμένας Edition: current; Page: [275]ἀκούειν, i. e. 1) *vines planted thickly or in clumps, or 2) vines planted irregularly. If we adopt the first of these interpretations and take the image literally, Aristotle is suggesting that the city should be built partly in regular streets, but here and there in blocks which would have the character of strong places. If we take the second, he would seem to mean that the city should be built in part irregularly, with a view to confusing or perplexing an enemy after he had entered it.

οἱ μὴ ϕάσκοντες δεɩ̂ν ἔχειν (τείχη).Jowett1885v1: 11. 8.

Cp. Laws vi. 778 D ff, περὶ δὲ τειχω̂ν, ὠ̂ Μέγιλλε, ἔγωγ’ ἂν τῃ̑ Σπάρτῃ ξυμϕεροίμην τὸ καθεύδειν ἐα̂ν ἐν τῃ̑ γῃ̑ κατακείμενα τὰ τείχη.

The absence of walls in Sparta suggested to Plato the poetical fancy that the walls of cities should be left to slumber in the ground: it may reasonably be conjectured that the position of Sparta and the military character of her citizens rendered artificial defences unnecessary.

ἐλεγχομένας ἔργῳ τὰς ἐκείνως καλλωπισαμένας.Jowett1885v1: 11. 8.

The disasters of Leuctra (b.c. 371) and of Mantinea (b.c. 362) had done a great deal to diminish the admiration for Sparta. (Cp. ii. 9. § 10 and infra c. 14. § 16). Yet the allusion is hardly to the point, for Sparta was never taken by an enemy: Epaminondas after the battle of Leuctra refrained from attacking it, Xen. Hell. vi. 5.

ἔστι δὲ πρὸς μὲν τοὺς ὁμοίους καὶ μὴ πολὺ τῳ̑ πλήθει διαϕέροντας οὐJowett1885v1: 11. 9. καλὸν τὸ πειρα̂σθαι σώζεσθαι διὰ τη̂ς τω̂ν τειχω̂ν ἐρυμνότητος.

A somewhat romantic notion with which may be compared the further refinement of § 11, infra; also the saying of Archidamus, the son of Agesilaus, when he saw catapults brought from Sicily, which in other words and under other circumstances has no doubt often been ejaculated by the African or New Zealand savage, ἀπόλωλεν ἀνδρὸς ἀ[Editor: illegible character]ετά. (Plut. Apophth. Lac. 219 A.)

πολεμικωτάτην.Jowett1885v1: 11. 9.

Either ‘the most truly warlike in character’ or *‘the best defence of the warrior.’ Both meanings may be included.

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ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ ταɩ̂ς οἰκήσεσι ταɩ̂ς ἰδίαις μὴ περιβάλλειν τοίχους.Jowett1885v1: 11. 10.

Private houses as well as cities, especially in the country, might in many cases need the protection of walls.

ὁμοίως δέ, sc. ἔχει.

αὐτά,Jowett1885v1: 12. 1.

sc. τὰ τείχη, i. e. the position of the walls; or more generally, ‘the consideration of these circumstances.’

ἀρχείων.Jowett1885v1: 12. 2.

The MSS. vary between ἀρχω̂ν, ἀρχαίων, ἀρχείων.

εἴη δ’ ἂν τοιον̂τος ὁ τόπος ὅστις ἐπιϕάνειάν τε ἔχει πρὸς τὴν τη̂ς ἀρετη̂ςJowett1885v1: 12. 3. θέσιν ἱκανω̂ς καὶ πρὸς τὰ γειτνιω̂ντα μέρη τη̂ς πόλεως ἐρυμνοτέρως.

Lit. ‘This place should be of a sort which has conspicuousness, suitable to the position of virtue, and towering aloft over the neighbouring parts of the city.’

Thomas Aquinas, who wrote a Commentary on the Politics, if we may judge from his Latin ‘bene se habentem ad apparentiam virtutis,’ seems to have read θέσιν τε ἔχει πρὸς τὴν τη̂ς ἀρετη̂ς ἐπιϕάνειαν. (Susemihl.) But the words are better as they are found in the Greek MSS.

The habitation of virtue is to be like that of the Gods who have their temples in the Acropolis. Cp. Vitruv. 1. 7 ‘Aedibus vero sacris quorum deorum maxime in tutela civitas videtur esse, unde moenium maxima pars conspiciatur areae distribuantur’ (quoted by Schneider); and Burke, French Revolution, p. 107, ‘The temple of honour ought to be seated on an eminence.’

εἴη δ’ ἂν εὔχαρις ὁ τόπος, εἰ καὶ τὰ γυμνάσια τω̂ν πρεσβυτέρων ἔχοιJowett1885v1: 12. 4, 5. τὴν τάξιν ἐνταν̂θα. πρέπει γὰρ διῃρη̂σθαι κατὰ τὰς ἡλικίας καὶ τον̂τον τὸν κόσμον, καὶ παρὰ μὲν τοɩ̂ς νεωτέροις ἄρχοντάς τινας διατρίβειν, τοὺς δὲ πρεσβυτέρους παρὰ τοɩ̂ς ἄρχουσιν· ἡ γὰρ ἐν ὀϕθαλμοɩ̂ς τω̂ν ἀρχόντων παρουσία μάλιστα ἐμποιεɩ̂ τὴν ἀληθινὴν αἰδω̂ καὶ τὸν τω̂ν ἐλευθέρων ϕόβον.

The opposition of μὲν and δὲ before νεωτέροις and πρεσβυτέρους seems to imply that the youth are to perform under the eye of certain magistrates, and the elders under the eye of the magistrates Edition: current; Page: [277]as a body. The distinction appears to be in the one case, that some of the magistrates are to go to the gymnasium, in the other the exercises are to take place in or near the public buildings appropriated to the magistrates. Everywhere the presence of the authorities is required. *‘Some of the rulers are to be present (διατρίβειν) at the exercises of the younger men, but the elders are to perform their exercises with the rulers.’ Here either another verb has to be supplied with παρὰ τοɩ̂ς ἄρχουσιν or the word διατρίβειν is to be taken in a slightly different sense. Or 2) we may translate, ‘and the elders shall be placed at the side of the magistrates.’ This, however, disregards μὲν and δὲ and seems not to cohere with the words διῃρη̂σθαι κατὰ τὰς ἡλικίας: for thus no mention is made of the gymnastics of the elders. 3) The most natural way of taking the Greek words (τοὺς δὲ . . ἄρχουσιν) that ‘the magistrates shall perform their gymnastic exercises before the elders,’ (St. Hilaire) gives a very poor sense. The clause ἡ γὰρ ἐν ὀϕθαλμοɩ̂ς κ.τ.λ., shows clearly that the principal point is the requirement of the presence of the magistrates at all gymnastic exercises.

The word κόσμον is difficult. It may be taken in the sense of ‘institution,’ which is in some degree supported by the use of κόσμος τη̂ς πολιτείας for ‘the order or constitution of the state,’ (Περὶ Κόσμου 6. 399 b. 18). Or* τον̂τον τὸν κόσμον may be the accusative after διῃρη̂σθαι and may be taken with Adolph Stahr in the sense of ‘this embellishment of the state:’ [dieser Schmuck der Stadt]. In this case it is better to make διῃρη̂σθαι impersonal, κόσμον being the indirect accusative following it. καὶ τον̂τον, this institution too, i. e. as well as the offices of state which in c. 9 are divided between old and young.

τὴν δὲ τω̂ν ὠνίων κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 12. 6.

Cp. supra, c. 5. § 4.

ἐπεὶ δὲ τὸ πλη̂θος διαιρεɩ̂ται τη̂ς πόλεως εἰς ἱερεɩ̂ς, εἰς ἄρχοντας.Jowett1885v1: 12. 6.

The enumeration is incomplete, because Aristotle has only occasion to speak of priests and magistrates. The places assigned to their common tables, like those of the soldiers and the guardians of the country, are to be situated conveniently for their employments. Edition: current; Page: [278]The baldness of the expression suggests the possibility that something may have dropped out. The first words ἐπεὶ δὲ τὸ πλη̂θος appear to be a repetition of ἐπεὶ δὲ δεɩ̂ τὸ μὲν πλη̂θος τω̂ν πολιτω̂ν at the beginning of the Chapter. πλη̂θος is used for the citizens generally, not as opposed to the upper classes.

περὶ τὴν τω̂ν ἱερω̂ν οἰκοδομημάτων ἔχειν τὴν τάξιν.Jowett1885v1: 12. 6.

‘To have their proper place.’ Cp. § 8, τὴν εἰρημένην τάξιν. τὴν . . . οἰκοδομημάτων, sc. τάξιν, is to be supplied.

τὴν καλουμένην ἀστυνομίαν.Jowett1885v1: 12. 7.

The qualifying καλουμένην, if not a mere pleonasm, seems to indicate the more uncommon or technical expression. Cp. note on c. 8. § 7 supra, and on vi. 1. § 6.

The MSS. vary between νενεμη̂σθαι and μεμιμη̂σθαι. P4 hasJowett1885v1: 12. 8. compounded them into νενεμιμη̂σθαι. Bekker in his second edition has adopted μεμιμη̂σθαι. Cp. vi. 2. § 7, where certain magistrates are required by law to take their meals together.

περὶ πολιτείας αὐτη̂ς.Jowett1885v1: 13. 1.

Hitherto Aristotle has been speaking only of the conditions of the best state, which are its ὕλη (supra c. 4. §§ 1-3). Now he is going on to speak of the πολιτεία itself, which is the εἰ̂δος of a πόλις (cp. iii. 3. §§ 7-9).

Chapters 13, 14, 15 form a transition to the subject of education, which is begun in c. 16, and is continued in Book viii. But it cannot be said that Aristotle fulfils the promise of discussing the ‘constitution’ of the best state. He describes the life of his citizens from birth to boyhood, but says nothing about their judicial or political duties.

ἔκκειται καλω̂ς.Jowett1885v1: 13. 2.

‘Stands out well,’ or ‘distinctly.’ For the thought, cp. Eud. Eth. ii. 11, 1227 b. 20, ἔστι γὰρ τὸν μὲν σκοπὸν ὀρθὸν εἰ̂ναι, ἐν δὲ τοɩ̂ς πρὸς τὸν σκοπὸν διαμαρτάνειν.

In this passage, of which the connexion is obscure, AristotleJowett1885v1: 13. 3. seems to say that the good man is superior to the ordinary conditions Edition: current; Page: [279]of existence, and so to a certain extent, but to a certain extent only (ἐλάττονος τοɩ̂ς ἄμεινον διακειμένοις), the legislator may make his citizens superior to external conditions. Cp. Nic. Eth. i. cc. 9-12.

ἐπεὶ δὲ τὸ προκείμενόν ἐστι τὴν ἀρίστην πολιτείαν ἰδεɩ̂ν, αὕτη δ’ ἐστὶ καθ’Jowett1885v1: 13. 4. ἣν ἄριστ’ ἂν πολιτεύοιτο πόλις, ἄριστα δ’ ἂν πολιτεύοιτο καθ’ ἣν εὐδαιμονεɩ̂ν μάλιστα ἐνδέχεται τὴν πόλιν, δη̂λον ὅτι τὴν εὐδαιμονίαν δεɩ̂, τί ἐστι, μὴ λανθάνειν.

The connexion is as follows: ‘In various ways men mistake the nature of happiness, but we recognise it to be the great object of a state, and therefore we should ascertain its nature.’

ϕαμὲν δὲ καὶ ἐν τοɩ̂ς ἠθικοɩ̂ς, εἴ τι τω̂ν λόγων ἐκείνων ὄϕελος.Jowett1885v1: 13. 5.

It is difficult to say why Aristotle should speak thus doubtfully or depreciatingly of a principle which lies at the basis both of his ethical and political philosophy. Is the expression to be attributed only to the Greek love of qualifying language?

καὶ ταύτην οὐκ ἐξ ὑποθέσεως ἀλλ’ ἁπλω̂ς.Jowett1885v1: 13. 5.

These words are not found in the Nicomachean Ethics (see references in note on text), and therefore may be supposed to be added by Aristotle as an explanation.

λέγω δ’ ἐξ ὑποθέσεως.Jowett1885v1: 13. 5, 6.

‘Happiness is an absolute good, whereas punishments are only good under certain conditions;’ they are evils which prevent greater evils. The negative and the positive senses of the word ‘just,’—just punishments, just actions,—needed to be distinguished in the beginning of philosophy.

οἱ̑ον τὰ περὶ τὰς δικαίας πράξεις αἱ δίκαιαι τιμωρίαι καὶ κολάσεις ἀπ’Jowett1885v1: 13. 6. ἀρετη̂ς μέν εἰσιν, ἀναγκαɩ̂αι δέ, καὶ τὸ καλω̂ς ἀναγκαίως ἔχουσιν (αἱρετώτερον μὲν γὰρ μηθενὸς δεɩ̂σθαι τω̂ν τοιούτων μήτε τὸν ἄνδρα μήτε τὴν πόλιν), αἱ δ’ ἐπὶ τὰς τιμὰς καὶ τὰς εὐπορίας ἁπλω̂ς εἰσὶ κάλλισται πράξεις.

‘They have their rightness, not as ends, but as means or conditions of something else which is an end.’ For the use of ἀναγκαɩ̂ον, cp. Nic. Eth. x. 6. § 2, τω̂ν δ’ ἐνεργειω̂ν αἱ μέν εἰσιν ἀναγκαɩ̂αι καὶ δι’ ἕτερα αἱρεταί, αἱ δὲ καθ’ αὑτάς.

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Under the common notion of ἀναγκαɩ̂α and ὑποθέσεως, by a play of words, Aristotle appears to comprehend not only the external goods which are the conditions of individual life, but the penalties imposed by law, which are the conditions of the existence of states.

αἱ δ’ ἐπὶ τὰς τιμὰς πράξεις, sc. ϕέρουσαι, τείνουσαι or γινόμεναι.

τὸ μὲν γὰρ ἕτερον κακον̂ τινὸς αἵρεσίς ἐστιν.Jowett1885v1: 13. 7.

‘The one is a voluntary choice of an evil,’ i.e. for the sake of removing some other evil. For example, punishment puts an end to crime.

The conjecture ἀναίρεσις, which is adopted by Schneider, Coraes, Bekker (2nd edition), and Susemihl, is unnecessary.

χρήσαιτο δ’ ἂν ὁ σπουδαɩ̂ος ἀνὴρ καὶ πενίᾳ καὶ νόσῳ καὶ ταɩ̂ς ἄλλαις τύχαιςJowett1885v1: 13. 7. ταɩ̂ς ϕαύλαις καλω̂ς· ἀλλὰ τὸ μακάριον ἐν τοɩ̂ς ἐναντίοις ἐστίν.

Compare Nic. Eth. i. 10, especially the noble words in § 12, ὅμως δὲ καὶ ἐν τούτοις διαλάμπει τὸ καλόν, ἔπειδαν ϕέρῃ τις εὐκόλως πολλὰς καὶ μεγάλας ἀτυχίας μὴ δι’ ἀναλγησίαν ἀλλὰ γεννάδας ὢν καὶ μεγαλόψυχος.

δη̂λον δ’ ὅτι καὶ τὰς χρήσεις ἀναγκαɩ̂ον σπουδαίας καὶ καλὰς εἰ̂ναι ταύταςJowett1885v1: 13. 8. ἁπλω̂ς. διὸ καὶ νομίζουσιν ἄνθρωποι τη̂ς εὐδαιμονίας αἴτια τὰ ἐκτὸς εἰ̂ναι τω̂ν ἀγαθω̂ν, ὥσπερ εἰ τον̂ κιθαρίζειν λαμπρὸν καὶ καλω̂ς αἰτιῳ̑το τὴν λύραν μα̂λλον τη̂ς τέχνης.

‘The good man will make a use of external goods which is absolutely good. And because (διὸ) this use of external goods is good in him, men think that external goods are the causes of happiness, which is just as if we were to attribute the melody to the lyre and not to the player.’

αἰτιῳ̑το, sc. τις, gathered from ἄνθρωποι. τις occurs in one MS. (P5) and is inserted by Bekker in his 2nd edition.

διὸ κατ’ εὐχὴν εὐχόμεθα τὴν τη̂ς πόλεως σύστασιν ὡ̑ν ἡ τυχὴ κυρία.Jowett1885v1: 13. 9.

1) ‘Since therefore some things must be presupposed (διὸ), our prayer and desire is that our city may be so constituted as to have the goods of fortune,’ sc. εἰ̂ναι ἐξ ἐκείνων ὡ̑ν, etc.; or 2) ‘we desire that her constitution in respect of the goods of fortune may answer to our prayer,’ making κατ’ εὐχήν, sc. εἰ̂ναι, the predicate, ὡ̑ν, sc. ἐν Edition: current; Page: [281]ἐκείνοις ὡ̑ν; or 3) ‘we ask if we could only have our prayer,’ or ‘though it be only an ideal,’ as above, κατ’ εὐχήν, iv. 11. § 1, πολιτείαν τὴν κατ’ εὐχὴν γινομένην.

καὶ γὰρ εἰ πάντας ἐνδέχεται σπουδαίους εἰ̂ναι, μὴ καθ’ ἕκαστον δὲ τω̂νJowett1885v1: 13. 10. πολιτω̂ν, οὕτως αἱρετώτερον, ἀκολουθεɩ̂ γὰρ τῳ̑ καθ’ ἕκαστον καὶ τὸ πάντας.

He seems to mean that although there might be some common idea of virtue which the citizens attained collectively, such as patriotism, yet it would be better that each individual should be virtuous, for each implies all. Compare, ii. 3. § 2, τὸ γὰρ πάντες διττόν, κ.τ.λ., where he distinguishes ‘each’ from ‘all.’

ἔνιά τε οὐθὲν ὄϕελος ϕν̂ναι· τὰ γὰρ ἔθη μεταβαλεɩ̂ν ποιεɩ̂, κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 13. 11.

Lit. ‘Some qualities there is no use in having by nature; for habit alters them; and through nature,’ or ‘such is their nature that, they are swayed by habit both towards good and towards evil.’ To us the reasoning of this passage appears singular. Yet probably what Aristotle means to say is, that moral qualities, if given by nature, would cease to be moral, and in so far as they are moral would cease to be natural. Nature in this passage is used for ‘instinct,’ or ‘natural impulse.’ From another point of view (Nic. Eth. ii. 1. § 2) he shows, using the term ϕύσις in a somewhat different sense, that things which are purely natural cannot be altered by habit; but that nature supplies the conditions under which habits may be cultivated. Cp. also infra, c. 15. § 7.

ἑτέρους . . . ἢ τοὺς αὐτοὺς διὰ βίου.Jowett1885v1: 14. 1.

‘Are rulers and subjects to differ at different times, or to be the same always?’

τοɩ̂ς ἀρχομένοις.Jowett1885v1: 14. 2.

1) *Dative of reference: ‘In relation to their subjects,’ or, 2) with a more obvious construction, but with a feebler sense, τοɩ̂ς ἀρχομένοις may be taken after ϕανεράν, ‘so that the superiority of the governors is manifest to their subjects.’

Σκύλαξ.Jowett1885v1: 14. 3.

The same who is mentioned in Herodotus (iv. 44) as sailing down the Indus by order of Darius Hystaspes. Whether the Edition: current; Page: [282]writings passing under his name with which Aristotle was acquainted were genuine or not we cannot say. The short summary of the geography of the habitable world which has come down to us under the name of Scylax contains allusions to events later than the time of Herodotus, and is therefore certainly either spurious or interpolated.

πάντες οἱ κατὰ τὴν χώραν.Jowett1885v1: 14. 4.

Not country as opposed to town—‘the country people combine with the malcontents of the town;’ but, ‘all the inhabitants minus the rulers,’ i.e. the perioeci, metics, or any others, who, though personally free, had no political rights, make common cause with the subject classes and desire revolution.

ἡ γὰρ ϕύσις δέδωκε τὴν αἵρεσιν, ποιήσασα αὐτῳ̑ τῳ̑ γένει ταὐτὸν τὸ μὲνJowett1885v1: 14. 5. νεώτερον τὸ δὲ πρεσβύτερον, ὡ̑ν τοɩ̂ς μὲν ἄρχεσθαι πρέπει, τοɩ̂ς δ’ ἄρχειν.

Lit. ‘For nature herself has given the principle of choice when she created in the very race the same element, i. e. the same human beings, partly young and partly old, of whom the one are fitted to obey, the others to command.’

αὐτῳ̑ τῳ̑ γένει ταὐτόν. The word αὐτῳ̑ has less MS. authority than αὐτό, and is omitted altogether in one MS. and in Aretino’s translation. Αὐτὸ may be translated: ‘In the human race nature has created the very same thing, making a distinction of old and young, corresponding to that of rulers and subjects.’ The correction τω̂ν αὐτω̂ν for αὐτῳ̑ is unnecessary.

ἐπεὶ δὲ πολίτου καὶ ἄρχοντος τὴν αὐτὴν ἀρετὴν εἰ̂ναί ϕαμεν καὶ τον̂Jowett1885v1: 14. 8. ἀρίστου ἀνδρός.

i. e. in the best state which he is here discussing.

ὡσαύτως ον̓̂ν ἀνάγκη διῃρη̂σθαι καὶ τον̂το τὸ μέρος δη̂λον ὅτι, καὶ τὰςJowett1885v1: 14. 11. πράξεις δ’ ἀνάλογον ἐρον̂μεν ἔχειν, καὶ δεɩ̂ τὰς τον̂ ϕύσει βελτίονος αἱρετωτέρας εἰ̂ναι τοɩ̂ς δυναμένοις τυγχάνειν ἢ πασω̂ν ἢ τοɩ̂ν δυοɩ̂ν.

ὡσαύτως . . ἔχειν. ‘And as there must be a division of the soul, in like manner there must be a division of the actions of the soul;’ ὡσαύτως answers to ἀνάλογον ἔχειν, and is to be taken closely with καὶ τὰς πράξεις.

τον̂το τὸ μέρος, sc. τὸ λόγον ἔχον.

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ἢ πασω̂ν ἢ τοɩ̂ν δυοɩ̂ν, sc. τω̂ν πράξεων. ‘The simple action of the highest principle is better than the mixed action of all or of two, that is the union of the higher with the lower, or the practical and speculative reason combined (τοɩ̂ν δυοɩ̂ν).’ Aristotle is here speaking of that life of mind which in the Ethics he conceives to have a separate existence (ἡ δὲ τον̂ νον̂ [sc. εὐδαιμονία] κεχωρισμένη Nic. Eth. x. 8. § 3). But we are unable to understand how this pure mind condescends to take a part in human things—the analogous difficulty in Aristotle to the relation of τὰ νοούμενα and τὰ ϕαινόμενα in Plato. We know that within the sphere of practice thought and reflection must always be reappearing if the legislator is endowed with them. But Aristotle nowhere explains how the speculative, either in private or public life, is related to the practical, or what is the higher training which fits the citizen for either.

ἐπαινον̂ντες γὰρ τὴν Λακεδαιμονίων πολιτείαν ἄγανται τον̂ νομοθέτου τὸνJowett1885v1: 14. 16. σκοπόν, ὅτι πάντα πρὸς τὸ κρατεɩ̂ν καὶ πρὸς πόλεμον ἐνομοθέτησεν· ἃ καὶ κατὰ τὸν λόγον ἐστὶν εὐέλεγκτα καὶ τοɩ̂ς ἔργοις ἐξελήλεγκται νν̂ν.

Cp. Thuc. ii. 39, καὶ ἐν ταɩ̂ς παιδείαις οἱ μὲν ἐπιπόνῳ ἀσκήσει (sc. οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι) εὐθὺς νέοι ὄντες τὸ ἀνδρεɩ̂ον μετέρχονται, ἡμεɩ̂ς δὲ ἀνειμένως διαιτώμενοι οὐδὲν ἡ̑σσον ἐπὶ τοὺς ἰσοπαλεɩ̂ς κινδύνους χωρον̂μεν.

καὶ τοɩ̂ς ἔργοις ἐξελήλεγκται νν̂ν. Alluding to Leuctra and Mantinea. Cp. c. 11. § 8, about walls, and ii. 9. § 10, about the women.

οὕτω καὶ Θίβρων.Jowett1885v1: 14. 17.

Who Thibron was is unknown. But we have an example of a treatise such as he might have written in the ‘de Republica Lacedemoniorum,’ attributed to Xenophon. Was he more likely to have been a Spartan, or only an admirer of Sparta, like the Philolacon in other states of Hellas? The name is Lacedaemonian. The words τω̂ν ἄλλων ἕκαστος τω̂ν γραϕόντων περὶ πολιτείας αὐτω̂ν remind us how large a literature of political philosophy must have existed in the time of Aristotle, although we are apt to imagine him the first writer on such subjects. Cp. ii. 1. § 1; c. 7. § 1; c. 12. § 1.

ἔτι δὲ τον̂το γελοɩ̂ον, εἰ μένοντες ἐν τοɩ̂ς νόμοις αὐτον̂, καὶ μηδενὸς ἐμποδίζοντοςJowett1885v1: 14. 18. πρὸς τὸ χρη̂σθαι τοɩ̂ς νόμοις, ἀποβεβλήκασι τὸ ζη̂ν καλω̂ς.

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‘If their greatness depended on their laws, it is ridiculous to suppose that they can have retained their laws and lost their happiness.’

ὅτι κρατεɩ̂ν ἤσκησεν ἐπὶ τὸ τω̂ν πέλας ἄρχειν.Jowett1885v1: 14. 19.

‘If states are trained in virtue only that they may rule over their neighbours, the same principle will impel individuals to usurp the government in their own states.’

Παυσανίᾳ τῳ̑ βασιλεɩ̂.Jowett1885v1: 14. 20.

See note on v. 1. § 10.

ταὐτὰ γὰρ ἄριστα καὶ ἰδίᾳ καὶ κοινῃ̑ τὸν νομοθέτην ἐμποιεɩ̂ν δεɩ̂ ταν̂τα ταɩ̂ςJowett1885v1: 14. 21. ψυχαɩ̂ς τω̂ν ἀνθρώπων.

There is a slight flaw in the text, which may be corrected (with Susemihl) by adding τε after τόν.

τὴν γὰρ βαϕὴν ἀϕια̂σιν, ὥσπερ ὁ σίδηρος, εἰρήνην ἄγοντες.Jowett1885v1: 14. 22.

Cp. Soph. Aj. 650 (Dindorf):—

κἀγὼ γάρ, ὃς τὰ δείν’ ἐκαρτέρουν τότε,

βαϕῃ̑ σίδηρος ὥς, ἐθηλύνθην στόμα

πρὸς τη̂σδε τη̂ς γυναικός.

In the Nic. Eth. x. 7, Aristotle dwells at length on the thesisJowett1885v1: 15. that the true happiness of man is to be sought in leisure and contemplation. But we have a difficulty in realizing his meaning. For we naturally ask how is the leisure to be employed? and on what is contemplation to feed? To these questions his writings supply no answer. We have no difficulty in understanding that by a philosopher the mind and the use of the mind is deemed higher than the body and its functions, or that the intellectual is to be preferred to the moral, or that the life of a gentleman is to be passed in liberal occupations, not in trade or servile toil. But when we attempt to go further we can only discern a negative idealism; we are put off with words such as θεωρία, οὐσία, and the like, which absorbed the minds of that generation, but which to us appear to have no context or meaning.

But if in the sphere of the individual the idea of contemplative leisure is feeble and uncertain, much more shadowy is the meaning Edition: current; Page: [285]of the word when applied to the state. We can see that peace is to be preferred to war; that the Athenians ‘provided for their weary spirits many relaxations from toil’ (Thuc. ii. 38); that ‘they could fix their minds upon the greatness of Athens until they became filled with the love of her’ (ib. 43); that into education an element of philosophy should enter; that sleep is sweet to weary mortals; that to the Greek leisure was a necessity of the higher life. But we fail to perceive how the leisure of a state, the interest of a spectacle, the tranquillity of wealth is better than some great struggle for freedom; or how the sons of those who fought at Thermopylae and Salamis were more fortunate than their fathers. Aristotle himself seems to acknowledge that greater virtues of some kind would be required in ‘the islands of the blest’ than in the ordinary life of man. The contemplative end which he imagines is not suited to the human character and is nearly unmeaning. To us there appears to be more truth in the sentiment, which has been repeated in many forms, that ‘the search after knowledge is a greater blessing to man than the attainment of it.’

δεɩ̂ γὰρ πολλὰ τω̂ν ἀναγκαίων ὑπάρχειν, ὅπως ἐξῃ̑ σχολάζειν.Jowett1885v1: 15. 2.

‘The virtues of leisure imply the virtues of business, for business supplies the means of leisure.’

ὁ μὲν γὰρ πόλεμος ἀναγκάζει δικαίους εἰ̂ναι καὶ σωϕρονεɩ̂ν.Jowett1885v1: 15. 3.

Cp. Tennyson’s Maud I. vi.-xiii.:—

‘Why do they prate of the blessings of peace?

Peace in her vineyard—yes!—but a company forges the wine.’

Yet there is corruption in war as well as in peace, now as of old, in furnishing the commissariat of an army, in making appointments, in conferring distinctions, sometimes followed by a fearful retribution.

ἐκεɩ̂νοι μὲν γὰρ οὐ ταύτῃ διαϕέρουσι τω̂ν ἄλλων, τῳ̑ μὴ νομίζειν ταὐτὰ τοɩ̂ςJowett1885v1: 15. 6. ἄλλοις μέγιστα τω̂ν ἀγαθω̂ν, ἀλλὰ τῳ̑ γενέσθαι ταν̂τα μα̂λλον διά τινος ἀρετη̂ς.

‘The Lacedaemonians agree with the rest of mankind that the good life is the end, but they differ in supposing the end to be obtained by military virtue alone.’

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Cp. (though a different point of view from that which is here taken) ii. 9. §§ 34, 35: ‘Although the Lacedaemonians truly think that the goods for which they contend are to be acquired by virtue rather than by vice, they err in supposing that these goods are to be preferred to the virtue which gains them.’

ἐπεὶ δὲ μείζω τε ἀγαθὰ ταν̂τα, καὶ τὴν ἀπόλαυσιν τὴν τούτων ἢ τὴν τω̂νJowett1885v1: 15. 6. ἀρετω̂ν, καὶ ὅτι δι’ αὐτήν, ϕανερὸν ἐκ τούτων, πω̂ς δὲ καὶ διὰ τίνων ἔσται, τον̂το δὴ θεωρητέον.

The construction of the sentence is as follows: ἐπεὶ δὲ ϕανερὸν ἐκ τούτων μείζω [εἰ̂ναι] τὰ ἀγαθὰ ταν̂τα καὶ τὴν ἀπόλαυσιν τὴν τούτων ἢ τὴν τω̂ν ἀρετω̂ν [sc. ἠθικω̂ν ἢ πολεμικω̂ν χρη̂σιν understood from ἀπόλαυσιν] καὶ ὅτι [αἱ ἀρεταὶ] εἰσὶ δι’ αὐτὴν [sc. τὴν τούτων ἀπόλαυσιν].

πω̂ς δὲ introduces the apodosis which is resumed in τον̂το δὴ θεωρητέον.

ἀρετω̂ν goes back to διά τινος ἀρετη̂ς in the previous sentence.

ἐνδέχεται γὰρ διημαρτηκέναι καὶ τὸν λόγον τη̂ς βελτίστης ὑποθέσεως, καὶJowett1885v1: 15. 7. διὰ τω̂ν ἐθω̂ν ὁμοίως ἠ̑χθαι.

The meaning of ἠ̑χθαι is simply ‘trained;’ whether for good or evil depends on the sense given to ὁμοίως. Either 1)* ‘in the same i. e. a mistaken way’; or 2) ‘all the same’ = ‘nevertheless.’ The first is most in accordance with the context διημαρτηκέναι καὶ τὸν λόγον. The καὶ is needlessly bracketed by Bekker in his 2nd edition. ‘For even reason (which we might least expect to err) is not infallible.’

ϕανερὸν δὴ τον̂τό γε πρω̂τον μέν, καθάπερ ἐν τοɩ̂ς ἄλλοις, ὡς ἡ γένεσις ἀπ’Jowett1885v1: 15. 8. ἀρχη̂ς ἐστὶ καὶ τὸ τέλος ἀπό τινος ἀρχη̂ς ἄλλου τέλους· ὁ δὲ λόγος ἡμɩ̂ν καὶ ὁ νον̂ς τη̂ς ϕύσεως τέλος.

1) *The connexion is as follows: ‘We have to consider whether men are to be trained by reason or by habit: Thus much is clear—that there is a succession of means and ends: every birth having a beginning and every end having a beginning in some other end; and the end of nature being reason and intelligence.’ That is to say: ‘In every birth there are previous elements and in like manner in the end or intellectual perfection of human nature other antecedents, such as education, are implied, which from other points of view are themselves ends.’

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2) According to Susemihl the words are to be taken as follows: ‘It is clear that generation implies some antecedent principle and the end which springs from an antecedent principle is in turn relative to a further end.’ According to this way of taking the passage γένεσις in the 1st clause is equivalent to τέλος in the 2nd. Generation has an antecedent principle of which it is the end. The end which thus springs from an antecedent principle has a further end, namely, intelligence and reason. But two objections may be offered to this way of translating the words. a) τινός has no meaning. b) The less natural construction is adopted instead of the more natural. For ἄλλου τέλους would naturally depend upon the words which immediately precede, ἀπό τινος ἀρχη̂ς.

3) Once more, Mr. Postgate proposes to take the passage as follows: ‘So much then is evident—first here, as in other cases, coming into existence is the beginning of all, and what is the end, viewed from a certain beginning, is itself directed towards a further end.’ To this interpretation it may be objected that ἀπ’ ἀρχη̂ς is taken in a different sense from ἀπό τινος ἀρχη̂ς and that τον̂ τέλους, as in the preceding explanation, is construed unnaturally.

See infra note on § 9.Jowett1885v1: 16. 5.

τὸν χρησμόν.Jowett1885v1: 16. 7.

The oracle ‘μὴ τέμνε νέαν ἄλοκα’ which is found in the margin of two MSS. is probably made up from the context. Out of these words Göttling has constructed a hexameter ἀλλὰ νέας, Τροίζην, ἄλοκας μὴ τέμνε βαθείας. The equivocation may either consist in the double meaning of νεα̂ς ‘fallow ground’ (in Attic used for νεια̂ς) and νέας ‘the young maiden:’ or the disputed point may have been only whether the oracle was to be taken literally or metaphorically.

διὸ τὰς μὲν ἁρμόττει περὶ τὴν τω̂ν ὀκτωκαίδεκα ἐτω̂ν ἡλικίαν συζευγνύναι,Jowett1885v1: 16. 9. τοὺς δ’ ἑπτὰ καὶ τριάκοντα, ἢ μικρόν.

The words ἢ μικρὸν probably mean ‘thereabouts’ or ‘nearly,’ like μικρον̂; or some word such as πλεɩ̂ον may have dropped out.

The disparity of age between the man and woman appears to be great; but as Aristotle extends the term for the women from 18 to 50, and for the men from 35 to 70 years, the time allowed Edition: current; Page: [288]for cohabitation in either would nearly coincide, i.e. 35 and 32 years. There is therefore no reason for doubting the reading.

The relative ages to us appear singular. Malthus, On Population vol. i. p. 237, remarks that this regulation ‘must of course condemn a great number of women to celibacy, as there never can be so many men of thirty-seven as there are women of eighteen.’ But the real and great disparity is between the total number of women after eighteen and the total number of men after thirty-five.

Plato in the Republic (v. 460) makes the interval less. He assigns twenty to forty as the marriageable age for women: for men, from the time ‘when they have passed the greatest speed of life’ (twenty-five?) to fifty-five. In the Laws (iv. 721) the citizens are required to marry between the ages of thirty and thirty-five; but in another passage (772 D, E) between twenty-five and thirty-five.

In the History of Animals (Aristotle?) the age proper for marriage in men is limited to sixty, or at the utmost seventy; in women to forty, or at the utmost fifty.

ἔτι δὲ ἡ διαδοχὴ τω̂ν τέκνων τοɩ̂ς μὲν ἀρχομένης ἔσται τη̂ς ἀκμη̂ς, ἐὰνJowett1885v1: 16. 10. γίγνηται κατὰ λόγον εὐθὺς ἡ γένεσις, τοɩ̂ς δὲ ἤδη καταλελυμένης τη̂ς ἡλικίας πρὸς τὸν τω̂ν ἑβδομήκοντα ἐτω̂ν ἀριθμόν.

According to this way of reckoning Aristotle seems to consider the prime of life to be thirty-five. The father having begun to keep house at thirty-five years of age would at seventy give up to the son, who might be expected to begin family life over again at thirty-five.

In speaking of the succession of children to their parents Aristotle takes account only of the fathers.

τοɩ̂ς δὲ περὶ τὴν ὥραν χρόνοις, ὡς οἱ πολλοὶ χρω̂νται καλω̂ς καὶ νν̂ν, ὁρίσαντεςJowett1885v1: 16. 10. χειμω̂νος τὴν συναυλίαν ποιεɩ̂σθαι ταύτην.

Sc. δεɩ̂ οὕτως ποιεɩ̂ν, taking δεɩ̂ from the previous sentence. The better MSS. read δεɩ̂ χρη̂σθαι after χρόνοις, but this is unnecessary, and the repetition of χρω̂νται after χρη̂σθαι is unpleasant.

συναυλίαν, ‘cohabitation’ probably from αὐλὴ not from αὐλός.

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καὶ αὐτοὺς ἤδη.Jowett1885v1: 16. 11.

i. e. ‘themselves when they come to be parents as well as the writers on these subjects.’

Like Plato, Aristotle prescribes gymnastics for women as well asJowett1885v1: 16. 13. men. Cp. Plat. Laws vii. 789; Rep. v. 457.

διὰ δὲ πλη̂θος τέκνων, ἐὰν ἡ τάξις τω̂ν ἐθω̂ν κωλύῃ, μηδὲν ἀποτίθεσθαιJowett1885v1: 16. 15. τω̂ν γιγνομένων· ὥρισται γὰρ δὴ τη̂ς τεκνοποιίας τὸ πλη̂θος. ἐὰν δέ τισι γίγνηται παρὰ ταν̂τα συνδυασθέντων, πρὶν αἴσθησιν ἐγγενέσθαι καὶ ζωήν, ἐμποιεɩ̂σθαι δεɩ̂ τὴν ἄμβλωσιν.

‘But when there are too many children (for we have settled that there is to be a limit of population), they must not be exposed merely for this reason. If, however, it should happen that a couple exceed the number allowed by law, then abortion must be practised before sense and life have begun.’

ὥρισται γὰρ δὴ . . . . τὸ πλη̂θος gives the reason for introducing the previous remark. ‘I speak of this because population has been limited.’ Cp. ii. 7. § 5, where Aristotle says that the legislator who fixes the amount of property should also fix the limit of population; and ii. 6. § 10, where he censures Plato for supposing that population will be kept down even if nothing is done to secure this object: and Rep. v. 461, where abortion and exposure are allowed, or in certain cases enforced; also a curious and interesting passage quoted from Musonius a Stoic philosopher (about 60 a.d.), by Stobaeus § 15. p. 450, in which he denounces abortion and similar practices as offences against Zeus the god of kindred.

Respecting the seven ages, see infra, note on c. 17. § 15; andJowett1885v1: 16. 17. for the regulations of Aristotle respecting marriage, the time after marriage, procreation and nursing of children and their early education, cp. Laws vii. 788-794.

οἴεσθαι.Jowett1885v1: 17. 1.

sc. δεɩ̂. To be gathered from the previous paragraph.

τὰς δὲ διατάσεις τω̂ν παίδων καὶ κλαυθμοὺς οὐκ ὀρθω̂ς ἀπαγορεύουσιν οἱJowett1885v1: 17. 6. κωλύοντες ἐν τοɩ̂ς νόμοις· συμϕέρουσι γὰρ πρὸς αὔξησιν.

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This is another misrepresentation of Plato, who only says that when children are silent they are pleased, and that they ought to have as little pain as possible in early childhood lest they grow up morose in character. (‘When anything is brought to the infant and he is silent, then he is supposed to be pleased, but when he weeps and cries out, then he is not pleased. For tears and cries are the inauspicious signs by which children show what they love and hate.’ Laws vii. 792 A). Yet the words ἐν τοɩ̂ς νόμοις sufficiently show that Plato is the writer to whom Aristotle is referring.

τὰς διατάσεις, ‘the passions or struggles,’ a neutral word to be interpreted by κλαυθμοὶ which follows.

εὔλογον ον̓̂ν ἀπελαύνειν ἀπὸ τω̂ν ἀκουσμάτων καὶ τω̂ν ὁραμάτων ἀνελευθερίανJowett1885v1: 17. 7. καὶ τηλικούτους ὄντας.

A thought enlarged upon by Plato Rep. ii. 377 ff.

Bekker in his 1st edition has unnecessarily altered ἀνελευθερίαν, the reading of the majority of the MSS., into ἀνελευθερίας. In his 2nd edition he has substituted ἀνελευθέρων, which has some MS. authority. Neither alteration is necessary; τηλικούτους ὄντας may be taken as an accusative of the remoter object. ἀπελαύνειν has been altered by Susemihl into ἀπολαβεɩ̂ν, a change which is partly grounded on a various reading ἀπολαύειν, and partly on the ‘absumere’ of the old translator.

καὶ τηλικούτους ὄντας. 1)* ‘Even when they are at this early age,’ i. e. although they are so young, care must be taken about what they see and hear; or 2) καὶ may be emphatic, ‘especially at this early age when they cannot take care of themselves.’

ἐπιμελὲς μὲν ον̓̂ν ἔστω τοɩ̂ς ἄρχουσι μηθὲν μήτε ἄγαλμα μήτε γραϕὴν εἰ̂ναιJowett1885v1: 17. 10. τοιούτων πράξεων μίμησιν, εἰ μὴ παρά τισι θεοɩ̂ς τοιούτοις οἱ̑ς καὶ τὸν τωθασμὸν ἀποδίδωσιν ὁ νόμος· πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ἀϕίησιν ὁ νόμος τοὺς ἔχοντας ἡλικίαν πλέον προήκουσαν καὶ ὑπὲρ αὑτω̂ν καὶ τέκνων καὶ γυναικω̂ν τιμαλϕεɩ̂ν τοὺς θεούς.

οἱ̑ς καὶ τὸν τωθασμὸν ἀποδίδωσιν ὁ νόμος. Such as the Phallic improvisation at the Dionysiac festival of which Aristophanes furnishes an imitation in the Acharnians 263 ff.

The words πρὸς δὲ τούτοις introduce a second exception: ‘indecency Edition: current; Page: [291]may be allowed in the temples of certain Gods;’ πρὸς δὲ τούτοις, ‘and also to persons of full age whom the law allows to worship in such temples.’ Cp. once more Plat. Rep. ii. 378: ‘The doings of Cronus, and the sufferings which his son in turn inflicted upon him, even if they were true, ought certainly not to be lightly told to young and simple persons; if possible, they had better be buried in silence. But if there is an absolute necessity for their mention, a chosen few might hear them in a mystery, and in order to reduce the number of hearers they should sacrifice not a common [Eleusinian] pig, but some huge and unprocurable victim.’

Θεόδωρος.Jowett1885v1: 17. 13.

A great Athenian actor and performer of Sophocles who took the part of Antigone: Aeschines was his tritagonist who played Creon. Dem. Fal. Leg. 418. He is mentioned in the Rhetoric of Aristotle ii. 23. 1400 b. 16, iii. 13. 1414 b. 13.

οἱ γὰρ ταɩ̂ς ἑβδομάσι διαιρον̂ντες τὰς ἡλικίας ὡς ἐπὶ τὸ πολὺ λέγουσιν οὐJowett1885v1: 17. 15. καλω̂ς, δεɩ̂ δὲ τῃ̑ διαιρέσει τη̂ς ϕύσεως ἐπακολουθεɩ̂ν.

It is uncertain whether we should read *οὐ καλω̂ς or οὐ κακω̂ς in this passage. The authority of the MSS. and the immediate context confirm the former. On the other hand οὐ κακω̂ς is the more idiomatic expression, and is not irreconcileable with the context:—‘Those who divide the ages of men by seven are not far wrong, and yet we should rather observe the divisions made by nature;’ or, ‘and we should observe the divisions made by nature, i. e. the divisions into sevens’ (Bergk 25). This is also confirmed by the passage in c. 16. § 17, αὕτη [sc. ἡ τη̂ς διανοίας ἀκμὴ] δ’ ἐστὶν ἐν τοɩ̂ς πλείστοις ἥνπερ τω̂ν ποιητω̂ν τινὲς εἰρήκασιν οἱ μετρον̂ντες ταɩ̂ς ἑβδομάσι τὴν ἡλικίαν, περὶ τὸν χρόνον τὸν τω̂ν πεντήκοντα ἐτω̂ν.

It may be observed too that Aristotle himself in this passage divides ages by sevens—seven, fourteen (puberty), twenty-one.

The ‘sevens’ of Aristotle agree with the ‘sevens’ of Solon (?) in the years which he assigns to marriage (35) and to the highest development of the mind (49 or 50):—

Παɩ̂ς μὲν ἄνηβος ἐὼν ἔτι νήπιος ἕρκος ὀδόντων

ϕύσας ἐκβάλλει πρω̂τον ἐν ἕπτ’ ἔτεσιν·

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τοὺς δ’ ἑτέρους ὅτε δὴ τελέσῃ θεὸς ἕπτ’ ἐνιαυτούς,

ἥβης ἐκϕαίνει σήματα γεινομένης·

τῃ̑ τριτάτῃ δὲ γένειον ἀεξομένων ἔτι γυίων

λαχνον̂ται, χροιη̂ς ἄνθος ἀμειβομένης·

τῃ̑ δὲ τετάρτῃ πα̂ς τις ἐν ἑβδομάδι μέγ’ ἄριστος

ἰσχύν, ἥν τ’ ἄνδρες σήματ’ ἔχουσ’ ἀρετη̂ς·

πέμπτῃ δ’ ὡρίου, ἄνδρα γάμου μεμνημένον εἰ̂ναι

καὶ παίδων ζητεɩ̂ν εἰσοπίσω γενεήν·

τῃ̑ δ’ ἕκτῃ περὶ πάντα καταρτύεται νόος ἀνδρός,

οὐδ’ ἕρδειν ἔθ’ ὁμω̂ς ἔργ’ ἀπάλαμνα θέλει·

ἑπτὰ δὲ νον̂ν καὶ γλω̂σσαν ἐν ἑβδομάσιν μέγ’ ἄριστος

ὀκτώ τ’· ἀμϕοτέρων τέσσαρα καὶ δέκ’ ἔτη·

τῃ̑ δ’ ἐνάτῃ ἔτι μὲν δύναται, μαλακώτερα δ’ αὐτον̂

πρὸς μεγάλην ἀρετὴν γλω̂σσά τε καὶ σοϕίη·1

τῃ̑ δεκάτῃ δ’ ὅτε δὴ τελέσῃ θεὸς ἕπτ’ ἐνιαυτούς,

οὐκ ἂν ἄωρος ἐὼν μοɩ̂ραν ἔχοι θανάτου.

Compare an interesting note of Mr. Cope’s in his edition of Aristotle’s Rhetoric, vol. ii. p. 160.

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BOOK VIII.

δεɩ̂ γὰρ πρὸς ἑκάστην πολιτεύεσθαι.Jowett1885v1: 1. 2.

Here Susemihl has adopted παιδεύεσθαι after Aretino’s translation. But πολιτεύεσθαι the reading of the Greek MSS. is also confirmed by William de Moerbek, ‘politizare,’ and is more in accordance with the context: ‘For the life of the citizen should conform to the state, because the state is of one character, and this unity in the end of the state necessitates unity in the education of the citizens.’

ϕανερὸν ὅτι καὶ τὴν παιδείαν μίαν καὶ τὴν αὐτὴν ἀναγκαɩ̂ον εἰ̂ναι πάντωνJowett1885v1: 1. 3. καὶ ταύτης τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν εἰ̂ναι κοινὴν καὶ μὴ κατ’ ἰδίαν.

Cp. Nic. Eth. x. 9. § 14, κράτιστον μὲν ον̓̂ν τὸ γίγνεσθαι κοινὴν ἐπιμέλειαν καὶ ὀρθήν, where he goes on to show that public education can be best enforced, but that, since it is generally neglected, we must have recourse to private education, which moreover will take into account the peculiarities of the individual case; also that the education of individuals must be based upon general principles, and these are to be gathered from the science or art of legislation.

ἐπαινέσειε δ’ ἄν τις καὶ τον̂το Λακεδαιμονίους· καὶ γὰρ πλείστην ποιον̂νταιJowett1885v1: 1. 4. σπουδὴν περὶ τοὺς παɩ̂δας καὶ κοινῃ̑ ταύτην.

Aristotle appears to praise the Lacedaemonians, not for the quality of their education (cp. infra c. 4), but for the circumstance that it was established by law. According to Isocrates Panath. 276 d, the Spartans fell so far below the general standard of education in Hellas, that they did not even know their letters, τοσον̂τον ἀπολελειμμένοι τη̂ς κοινη̂ς παιδείας καὶ ϕιλοσοϕίας εἰσὶν ὥστ’ οὐδὲ γράμματα μανθάνουσιν: and according to Plato, or rather according to the author of the Platonic Hippias Major (285 C), ‘not many of them could count.’

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καὶ τον̂το. καὶ is found in all the MSS., and was the reading of Moerbek. There is no difficulty in explaining it: ‘One may praise the Lacedaemonians for this also,’ as he has already praised their common use of property in ii. 5. § 7. Cp. Nic. Eth. x. 9. § 13, ἐν μόνῃ δὲ τῃ̑ Λακεδαιμονίων πόλει μετ’ ὀλίγων ὁ νομοθέτης ἐπιμέλειαν δοκεɩ̂ πεποιη̂σθαι τροϕη̂ς τε καὶ ἐπιτηδευμάτων.

νν̂ν γὰρ ἀμϕισβητεɩ̂ται περὶ τω̂ν ἔργων.Jowett1885v1: 2. 1.

‘We are agreed about the necessity of a state education, but we differ about the subjects of education’ or ‘about the things to be done in education;’ cp. infra § 3, τω̂ν ἐλευθέρων ἔργων καὶ τω̂ν ἀνελευθέρων.

ἐκ δὲ τη̂ς ἐμποδὼν παιδείας.Jowett1885v1: 2. 2.

‘The customary education’ or ‘the education which meets us in life’—without any idea of obstruction.

ταραχώδης ἡ σκέψις.Jowett1885v1: 2. 2.

‘It is impossible to consider the theory of education apart from the prevalent custom; and it would be equally impossible even if we could frame a perfect theory to carry it out in practice.’

τὰ περιττά.Jowett1885v1: 2. 2.

Lit. ‘things in excess,’ i. e. not included in the ordinary training either for life or virtue, in modern language ‘the higher knowledge.’ For the use of the word cp. ii. 6. § 6; Nic. Eth. vi. 7. § 4.

κριτάς τινας.Jowett1885v1: 2. 2.

Cp. for the use of the word De Anima i. 405 b. 8, πάντα τὰ στοιχεɩ̂α κριτὴν εἴληϕε πλὴν τη̂ς γη̂ς, ‘All these views have found approvers.’

καταβεβλημέναι,Jowett1885v1: 2. 6.

‘laid down and so established:’ cp. c. 3. § 11, καταβεβλημένα παιδεύματα. Cp. supra, ἡ ἐμποδὼν παιδεία.

ἐπαμϕοτερίζουσιν,Jowett1885v1: 2. 6.

‘are of a double character,’ partly liberal, partly illiberal.

ἔστι δὲ τέτταρα κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 3. 1.

μουσικὴ is here separated from γράμματα, which in Plato’s Republic are included under it.

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We may remark the form of sentence: ‘There are four;’ but the fourth is introduced with a qualification, τέταρτον ἔνιοι.

αὕτη γὰρ ἀρχὴ πάντων.Jowett1885v1: 3. 2.

Not ϕύσις but ἡ σχολή, as is shown by the clause which follows, ἵνα καὶ πάλιν εἴπωμεν περὶ αὐτη̂ς referring to vii. 15. §§ 1, 2, and perhaps to Nic. Eth. x. 6.

ὅλως.Jowett1885v1: 3. 3.

Either, 1) ‘the general question must be asked;’ or 2) *taking ὅλως in an emphatic sense, ‘the question must be surely’ or ‘absolutely asked.’ In what follows §§ 3-6, Aristotle passes on to discuss the more general subjects of refreshments or relaxations, and returns to music in § 7.

But ὅλως is only a conjecture of Victorius. All the MSS. read τέλος, except one (P5), which reads τελευταɩ̂ον. (Cp. the old trans. ‘finaliter.’) The reading τέλος gives a sufficient but not a very good sense (‘lastly’), nor can any objection be made to it on the ground that the word occurs in the following line with a different meaning. For such false echoes are not uncommon. Cp. συνάγειν, used in two senses, iv. 15. § 8, note.

τὴν ἐν τῃ̑ διαγωγῃ̑ σχολήν.Jowett1885v1: 3. 6.

Cp. infra § 8, τὴν ἐν τῃ̑ σχολῃ̑ διαγωγήν. The two expressions are nearly equivalent: 1) ‘the leisure occupied in διαγωγή:’ 2) ‘the διαγωγή of leisure.’ It is hard to find any satisfactory phrase in English to express what Aristotle throughout this book terms διαγωγή. The first sense of the word is that employment of leisure which becomes a gentleman (cp. πότερον παιδείαν ἢ παιδιὰν ἢ διαγωγήν. εὐλόγως δ’ εἰς πάντα τάττεται καὶ ϕαίνεται μετέχειν. ἥ τε γὰρ παιδιὰ χάριν ἀναπαύσεώς ἐστι, τὴν δ’ ἀνάπαυσιν ἀναγκαɩ̂ον ἡδεɩ̂αν εἰ̂ναι (τη̂ς γὰρ διὰ τω̂ν πόνων λύπης ἰατρεία τίς ἐστιν)· καὶ τὴν διαγωγὴν ὁμολογουμένως δεɩ̂ μὴ μόνον ἔχειν τὸ καλὸν ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν ἡδονήν infra c. 5. §§ 9, 10). Further it is joined with ϕρόνησις (c. 5. § 4. init. πρὸς διαγωγὴν συμβάλλεταί τι καὶ ϕρόνησιν) and therefore seems to mean the rational or intellectual employment and enjoyment of leisure. It is always distinguished from παιδιὰ and ἀνάπαυσις ‘amusement’ and ‘relaxation,’ which are properly, not ends, but only means to renewed exertion (cp. Edition: current; Page: [296]Nic. Eth. x. 6. § 6); and so means to means, whereas διαγωγὴ and σχολὴ are ends in themselves. The idea of ‘culture,’ implying a use of the intellect, not for the sake of any further end, but for itself, would so far correspond to διαγωγή.

ἣν γὰρ οἴονται διαγωγὴν εἰ̂ναι τω̂ν ἐλευθέρων, ἐν ταύτῃ τάττουσιν.Jowett1885v1: 3. 8.

ἐν ταύτῃ, sc. τῃ̑ ἐν τῃ̑ σχολῃ̑ διαγωγῃ̑.

τάττουσιν, sc. αὐτὴν or music. ‘They reckon music in that class of intellectual enjoyments which they suppose to be peculiar to freemen.’

ἀλλ’ οἱ̑ον μέν ἐστι καλεɩ̂ν ἐπὶ δαɩ̂τα θαλείην.Jowett1885v1: 3. 8.

The line is not found in our Homer. There is no doubt that in the original θαλείην is to be taken with δαɩ̂τα; but it is probably quoted by Aristotle in reference to the Muse Thalia: and καλεɩ̂ν Θαλίην is said in the same way as καλέουσιν ἀοιδὸν in the following quotation.

ἡ γὰρ μουσικὴ τον̂το ποιεɩ̂ δη̂λον.Jowett1885v1: 3. 11.

i. e. ‘the fact that the ancients included music in education proves thus much, that they considered it a noble part of education’;—they would not have included what was purely utilitarian.

οἱ δὲ Λάκωνες ταύτην μὲν οὐχ ἥμαρτον τὴν ἁμαρτίαν, θηριώδεις δ’ ἀπεργάζονταιJowett1885v1: 4. 1. τοɩ̂ς πόνοις, ὡς τον̂το πρὸς ἀνδρίαν μάλιστα συμϕέρον.

‘The Lacedaemonians do not run into the error of spoiling the frames of their children, but they spoil their characters.’

εἴ τε καὶ πρὸς ταύτην, οὐδὲ τον̂το ἐξευρίσκουσιν· οὔτε γὰρ ἐν τοɩ̂ς ἄλλοιςJowett1885v1: 4. 2. ζῴοις οὔτ’ ἐπὶ τω̂ν ἐθνω̂ν ὁρω̂μεν τὴν ἀνδρίαν ἀκολουθον̂σαν τοɩ̂ς ἀγριωτάτοις, ἀλλὰ μα̂λλον τοɩ̂ς ἡμερωτέροις καὶ λεοντώδεσιν ἤθεσιν.

‘And even if they train with a view to courage they do not attain to it; for courage is not to be found in brutal but in mild and lionlike natures, whether (the comparison is made) of animals or of barbarians.’ Cp. Plat. Rep. ii. 375 and Aristotle’s Criticism on this passage in the Politics vii. 7. §§ 5-8.

τω̂ν ἠπειρωτικω̂ν ἐθνω̂ν.Jowett1885v1: 4. 3.

Not ‘of Epirus,’ which would be wholly disconnected from the Edition: current; Page: [297]Pontus and could hardly have been described as in this state of savagery, nor as in the translation ‘there are other inland tribes,’ for the Achaeans are not inland tribes (unless indeed the tribes ‘about the Pontus’ are called continental with reference to the Mediterranean), but more accurately ‘other tribes on the mainland.’ For another mention of these cannibals in Aristotle, cp. Nic. Eth. vii. 5. § 2.

μὴ πρὸς ἀσκον̂ντας.Jowett1885v1: 4. 4.

Said for πρὸς μὴ ἀσκον̂ντας. But the fall of Sparta was not really due to the improvements of the other Hellenes in gymnastics; though the equal or superior military discipline of Macedon at last overpowered them.

The fall and decay of Sparta is a political lesson which greatlyJowett1885v1: 4. 4-7. impresses Aristotle, cp. notes on vii. 11. § 8 and c. 14. § 16 ff.

So in modern times the superiority of nations has often been due to their superior organization. Those who organize first will be first victorious until others become in their turn better trained and prepared. By organization Frederick the Great crushed Austria, as she was afterwards crushed once more in 1866; again the military organization both of Prussia and Austria crumbled before Napoleon at Jena, as the French organization was in turn overpowered by the new military development of Germany in 1870. The Germans have still to prove, εἴτε τῳ̑ τοὺς νέους γυμνάζειν τὸν τρόπον τον̂τον διέϕερον, εἴτε τῳ̑ μόνον μὴ πρὸς ἀσκον̂ντας ἀσκεɩ̂ν.

ὡς ϕησὶν ὁ λόγος.Jowett1885v1: 4. 6.

Cp. Plato (e. g. Phaedo 87 A, Soph. 238 B) for a similar personification of the argument.

A warning against overstraining of the faculties in youth whichJowett1885v1: 4. 8. may be applied to the young student of modern times as well as to the young Olympic victor.

καταλαμβάνειν τὴν ἡλικίαν.Jowett1885v1: 4. 9.

‘To occupy,’ ‘engage,’ ‘employ.’

ἵνα ὥσπερ ἐνδόσιμον γένηται τοɩ̂ς λόγοις.Jowett1885v1: 5. 1.

A musical term and therefore appropriately used in speaking of Edition: current; Page: [298]music = ‘the keynote,’ ‘that what we have to say may be a sort of keynote to any future discussion of the subject.’ Cp. Arist. Rhet. iii. 14. § 1, 1414 b. 22, καὶ γὰρ οἱ αὐληταί, ὅ τι ἂν εν̓̂ ἔχωσιν αὐλη̂σαι τον̂το προαυλήσαντες συνη̂ψαν τῳ̑ ἐνδοσίμῳ, καὶ ἐν τοɩ̂ς ἐπιδεικτικοɩ̂ς λόγοις δεɩ̂ οὕτω γράϕειν.

Aristotle suggests three reasons which might be given for theJowett1885v1: 5. 2-4. cultivation of music:

1) παιδια̂ς καὶ ἀναπαύσεως ἕνεκα, like sleep, wine, dancing (cp. Nic. Eth. x. 6. § 6), amusement and relaxation being the means to renewed exertion.

2) Because of its influence on character. Hence its value in education (παιδεία).

3) πρὸς διαγωγὴν καὶ ϕρόνησιν, as an end.

In c. 7. § 3 he speaks of music as being used for a) παιδεία, b) κάθαρσις, c) διαγωγή; a) corresponds to 2) of c. 5 (πρὸς τὴν παιδείαν), c) to 3).

This leaves b) κάθαρσις to correspond to the use of music as a relaxation, and would seem to show that Aristotle gave the lower meaning to κάθαρσις (i. e. ‘purgation’ rather than ‘purification’). Cp. c. 3. § 4, ϕαρμακείας χάριν, and c. 7. § 4, ὥσπερ ἱατρείας τυχόντας καὶ καθάρσεως. See note on c. 7. § 3.

καὶ ἅμα παύει μέριμναν, ὡς ϕησὶν Εὐριπίδης.Jowett1885v1: 5. 2.

Goettling and Bekker (in his second edition), against the authority of the MSS. of the Politics, have altered ἅμα παύει into ἀναπαύει, an unnecessary change, and unsupported by the MSS. of Euripides, which cannot be quoted on either side; for the citation, like many others in Aristotle, is inaccurate. The words referred to occur in Eur. Bacch. 380:—

ὃς [Βρόμιος] τάδ’ ἔχει,

θιασεύειν τε χοροɩ̂ς

μετά τ’ αὐλον̂ γελάσαι,

ἀποπαν̂σαί τε μερίμνας.

τάττουσιν αὐτήν.Jowett1885v1: 5. 3.

Sc. εἰς παιδιὰν καὶ ἀνάπαυσιν understood from the words preceding.

Reading ὕπνῳ for οἴνῳ, gathered from ὕπνου καὶ μέθης supra, withJowett1885v1: 5. 3. Edition: current; Page: [299]Bekker’s 2nd edition, but against the authority of all the MSS. and of William de Moerbek.

ἀλλὰ μὴν οὐδὲ διαγωγήν τε παισὶν ἁρμόττει καὶ ταɩ̂ς ἡλικίαις ἀποδιδόναιJowett1885v1: 5. 4. ταɩ̂ς τοιαύταις.

The particle τε is not easily explained. It may be suggested either that 1) it should be omitted, or 2) should be changed into τι or τοɩ̂ς, or 3) that καὶ ϕρόνησιν should be added after it from the corresponding words in § 4, ἢ πρὸς διαγωγήν τι συμβάλλεται καὶ ϕρόνησιν.

οὐδενὶ γὰρ ἀτελεɩ̂ προσήκει τέλος.Jowett1885v1: 5. 4.

A singular and almost verbal fancy. ‘The imperfect is opposed to the perfect, and therefore the immature youth is not intended for reason and contemplation.’ Yet the meaning of τέλος is obscure, cp. infra §§ 12, 13, ἐπεὶ δ’ ἐν μὲν τῳ̑ τέλει συμβαίνει τοɩ̂ς ἀνθρώποις ὀλιγάκις γίγνεσθαι.

§§ 5-8 are a series of ἀπορίαι which take the form of a suppressedJowett1885v1: 5. 5-8. dialogue. 1) But a child may learn music with a view to a time when he will be grown up; 2) But why should he learn himself? 3) He will not appreciate unless he does; 4) Then why should he not learn cookery? 5) And how will his morals be improved by playing himself rather than by hearing others perform? Yet infra c. 6 these cobwebs are dashed aside; and it is acknowledged that the truer and deeper effect of music can only be produced on the mind by actual practice.

ὥσπερ οἱ Λάκωνες· ἐκεɩ̂νοι γὰρ οὐ μανθάνοντες ὅμως δύνανται κρίνεινJowett1885v1: 5. 7. ὀρθω̂ς, ὡς ϕασί, τὰ χρηστὰ καὶ τὰ μὴ χρηστὰ τω̂ν μελω̂ν.

Cp. what Plato says of the ‘timocratic man,’ in Rep. viii. 548 E, αὐθαδέστερόν τε δεɩ̂ αὐτόν, ἠ̑ν δ’ ἐγώ, εἰ̂ναι καὶ ὑποαμουσότερον, ϕιλόμουσον δέ· καὶ ϕιλήκοον μέν, ῥητορικὸν δ’ οὐδαμω̂ς.

οὐ γὰρ ὁ Ζεὺς αὐτὸς ᾄδει καὶ κιθαρίζει τοɩ̂ς ποιηταɩ̂ς, ἀλλὰ καὶ βαναύσουςJowett1885v1: 5. 8. καλον̂μεν τοὺς τοιούτους.

In Il. i. 603 it is Apollo, not Zeus, who plays to the assembly of the gods.

ἔχει γὰρ ἴσως ἡδονήν τινα καὶ τὸ τέλος, ἀλλ’ οὐ τὴν τυχον̂σαν· ζητον̂ντεςJowett1885v1: 5. 13. Edition: current; Page: [300]δὲ ταύτην, λαμβάνουσιν ὡς ταύτην ἐκείνην, διὰ τὸ τῳ̑ τέλει τω̂ν πράξεων ἔχειν ὁμοίωμά τι.

There is a finality about pleasure, which leads to a confusion with happiness. Like the greater end of life it comes after toil; it is sensible to the eye or feeling; it is the anticipation of we know not what: no account can be given of it. ταύτην, sc. οὐ τὴν τυχον̂σαν, ‘the higher pleasure;’ ἐκείνην, ‘the lower pleasure.’

δι’ ἣν μὲν ον̓̂ν αἰτίαν κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 5. 14.

Cp. Nic. Eth. vii. 13. § 6, ἀλλ’ ἐπεὶ οὐχ ἡ αὐτὴ οὔτε ϕύσις οὔθ’ ἕξις ἡ ἀρίστη οὔτ’ ἔστιν οὔτε δοκεɩ̂, οὐδ’ ἡδονὴν διώκουσι τὴν αὐτὴν πάντες, ἡδονὴν μέντοι πάντες. Ἴσως δὲ καὶ διώκουσιν οὐχ ἣν οἴονται οὐδ’ ἣν ἂν ϕαɩ̂εν, ἀλλὰ τὴν αὐτήν· πάντα γὰρ ϕύσει ἔχει τι θεɩ̂ον· ἀλλ’ εἰλήϕασι τὴν τον̂ ὀνόματος κληρονομίαν αἱ σωματικαὶ ἡδοναὶ διὰ τὸ πλειστάκις τε παραβάλλειν εἰς αὐτὰς καὶ πάντας μετέχειν αὐτω̂ν· διὰ τὸ μόνας ον̓̂ν γνωρίμους εἰ̂ναι ταύτας μόνας οἴονται εἰ̂ναι.

οὐ διὰ ταύτην μόνην,Jowett1885v1: 5. 14.

sc. ζητον̂σιν.

ἔτι δὲ ἀκροώμενοι τω̂ν μιμήσεων γίγνονται πάντες συμπαθεɩ̂ς, καὶ χωρὶςJowett1885v1: 5. 17. τω̂ν ῥυθμω̂ν καὶ τω̂ν μελω̂ν αὐτω̂ν.

i.e. ‘any imitation, whether accompanied by rhythm or song or not, creates sympathetic feeling.’

παρὰ τὰς ἀληθινὰς ϕύσεις.Jowett1885v1: 5. 18.

‘Near to or not far removed from their true natures.’

συμβέβηκε δὲ τω̂ν αἰσθητω̂ν ἐν μὲν τοɩ̂ς ἄλλοις μηδὲν ὑπάρχειν όμοίωμαJowett1885v1: 5. 20. τοɩ̂ς ἤθεσιν, οἱ̑ον ἐν τοɩ̂ς ἁπτοɩ̂ς καὶ τοɩ̂ς γευστοɩ̂ς, ἀλλ’ ἐν τοɩ̂ς ὁρατοɩ̂ς ἠρέμα· σχήματα γάρ ἐστι τοιαν̂τα, ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ μικρόν, καὶ πάντες τη̂ς τοιαύτης αἰσθήσεως κοινωνον̂σιν.

‘As to the senses [other than the sense of hearing], objects of sight alone furnish representations of ethical character; (for figures are 1) objects of sight, or 2*) are of an ethical character); but to a certain extent only, and this intellectual element (though feeble) is common to all.’

The obscurity of the passage has led to the insertion of οὐ before πάντες: but the construction is then abrupt and the meaning Edition: current; Page: [301]thus obtained, ‘all do not participate in the sense of figure,’ would be a strange statement.

ἔτι δ’ οὐκ ἔστι ταν̂τα ὁμοιώματα τω̂ν ἠθω̂ν, ἀλλὰ σημεɩ̂α μα̂λλον.Jowett1885v1: 5. 20.

‘Yet such figures and colours (which have been previously called representations) are not really representations but more truly signs and indications.’

οὐ μὴν ἀλλ’ ὅσον διαϕέρει καὶ περὶ τὴν τούτων θεωρίαν, δεɩ̂ μὴ τὰJowett1885v1: 5. 21. Παύσωνος θεωρεɩ̂ν τοὺς νέους, ἀλλὰ τὰ Πολυγνώτου κἂν εἴ τις ἄλλος τω̂ν γραϕέων ἢ τω̂ν ἀγαλματοποιω̂ν ἐστὶν ἠθικός.

Cp. Poetics 2. 1448 a. 5, Πολύγνωτος μὲν γὰρ κρείττους, Παύσων δὲ χείρους, Διονύσιος δὲ ὁμοίους εἴκαζεν.

ἐν δὲ τοɩ̂ς μέλεσιν αὐτοɩ̂ς.Jowett1885v1: 5. 21.

‘But though hardly discernible in painting we have the very expression of the feeling in music.’

καὶ τοɩ̂ς ῥυθμοɩ̂ς εἰ̂ναι.Jowett1885v1: 5. 25.

Bekker in his 2nd edition has inserted πρὸς τὴν ψύχην before εἰ̂ναι. Cp. a reading which is confirmed by one MS. of the old translator, ‘cognatio ad animam.’ Aretino’s translation suggests ἡμɩ̂ν, but the same sense can be got out of the Greek as it stands, ἡμɩ̂ν (or πρὸς τὴν ψυχήν) being supplied from τὴν ϕύσιν τὴν τηλικαύτην or οἱ νέοι in the previous sentence.

For the doctrine that the soul is a harmony, cp. Plat. Phaedo 86, 92-95; Timaeus 35, 36.

ἀπεργάζεσθαι τὸ λεχθέν,Jowett1885v1: 6. 6.

sc. τὸ ποιεɩ̂ν βαναύσους.

πρὸς μὲν τὰς χρήσεις ἤδη, πρὸς δὲ τὰς μαθήσεις ὕστερον.Jowett1885v1: 6. 6.

Though there is no variation in the MSS., or in the old translator, there seems to be a corruption in this passage. Susemihl transposes χρήσεις and μαθήσεις. Goettling omits both. If retained in their present order, they must be translated as in the text, and may be supposed to mean that practice precedes theory. In the Republic practical life precedes philosophical leisure, and at the end of the Ethics (x. 9. § 20) Aristotle says that the sophist Edition: current; Page: [302]having no experience of politics cannot teach them (cp. Plat. Tim. 19 D).

But a fatal objection to this way of interpreting the passage is the word μάθησις, which elsewhere in this chapter, and even in the next sentence, means ‘early education,’ not ‘mature philosophical speculation.’

Compare Plat. Rep. ii. 411. In the Laws vii. 810 he limitsJowett1885v1: 6. 7. the time allowed for the study of music to three years.

τῳ̑ λόγῳ.Jowett1885v1: 6. 10.

‘Speech,’ as in bk. i. 2. § 10.

The singular outburst of intellectual life at Athens, which weJowett1885v1: 6. 11. may well believe to have arisen after the Persian War, belongs to a period of Greek history known to us only from the very short summary of Athenian history contained in a few pages of Thucydides. It was the age of Pindar and Simonides and Phrynichus and Aeschylus, of Heraclitus and Parmenides, of Protagoras and Gorgias.

Ἐκϕαντίδῃ.Jowett1885v1: 6. 12.

A very ancient comic poet who flourished in the generation before Aristophanes.

ἐπεὶ δὲ τω̂ν τε ὀργάνων κ.τ.λ.Jowett1885v1: 6. 15.

This, like many other sentences beginning with ἐπεί, is an anacoluthon, of which the real apodosis is to be found in the words διόπερ οὐ τω̂ν ἐλευθέρων κρίνομεν εἰ̂ναι τὴν ἐργασίαν ἀλλὰ θητικωτέραν.

ἢ τρίτον δεɩ̂ τινὰ ἕτερον.Jowett1885v1: 7. 1.

Three alternatives are given: 1) Shall we use all the harmonies and rhythms in education? 2) Shall we make the same distinctions about them in education which are made in other uses of them? Or 3) Shall we make some other distinction?

τρίτον δεɩ̂ has been suspected. τρίτον is certainly not symmetrical because it introduces not a third case but a subdivision of the second case. Yet other divisions in Aristotle are unsymmetrical (cp. supra c. 3. § 1 and vii. 11. §§ 1-4).

Edition: current; Page: [303]

νομικω̂ς.Jowett1885v1: 7. 2.

‘After the manner of a law,’ i. e. ἐν τύπῳ explained by the words which follow.

τὰ μὲν ἠθικὰ τὰ δὲ πρακτικὰ τὰ δ’ ἐνθουσιαστικὰ τιθέντες.Jowett1885v1: 7. 3.

These distinctions are but feebly represented by modern styles; the first is in some degree analogous to sacred music, the second to military music, and the third to the music of the dance.

πρὸς ἄλλο μέρος,

sc. τη̂ς ψυχη̂ς or *τω̂ν μελω̂ν.Jowett1885v1: 7. 3.

τί δὲ λέγομεν τὴν κάθαρσιν, νν̂ν μὲν ἁπλω̂ς, πάλιν δ’ ἐν τοɩ̂ς περὶJowett1885v1: 7. 3. ποιητικη̂ς ἐρον̂μεν σαϕέστερον.

This promise is very imperfectly fulfilled in the short allusion to κάθαρσις in Poet. c. 6.

διὸ ταɩ̂ς μὲν τοιαύταις ἁρμονίαις καὶ τοɩ̂ς τοιούτοις μέλεσι θετέον τοὺς τὴνJowett1885v1: 7. 6. θεατρικὴν μουσικὴν μεταχειριζομένους ἀγωνιστάς.

‘Therefore it is for such harmonies and for such melodies that we must establish the competitions of musical performers,’ i. e. we must leave such strains of art to regular performers.

παρακεχρωσμένα.Jowett1885v1: 7. 7.

παραχρώσεις are explained to mean ‘deviations from the received scale in music.’

ὁ δ’ ἐν τῃ̑ πολιτείᾳ Σωκράτης οὐ καλω̂ς τὴν ϕρυγιστὶ μόνην καταλείπειJowett1885v1: 7. 9. μετὰ τη̂ς δωριστί, καὶ ταν̂τα ἀποδοκιμάσας τω̂ν ὀργάνων τὸν αὐλόν.

This criticism of Plato appears to be just.

καὶ διότι Φιλόξενος ἐγχειρήσας ἐν τῃ̑ δωριστὶ ποιη̂σαι διθύραμβον τοὺςJowett1885v1: 7. 11. μύθους.

The emendation Μύσους (adopted by Bekker in his 2nd edition) is unnecessary. The words may also mean ‘to compose a dithyramb called the “Fables.”’ Whether fables could be written in a dithyrambic form or not, the difficulty which Philoxenus experienced was of another kind: what he found hopeless was the Edition: current; Page: [304]attempt to compose dithyrambic poetry adapted to the severe Dorian music.

δη̂λον ὅτι τούτους ὅρους τρεɩ̂ςJowett1885v1: 7. 15.

is abruptly expressed and possibly something may be omitted. The general meaning is ‘that if there be a harmony suited to the young it must be tested by the three principles of education; the mean, the possible, the becoming.’

Without assuming that Aristotle wrote a complete treatise onJowett1885v1: 7. 15. the subject of education, in which he includes gymnastic, music, drawing, and literature (cp. c. 3. § 1), it is hard to imagine that, if the work had received from his hands its present form, he would have broken off in this abrupt manner.

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Herculanensium Voluminum. Partes II. 1824. 8vo. 10s.

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Homer: A Complete Concordance to the Odyssey and Hymns of Homer; to which is added a Concordance to the Parallel Passages in the Iliad, Odyssey, and Hymns. By Henry Dunbar, M.D. 1880. 4to. 1l. 1s.

— Scholia Graeca in Iliadem. Edited by Professor W. Dindorf, after a new collation of the Venetian MSS. by D. B. Monro M.A., Provost of Oriel College. 4 vols. 8vo. 2l. 10s. Vols. V and VI. In the Press.

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Thucydides: Translated into English, with Introduction, Marginal Analysis, Notes, and Indices. By B. Jowett, M.A. 2 vols. 1881. Medium 8vo. 1l. 12s.

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THE HOLY SCRIPTURES, &c.

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FATHERS OF THE CHURCH, &c.

St. Athanasius: Historical Writings, according to the Benedictine Text. With an Introduction by William Bright, D.D. 1881. Crown 8vo. 10s. 6d.

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Socrates’ Ecclesiastical History, according to the Text of Hussey, with an Introduction by William Bright, D.D. 1878. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.

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ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, &c.

Ancient Liturgy of the Church of England, according to the uses of Sarum, York, Hereford, and Bangor, and the Roman Liturgy arranged in parallel columns, with preface and notes. By William Maskell, M.A. Third Edition. 1882. 8vo. 15s.

Baedae Historia Ecclesiastica. Edited, with English Notes, by G. H. Moberly, M.A. 1881. Crown 8vo. 10s. 6d.

Bright (W.). Chapters of Early English Church History. 1878. 8vo. 12s.

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Hammond (C. E.). Liturgies, Eastern and Western. Edited, with Introduction, Notes, and Liturgical Glossary. 1878. Crown 8vo. 10s. 6d.

An Appendix to the above. 1879. Crown 8vo. paper covers, 1s. 6d.

John, Bishop of Ephesus. The Third Part of his Ecclesiastical History. [In Syriac.] Now first edited by William Cureton, M.A. 1853. 4to. 1l. 12s.

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Shirley (W. W.). Some Account of the Church in the Apostolic Age. Second Edition, 1874. Fcap. 8vo. 3s. 6d.

Stubbs (W.). Registrum Sacrum Anglicanum. An attempt to exhibit the course of Episcopal Succession in England. 1858. Small 4to. 8s. 6d.

Warren (F. E.). Liturgy and Ritual of the Celtic Church. 1881. 8vo. 14s.

ENGLISH THEOLOGY.

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HISTORICAL AND DOCUMENTARY WORKS.

British Barrows, a Record of the Examination of Sepulchral Mounds in various parts of England. By William Greenwell, M.A., F.S.A. Together with Description of Figures of Skulls, General Remarks on Pre-historic Crania, and an Appendix by George Rolleston, M.D., F.R.S. 1877. Medium 8vo. 25s.

Britton. A Treatise upon the Common Law of England, composed by order of King Edward I. The French Text carefully revised, with an English Translation, Introduction, and Notes, by F. M. Nichols, M.A. 2 vols. 1865. Royal 8vo. 1l. 16s.

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Freeman (E. A.). History of the Norman Conquest of England; its Causes and Results. In Six Volumes. 8vo. 5l. 9s. 6d.

Freeman (E. A.). The Reign of William Rufus and the Accession of Henry the First. 2 vols. 8vo. 1l. 16s.

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Rogers (J. E. T.). History of Agriculture and Prices in England, a.d. 1259–1793.

Vols. I and II (1259–1400). 1866. 8vo. 2l. 2s.

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Saxon Chronicles (Two of the) parallel, with Supplementary Extracts from the Others. Edited, with Introduction, Notes, and a Glossarial Index, by J. Earle, M.A. 1865. 8vo. 16s.

Sturlunga Saga, including the Islendinga Saga of Lawman Sturla Thordsson and other works. Edited by Dr. Gudbrand Vigfússon. In 2 vols. 1878. 8vo. 2l. 2s.

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Müller (J.). On certain Variations in the Vocal Organs of the Passeres that have hitherto escaped notice. Translated by F. J. Bell, B.A., and edited, with an Appendix, by A. H. Garrod, M.A., F.R.S. With Plates. 1878. 4to. paper covers, 7s. 6d.

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Vol. XXVI. The Satapatha-Brâhmana. Translated by Julius Eggeling. Part II.

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Vols. XXIX and XXX. The Grihya-sûtras, Rules of Vedic Domestic Ceremonies. Translated by Hermann Oldenberg. Parts I and II.

Vol. XXXI. The Zend-Avesta. Part III. The Yazna, Visparad, Afrîgân, and Gâhs. Translated by the Rev. L. H. Mills.

Vol. XXXII. Vedic Hymns. Translated by F. Max Müller. Part I.

* * * The Second Series will consist of Twenty-Four Volumes

Edition: current; Page: [14]

Clarendon Press Series

I. ENGLISH.

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The Ormulum; with the Notes and Glossary of Dr. R. M. White. Edited by R. Holt, M.A. 1878. 2 vols. Extra fcap. 8vo. 21s.

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The Vision of William concerning Piers the Plowman, by William Langland. Edited, with Notes, by W. W. Skeat, M.A. Third Edition. Extra fcap. 8vo. 4s. 6d.

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Shakespeare as a Dramatic Artist; a popular Illustration of the Principles of Scientific Criticism. By Richard G. Moulton, M.A. Crown 8vo. 5s.

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Locke’s Conduct of the Understanding. Edited, with Introduction, Notes, &c., by T. Fowler, M.A. Second Edition. Extra fcap. 8vo. 2s.

Edition: current; Page: [17]

Addison. Selections from Papers in the Spectator. With Notes. By T. Arnold, M.A. Extra fcap. 8vo. 4s. 6d.

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II. LATIN.

Rudimenta Latina. Comprising Accidence, and Exercises of a very Elementary Character, for the use of Beginners. By John Barrow Allen, M.A. Extra fcap. 8vo. 2s.

An Elementary Latin Grammar. By the same Author. Forty-second Thousand. Extra fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d.

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Hints and Helps for Latin Elegiacs. By H. Lee-Warner, M.A., late Fellow of St. John’s College, Cambridge, Assistant Master at Rugby School. Extra fcap. 8vo. 3s. 6d. Just Published.

First Latin Reader. By T. J. Nunns, M.A. Third Edition. Extra fcap. 8vo. 2s.

Caesar. The Commentaries (for Schools). With Notes and Maps. By Charles E. Moberly, M.A.

Part I. The Gallic War. Second Edition. Extra fcap. 8vo. 4s. 6d.

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Cicero. Selected Letters (for Schools). With Notes. By the late C. E. Prichard, M.A., and E. R. Bernard, M.A. Second Edition. Extra fcap. 8vo. 3s.

Edition: current; Page: [19]

Cicero. Select Orations (for Schools). In Verrem I. De Imperio Gn. Pompeii. Pro Archia. Philippica IX. With Introduction and Notes by J. R. King, M.A. Second Edition. Extra fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d.

Cornelius Nepos. With Notes. By Oscar Browning, M.A. Second Edition. Extra fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d.

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Ovid. Selections for the use of Schools. With Introductions and Notes, and an Appendix on the Roman Calendar. By W. Ramsay, M.A. Edited by G. G. Ramsay, M.A. Second Edition. Extra fcap. 8vo. 5s. 6d.

Ovid. Tristia. Book I. The Text revised, with an Introduction and Notes. By S. G. Owen, B.A. Extra fcap. 8vo. 3s. 6d.

Pliny. Selected Letters (for Schools). With Notes. By the late C. E. Prichard, M.A., and E. R. Bernard, M.A. Second Edition. Extra fcap. 8vo. 3s.

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Catulli Veronensis Liber. Iterum recognovit, apparatum criticum prolegomena appendices addidit, Robinson Ellis, A.M. 1878. Demy 8vo. 16s.

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Cicero de Oratore. With Introduction and Notes. By A. S. Wilkins, M.A.

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Book II. 1881. 8vo. 5s.

— Philippic Orations. With Notes. By J. R. King, M.A. Second Edition. 1879. 8vo. 10s. 6d.

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Cicero. Select Letters. With English Introductions, Notes, and Appendices. By Albert Watson, M.A. Third Edition. 1881. Demy 8vo. 18s.

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— pro Cluentio. With Introduction and Notes. By W. Ramsay, M.A. Edited by G. G. Ramsay, M.A. Second Edition. Extra fcap. 8vo. 3s. 6d.

Horace. With a Commentary. Volume I. The Odes, Carmen Seculare, and Epodes. By Edward C. Wickham, M.A. Second Edition. 1877. Demy 8vo. 12s.

— A reprint of the above, in a size suitable for the use of Schools. Extra fcap. 8vo. 5s. 6d.

Livy, Book I. With Introduction, Historical Examination, and Notes. By J. R. Seeley, M.A. Second Edition. 1881. 8vo. 6s.

Ovid. P. Ovidii Nasonis Ibis. Ex Novis Codicibus edidit, Scholia Vetera Commentarium cum Prolegomenis Appendice Indice addidit, R. Ellis, A.M. 8vo. 10s. 6d.

Persius. The Satires. With a Translation and Commentary. By John Conington, M.A. Edited by Henry Nettleship, M.A. Second Edition. 1874. 8vo. 7s. 6d.

Plautus. The Trinummus. With Notes and Introductions. Intended for the Higher Forms of Public Schools. By C. E. Freeman, M.A., and A. Sloman, M.A. Extra fcap. 8vo. 3s.

Sallust. With Introduction and Notes. By W. W. Capes, M.A. Extra fcap. 8vo. 4s. 6d.

Tacitus. The Annals. Books I-VI. Edited, with Introduction and Notes, by H. Furneaux, M.A. 8vo. 18s.

Virgil. With Introduction and Notes. By T. L. Papillon, M A. Two vols. Crown 8vo. 10s. 6d.

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— Ancient Lives of Vergil. With an Essay on the Poems of Vergil, in connection with his Life and Times. 8vo. sewed, 2s.

Papillon (T. L., M.A.). A Manual of Comparative Philology. Third Edition, Revised and Corrected. 1882. Crown 8vo. 6s.

Pinder (North, M.A.). Selections from the less known Latin Poets. 1869. 8vo. 15s.

Edition: current; Page: [21]

Sellar (W. Y., M.A.). Roman Poets of the Augustan Age. Virgil. New Edition. 1883. Crown 8vo. 9s.

— Roman Poets of the Republic. New Edition, Revised and Enlarged. 1881. 8vo. 14s.

Wordsworth (J., M.A.). Fragments and Specimens of Early Latin. With Introductions and Notes. 1874. 8vo. 18s.

III. GREEK.

A Greek Primer, for the use of beginners in that Language. By the Right Rev. Charles Wordsworth, D.C.L. Seventh Edition. Extra fcap. 8vo. 1s. 6d.

Graecae Grammaticae Rudimenta in usum Scholarum. Auctore Carolo Wordsworth, D.C.L. Nineteenth Edition, 1882. 12mo. 4s.

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Greek Verbs, Irregular and Defective; their forms, meaning, and quantity; embracing all the Tenses used by Greek writers, with references to the passages in which they are found. By W. Veitch. Fourth Edition. Crown 8vo. 10s. 6d.

The Elements of Greek Accentuation (for Schools): abridged from his larger work by H. W. Chandler, M.A. Extra fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d.

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Fourth Greek Reader; being Specimens of Greek Dialects. With Introductions and Notes. By W. W. Merry, M.A. Extra fcap. 8vo. 4s. 6d.

Fifth Greek Reader. Selections from Greek Epic and Dramatic Poetry, with Introductions and Notes. By Evelyn Abbott, M.A. Extra fcap. 8vo. 4s. 6d.

The Golden Treasury of Ancient Greek Poetry: being a Collection of the finest passages in the Greek Classic Poets with Introductory Notices and Notes. By R. S. Wright M.A. Extra fcap. 8vo. 8s. 6d.

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Edition: current; Page: [22]

Aeschylus. Prometheus Bound (for Schools). With Introduction and Notes, by A. O. Prickard, M.A. Second Edition. Extra fcap. 8vo. 2s.

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Euripides. Alcestis (for Schools). By C. S. Jerram, M.A. Extra fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d.

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Herodotus, Selections from. Edited, with Introduction, Notes, and a Map, by W. W. Merry, M.A. Extra fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d.

Homer. Odyssey, Books I-XII (for Schools). By W. W. Merry, M.A. Twenty-seventh Thousand. Extra fcap. 8vo. 4s. 6d.

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Lucian. Vera Historia (for Schools). By C. S. Jerram, M.A. Second Edition. Extra fcap. 8vo. 1s. 6d.

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Sophocles. In Single Plays, with English Notes, &c. By Lewis Campbell, M.A., and Evelyn Abbott, M.A. Extra fcap. 8vo. limp.

Oedipus Tyrannus, Philoctetes. New and Revised Edition, 2s. each.

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— Oedipus Rex: Dindorf’s Text, with Notes by the present Bishop of St. David’s. Extra fcap. 8vo. limp, 1s. 6d.

Theocritus (for Schools). With Notes. By H. Kynaston, D.D. (late Snow). Third Edition. Extra fcap. 8vo. 4s. 6d.

Xenophon. Easy Selections. (for Junior Classes). With a Vocabulary. Notes, and Map. By J. S. Phillpotts, B.C.L., and C. S. Jerram, M.A. Third Edition. Extra fcap. 8vo. 3s. 6d.

— Selections (for Schools). With Notes and Maps. By J. S. Phillpotts, B.C.L. Fourth Edition. Extra fcap. 8vo. 3s. 6d.

— Anabasis, Book I. Edited for the use of Junior Classes and Private Students. With Introduction, Notes, and Index. By J. Marshall, M.A., Rector of the Royal High School, Edinburgh. Extra fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d. Just Published.

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— Cyropaedia, Books IV and V. With Introduction and Notes by C. Bigg, D.D. Extra fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d.

Aristotle’s Politics. By W. L. Newman, M.A. [In preparation.]

Aristotelian Studies. I. On the Structure of the Seventh Book of the Nicomachean Ethics. By J. C. Wilson, M.A. 1879. Medium 8vo. stiff, 5s.

Demosthenes and Aeschines. The Orations of Demosthenes and Æschines on the Crown. With Introductory Essays and Notes. By G. A. Simcox, M.A., and W. H. Simcox, M.A. 1872. 8vo. 12s.

Geldart (E. M., B.A.). The Modern Greek Language in its relation to Ancient Greek. Extra fcap. 8vo. 4s. 6d.

Hicks (E. L., M.A.). A Manual of Greek Historical Inscriptions. Demy 8vo. 10s. 6d.

Homer. Odyssey, Books I-XII. Edited with English Notes, Appendices, etc. By W. W. Merry, M.A., and the late James Riddell, M.A. 1876. Demy 8vo. 16s.

— A Grammar of the Homeric Dialect. By D. B. Monro, M.A. Demy 8vo. 10s. 6d.

Edition: current; Page: [24]

Sophocles. The Plays and Fragments. With English Notes and Introductions, by Lewis Campbell. M.A. 2 vols.

Vol. I. Oedipus Tyrannus. Oedipus Coloneus. Antigone. Second Edition. 1879. 8vo. 16s.

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Sophocles. The Text of the Seven Plays. By the same Editor. Extra fcap. 8vo. 4s. 6d.

IV. FRENCH AND ITALIAN.

Brachet’s Etymological Dictionary of the French Language, with a Preface on the Principles of French Etymology. Translated into English by G. W. Kitchin, D.D. Third Edition. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.

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Works by GEORGE SAINTSBURY, M.A.

Primer of French Literature. Extra fcap. 8vo. 2s.

Short History of French Literature. Crown 8vo. 10s. 6d.

Specimens of French Literature, from Villon to Hugo. Crown 8vo. 9s.

Corncille’s Horace. Edited, with Introduction and Notes, by George Saintsbury, M.A. Extra fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d.

Molière’s Les Précieuses Ridicules. Edited, with Introduction and Notes, by Andrew Lang, M.A. Extra fcap. 8vo. 1s. 6d.

Beaumarchais’ Le Barbier de Séville. Edited, with Introduction and Notes, by Austin Dobson. Extra fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d.

Voltaire’s Mérope. Edited, with Introduction and Notes, by George Saintsbury. Extra fcap. 8vo. cloth, 2s. Just Published.

Musset’s On ne badine pas avec l’Amour, and Fantasio. Edited, with Prolegomena, Notes, etc., by Walter Herries Pollock. Extra fcap. 8vo. 2s.

Sainte-Beuve. Selections from the Causeries du Lundi. Edited by George Saintsbury. Extra fcap. 8vo. 2s.

Quinet’s Lettres à sa Mère. Selected and edited by George Saintsbury. Extra fcap. 8vo. cloth, 2s.

Edition: current; Page: [25]

L’Éloquence de la Chaire et de la Tribune Françaises. Edited by Paul Blouët, B.A. (Univ. Gallic.). Vol. I. French Sacred Oratory Extra fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d.

Edited by GUSTAVE MASSON, B.A.

Corneille’s Cinna, and Molière’s Les Femmes Savantes. With Introduction and Notes. Extra fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d.

Louis XIV and his Contemporaries; as described in Extracts from the best Memoirs of the Seventeenth Century. With English Notes, Genealogical Tables, &c. Extra fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d.

Maistre, Xavier de. Voyage autour de ma Chambre. Ourika, by Madame de Duras; La Dot de Suzette, by Fievée; Les Jumeaux de l’Hôtel Corneille, by Edmond About; Mésaventures d’un Écolier, by Rodolphe Töpffer. Second Edition. Extra fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d.

Molière’s Les Fourberies de Scapin. With Voltaire’s Life of Molière. Extra fcap. 8vo. stiff covers, 1s. 6d.

Molière’s Les Fourberies de Scapin, and Racine’s Athalie. With Voltaire’s Life of Molière. Extra fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d.

Racine’s Andromaque, and Corneille’s Le Menteur. With Louis Racine’s Life of his Father. Extra fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d.

Regnard’s Le Joueur, and Brueys and Palaprat’s Le Grondeur. Extra fcap 8vo. 2s. 6d.

Sévigné, Madame de, and her chief Contemporaries, Selections from the Correspondence of. Intended more especially for Girls’ Schools. Extra fcap. 8vo. 3s.

Dante. Selections from the Inferno. With Introduction and Notes. By H. B. Cotterill, B.A. Extra fcap. 8vo. 4s. 6d.

Tasso. La Gerusalemme Liberata. Cantos i, ii. With Introduction and Notes. By the same Editor. Extra fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d.

V. GERMAN.

Scherer (W.). A History of German Literature. Translated from the Third German Edition by Mrs. F. Conybeare. Edited by F. Max Müller. 2 vols. 8vo. 21s. Just Published.

GERMAN COURSE. By HERMANN LANGE.

The Germans at Home; a Practical Introduction to German Conversation, with an Appendix containing the Essentials of German Grammar. Second Edition. 8vo. 2s. 6d.

The German Manual; a German Grammar, Reading Book, and a Handbook of German Conversation. 8vo. 7s. 6d.

Edition: current; Page: [26]

Grammar of the German Language. 8vo. 3s. 6d.

This ‘Grammar’ is a reprint of the Grammar contained in ‘The German Manual,’ and, in this separate form, is intended for the use of Students who wish to make themselves acquainted with German Grammar chiefly for the purpose of being able to read German books.

German Composition; A Theoretical and Practical Guide to the Art of Translating English Prose into German. 8vo. 4s. 6d.

Lessing’s Laokoon. With Introduction, English Notes, etc. By A. Hamann, Phil. Doc., M.A. Extra fcap. 8vo. 4s. 6d.

Schiller’s Wilhelm Tell. Translated into English Verse by E. Massie, M.A. Extra fcap. 8vo. 5s.

Also, Edited by C. A. BUCHHEIM, Phil. Doc.

Goethe’s Egmont. With a Life of Goethe, &c. Third Edition. Extra fcap. 8vo. 3s.

— Iphigenie auf Tauris. A Drama. With a Critical Introduction and Notes. Second Edition. Extra fcap. 8vo. 3s.

Heine’s Prosa, being Selections from his Prose Works. With English Notes, etc. Extra fcap. 8vo. 4s. 6d.

Lessing’s Minna von Barnhelm. A Comedy. With a Life of Lessing, Critical Analysis, Complete Commentary, &c. Fourth Edition. Extra fcap. 8vo. 3s. 6d.

— Nathan der Weise. With Introduction, Notes, etc. Extra fcap. 8vo. 4s. 6d.

Schiller’s Historische Skizzen; Egmont’s Leben und Tod, and Belagerung von Antwerpen. Second Edition. Extra fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d.

— Wilhelm Tell. With a Life of Schiller; an historical and critical Introduction, Arguments, and a complete Commentary, and Map. Sixth Edition. Extra fcap. 8vo. 3s. 6d.

— Wilhelm Tell. School Edition. With Map. Extra fcap. 8vo. 2s.

Halm’s Griseldis. In Preparation.

Modern German Reader. A Graduated Collection of Extracts in Prose and Poetry from Modern German writers:—

Part I. With English Notes, a Grammatical Appendix, and a complete Vocabulary. Fourth Edition. Extra fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d.

Part II. With English Notes and an Index. Extra fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d. Just Published.

Part III in Preparation.

Edition: current; Page: [27]

VI. MATHEMATICS, PHYSICAL SCIENCE, &c.

By LEWIS HENSLEY, M.A.

Figures made Easy: a first Arithmetic Book. (Introductory to ‘The Scholar’s Arithmetic.’) Crown 8vo. 6d.

Answers to the Examples in Figures made Easy, together with two thousand additional Examples formed from the Tables in the same, with Answers. Crown 8vo. 1s.

The Scholar’s Arithmetic: with Answers to the Examples. Crown 8vo. 4s. 6d.

The Scholar’s Algebra. An Introductory work on Algebra. Crown 8vo. 4s. 6d.

Baynes (R. E., M.A.). Lessons on Thermodynamics. 1878. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.

Chambers (G. F., F.R.A.S.). A Handbook of Descriptive Astronomy. Third Edition. 1877. Demy 8vo. 28s.

Clarke (Col. A. R., C.B., R.E.). Geodesy. 1880. 8vo. 12s. 6d.

Cremona (Luigi). Elements of Projective Geometry. Translated by C. Leudesdorf, M.A., 8vo. 12s. 6d.

Donkin (W. F., M.A., F.R.S.). Acoustics. Second Edition. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.

Galton (Douglas, C.B., F.R.S.). The Construction of Healthy Dwellings; namely Houses, Hospitals, Barracks, Asylums, &c. Demy 8vo. 10s. 6d.

Hamilton (Sir R. G. C.), and J. Ball. Book-keeping. New and enlarged Edition. Extra fcap. 8vo. limp cloth, 2s.

Harcourt (A. G. Vernon, M.A.), and H. G. Madan, M.A. Exercises in Practical Chemistry. Vol. I. Elementary Exercises. Third Edition. Crown 8vo. 9s.

Maclaren (Archibald). A System of Physical Education: Theoretical and Practical. Extra fcap. 8vo. 7s. 6d.

Madan (H. G., M.A.). Tables of Qualitative Analysis. Large 4to. paper, 4s. 6d.

Maxwell (J. Clerk, M.A., F.R.S.). A Treatise on Electricity and Magnetism. Second Edition. 2 vols. Demy 8vo. 1l. 11s. 6d.

— An Elementary Treatise on Electricity. Edited by William Garnett, M.A. Demy 8vo. 7s. 6d.

Edition: current; Page: [28]

Minchin (G. M., M.A.). A Treatise on Statics. Third Edition, Corrected and Enlarged. Vol. I. Equilibrium of Coplanar Forces. 8vo 9s. Just Published. Vol. II. In the Press.

— Uniplanar Kinematics of Solids and Fluids. Crown 8vo. 7s 6d.

Rolleston (G., M.D., F.R.S.). Forms of Animal Life. Illustrated by Descriptions and Drawings of Dissections. A New Edition in the Press.

Smyth. A Cycle of Celestial Objects. Observed, Reduced, and Discussed by Admiral W. H. Smyth, R. N. Revised, condensed, and greatly enlarged by G. F. Chambers, F.R.A.S. 1881. 8vo. Price reduced to 12s.

Stewart (Balfour, LL.D., F.R.S.). A Treatise on Heat, with numerous Woodcuts and Diagrams. Fourth Edition. 1881. Extra fcap. 8vo. 7s. 6d.

Story-Maskelyne (M. H. N., M.A.). Crystallography. In the Press.

Vernon-Harcourt (L. F., M.A.). A Treatise on Rivers and Canals, relating to the Control and Improvement of Rivers, and the Design, Construction, and Development of Canals. 2 vols. (Vol. I, Text. Vol. II, Plates.) 8vo. 21s.

— Harbours and Docks; their Physical Features, History, Construction, Equipment, and Maintenance; with Statistics as to their Commercial Development. 2 vols. 8vo. 25s.

Watson (H. W., M.A.). A Treatise on the Kinetic Theory of Gases. 1876. 8vo. 3s. 6d.

Watson (H. W., D. Sc., F.R.S.), and S. H. Burbury, M.A.

I. A Treatise on the Application of Generalised Coordinates to the Kinetics of a Material System. 1879. 8vo. 6s.

II. The Mathematical Theory of Electricity and Magnetism. Vol. I. Electrostatics. 8vo. 10s. 6d. Just Published.

Williamson (A. W., Phil. Doc., F.R.S.). Chemistry for Students. A new Edition, with Solutions. 1873. Extra fcap. 8vo. 8s. 6d.

VII. HISTORY.

Bluntschli (J. K.). The Theory of the State. By J. K. Bluntschli, late Professor of Political Sciences in the University of Heidelberg. Authorised English Translation from the Sixth German Edition. Demy 8vo. half-bound, 12s. 6d. Just Published.

Finlay (George, LL.D.). A History of Greece from its Conquest by the Romans to the present time, b.c. 146 to a.d. 1864. A new Edition, revised throughout, and in part re-written, with considerable additions, by the Author, and edited by H. F. Tozer, M.A. 1877. 7 vols. 8vo. 3l. 10s.

Edition: current; Page: [29]

Fortescue (Sir John, Kt.). The Governance of England: otherwise called The Difference between an Absolute and a Limited Monarchy. A Revised Text. Edited, with Introduction, Notes, and Appendices, by Charles Plummer, M.A. 8vo. half-bound, 12s. 6d. Just Published.

Freeman (E.A., D.C.L.). A Short History of the Norman Conquest of England. Second Edition. Extra fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d.

— A History of Greece. In preparation.

George (H. B., M.A.). Genealogical Tables illustrative of Modern History. Second Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Small 4to. 12s.

Hodgkin (T.). Italy and her Invaders. Illustrated with Plates and Maps. Vols. I and II., a.d. 376-476. 8vo. 1l. 12s

Vols. III. and IV. The Ostrogothic Invasion, and The Imperial Restoration. 8vo. 1l. 16s. Just Published.

Kitchin (G. W., D.D.). A History of France. With numerous Maps, Plans, and Tables. In Three Volumes. Second Edition. Crown 8vo. each 10s. 6d.

Vol. 1. Down to the Year 1453.

Vol. 2. From 1453–1624.

Vol. 3. From 1624–1793.

Payne (E. J., M.A.). A History of the United States of America. In the Press.

Ranke (L. von). A History of England, principally in the Seventeenth Century. Translated by Resident Members of the University of Oxford, under the superintendence of G. W. Kitchin, D.D., and C. W. Boase, M.A. 1875. 6 vols. 8vo. 3l. 3s.

Rawlinson (George, M.A.). A Manual of Ancient History. Second Edition. Demy 8vo. 14s.

Select Charters and other Illustrations of English Constitutional History, from the Earliest Times to the Reign of Edward I. Arranged and edited by W. Stubbs, D.D. Fifth Edition. 1883. Crown 8vo. 8s. 6d.

Stubbs (W., D.D.). The Constitutional History of England, in its Origin and Development. Library Edition. 3 vols. demy 8vo. 2l. 8s.

Also in 3 vols. crown 8vo. price 12s. each.

Wellesley. A Selection from the Despatches, Treaties, and other Papers of the Marquess Wellesley. K.G., during his Government of India. Edited by S. J. Owen, M.A. 1877. 8vo. 1l. 4s.

Wellington. A Selection from the Despatches, Treaties, and other Papers relating to India of Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington, K.G. Edited by S. J. Owen, M.A. 1880. 8vo. 24s.

A History of British India. By S. J. Owen, M.A., Reader in Indian History in the University of Oxford. In preparation.

Edition: current; Page: [30]

VIII. LAW.

Alberici Gentilis, I.C.D., I.C. Professoris Regii, De Iure Belli Libri Tres. Edidit Thomas Erskine Holland, I.C.D. 1877. Small 4to. half morocco, 21s.

Anson (Sir William R., Bart., D.C.L.). Principles of the English Law of Contract, and of Agency in its Relation to Contract. Second Edition. Demy 8vo. 10s. 6d.

Bentham (Jeremy). An Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation. Crown 8vo. 6s. 6d.

Digby (Kenelm E., M.A.). An Introduction to the History of the Law of Real Property. Third Edition. Demy 8vo. 10s. 6d.

Gaii Institutionum Juris Civilis Commentarii Quattuor; or, Elements of Roman Law by Gaius. With a Translation and Commentary by Edward Poste, M.A. Second Edition. 1875. 8vo. 18s.

Hall (W. E., M.A.). International Law. Second Edition. Demy 8vo. 21s.

Holland (T. E., D.C.L.). The Elements of Jurisprudence. Second Edition. Demy 8vo. 10s. 6d.

— The European Concert in the Eastern Question, a Collection of Treaties and other Public Acts. Edited, with Introductions and Notes, by Thomas Erskine Holland, D.C.L. 8vo. 12s. 6d.

Imperatoris Iustiniani Institutionum Libri Quattuor; with Introductions, Commentary, Excursus and Translation. By J. B. Moyle, B.C.L., M.A. 2 vols. Demy 8vo. 21s.

Justinian, The Institutes of, edited as a recension of the Institutes of Gaius, by Thomas Erskine Holland, D.C.L. Second Edition, 1881. Extra fcap. 8vo. 5s.

Justinian, Select Titles from the Digest of. By T. E. Holland, D.C.L., and C. L. Shadwell, B.C.L. 8vo. 14s.

Also sold in Parts, in paper covers, as follows:—

Part I. Introductory Titles. 2s. 6d.

Part II. Family Law. 1s.

Part III. Property Law. 2s. 6d.

Part IV. Law of Obligations (No. 1). 3s. 6d.

Part IV. Law of Obligations (No. 2). 4s. 6d.

Markby (W., D.C.L.). Elements of Law considered with reference to Principles of General Jurisprudence. Third Edition. Demy 8vo. 12s.6d.

Twiss (Sir Travers, D.C.L.). The Law of Nations considered as Independent Political Communities.

Part I. On the Rights and Duties of Nations in time of Peace. A new Edition, Revised and Enlarged. 1884. Demy 8vo. 15s.

Part II. On the Rights and Duties of Nations in Time of War. Second Edition Revised. 1875. Demy 8vo. 21s.

Edition: current; Page: [31]

IX. MENTAL AND MORAL PHILOSOPHY, &c.

Bacon’s Novum Organum. Edited, with English Notes, by G. W. Kitchin, D.D. 1855. 8vo. 9s. 6d.

— Translated by G. W. Kitchin, D.D. 1855. 8vo. 9s. 6d.

Berkeley. The Works of George Berkeley, D.D., formerly Bishop of Cloyne; including many of his writings hitherto unpublished. With Prefaces, Annotations, and an Account of his Life and Philosophy, by Alexander Campbell Fraser, M.A. 4 vols. 1871. 8vo. 2l. 18s.

The Life, Letters, &c. 1 vol. 16s.

— Selections from. With an Introduction and Notes. For the use of Students in the Universities. By Alexander Campbell Fraser, LL.D. Second Edition. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.

Fowler (T.,M.A.). The Elements of Deductive Logic, designed mainly for the use of Junior Students in the Universities. Eighth Edition, with a Collection of Examples. Extra fcap. 8vo. 3s. 6d.

— The Elements of Inductive Logic, designed mainly for the use of Students in the Universities. Fourth Edition. Extra fcap. 8vo. 6s.

Edited by T. FOWLER, M.A.

Bacon. Novum Organum. With Introduction, Notes, &c. 1878. 8vo. 14s.

Locke’s Conduct of the Understanding. Second Edition. Extra fcap. 8vo. 2s.

Green (T. H., M.A.). Prolegomena to Ethics. Edited by A. C. Bradley, M.A. Demy 8vo. 12s. 6d.

Hegel. The Logic of Hegel; translated from the Encyclopaedia of the Philosophical Sciences. With Prolegomena by William Wallace, M.A. 1874. 8vo. 14s.

Lotze’s Logic, in Three Books; of Thought, of Investigation, and of Knowledge. English Translation; Edited by B. Bosanquet, M.A., Fellow of University College, Oxford. 8vo. cloth, 12s. 6d.

— Metaphysic, in Three Books; Ontology, Cosmology, and Psychology. English Translation; Edited by B. Bosanquet, M.A. 8vo. cloth, 12s. 6d.

Martineau (James, D.D.). Types of Ethical Theory. 2 vols. 8vo. 24s.

Rogers (J. E. Thorold, M.A.). A Manual of Political Economy, for the use of Schools. Third Edition. Extra fcap. 8vo. 4s. 6d.

Smith’s Wealth of Nations. A new Edition, with Notes, by J. E. Thorold Rogers, M.A. 2 vols. 8vo. 1880. 21s.

Edition: current; Page: [32]

X. ART, &c.

Hullah (John). The Cultivation of the Speaking Voice. Second Edition. Extra fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d.

Ouseley (Sir F. A. Gore, Bart.). A Treatise on Harmony. Third Edition. 4to. 10s.

— A Treatise on Counterpoint, Canon, and Fugue, based upon that of Cherubini. Second Edition. 4to. 16s.

— A Treatise on Musical Form and General Composition. 4to. 10s.

Robinson (J. C., F.S.A.). A Critical Account of the Drawings by Michel Angelo and Raffaello in the University Galleries, Oxford. 1870. Crown 8vo. 4s.

Ruskin (John, M.A.). A Course of Lectures on Art, delivered before the University of Oxford in Hilary Term, 1870. 8vo. 6s.

Troutbeck (J., M.A.) and R. F. Dale, M.A. A Music Primer (for Schools). Second Edition. Crown 8vo. 1s. 6d.

Tyrwhitt (R. St. J., M.A.). A Handbook of Pictorial Art. With coloured Illustrations, Photographs, and a chapter on Perspective by A. Macdonald. Second Edition. 1875. 8vo. half morocco, 18s.

Vaux (W. S. W., M.A., F.R.S.). Catalogue of the Castellani Collection of Antiquities in the University Galleries, Oxford. Crown 8vo. stiff cover, 1s.

The Oxford Bible for Teachers, containing supplementary Helps to the Study of the Bible, including Summaries of the several Books, with copious Explanatory Notes and Tables illustrative of Scripture History and the characteristics of Bible Lands; with a complete Index of Subjects, a Concordance, a Dictionary of Proper Names, and a series of Maps. Prices in various sizes and bindings from 3s. to 2l. 5s.

Helps to the Study of the Bible, taken from the Oxford Bible for Teachers, comprising Summaries of the several Books, with copious Explanatory Notes and Tables illustrative of Scripture History and the Characteristics of Bible Lands; with a complete Index of Subjects, a Concordance, a Dictionary of Proper Names, and a series of Maps. Crown 8vo. cloth, 3s. 6d.; 16mo. cloth, 1s.

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*

δεισόζου = stinking; cp. Suidas, s. v. δεισαλέος:—δεισαλέος, κοπρώδης. δεɩ̂σα γὰρ ἡ κόπρος.

1

al. lect. σω̂μά τε καὶ δύναμις.

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